ISSN 0258-0802. LITERATŪRA 2017 59 (3) DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/Litera.2017.3.11834

LIONS, HARES, AND DONKEYS: ILLUSTRATING REGAL TRAITS IN JOHANNES MAGNUS’ HISTORIA DE OMNIBUS GOTHORUM SUEONUMQUE REGIBUS (1554)

Astrid M. H. Nilsson Centre for Languages and Literature Lund University

Abstract. Johannes Magnus (1488–1544) was the last Catholic of Uppsala to hold resi- dence in . He was also an historian and wrote a major work on Swedish history, the Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus, which was published posthumously in in 1554. The work eventually became the ideological foundation for Swedish patriotism in the 17th century. The Historia de regibus places a very strong focus on the monarchs: the work is actually arranged as a series of royal biographies. Imagery is rare in Johannes Magnus’ work, which makes it especially striking when it does occur and also suggests that it is important. He sometimes refers to the animal kingdom to illustrate character traits and actions of the monarchs. In this paper, this animal imagery is analyzed and contextualized in order to explain its implications. Keywords: historiography, Johannes Magnus, animal imagery, kings, tyrants, vice, virtue.

This paper was originally read at a con- pict them in a Renaissance work of history, ference in Vilnius in November 2016, the Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueo- right after the US presidential election. I numque regibus. Its author was Johannes had had the opportunity of going to New Magnus (1488–1544), the last Catholic York during the election itself to follow it to have held resi- more closely than is possible from Europe. dence in Sweden.1 In 1526, only three When news of my trip got out at home, years after his appointment as archbishop, and people knew that I was working on he left his home country for Poland in order a paper about illustrating regal character to negotiate a marriage to a Polish princess traits with animal imagery, I was asked by for King Gustavus Vasa and was never to some what animals I would have chosen to return to Sweden.2 A fervent opponent of represent the two main presidential candi- Lutheranism, Johannes Magnus spent the dates, which suggests that animal imagery rest of his life trying to enlist the support for political purposes is still an interesting of the for reinstating Ca- question. tholicism in Sweden as well as attempting In this paper, however, I shall instead 1 be concerning myself with kings of old Nilsson 2016, 36–49. I thank Dr. David Bell for correcting my English. and with the use of various animals to de- 2 Carlsson 1922, 1–76.

51 to convince King Gustavus Vasa himself Johannes’ work eventually became to return his country to Catholicism.3 Jo- the ideological foundation for Swedish hannes Magnus was also an historian, and patriotism in the 17th century, the ”Great during his long years abroad, he wrote two Era,” during which the Swedish realm ex- historical works: one about the archbish- panded greatly through constant wars on ops of Uppsala (including himself) and the continent.10 During the reign of King one about Swedish history, the one that Gustavus Adolphus, who died in 1632, the will be discussed in this paper, and which work was translated into Swedish; the only was published posthumously in Rome in published translation so far.11 King Gusta- 1554.4 vus Adolphus was extremely interested in This work has received somewhat Johannes’ work, not least for the opportu- scarce attention in modern research but is nities for propaganda it offered. A tourna- the object of study of my 2016 doctoral ment was held at his coronation where he thesis, Johannes Magnus and the Compo- dressed himself as one of the earliest kings 5 sition of Truth, as well as of a few articles. of Sweden.12 The Historia de omnibus Go- It is also the topic of a long chapter in the thorum Sueonumque regibus places a very 1982 work by Kurt Johannesson, Gotisk strong focus on the monarchs: the work is renässans (translated into English in 1991 actually arranged as a series of illustrated as The Renaissance of the Goths) and a few biographies of over 200 kings – both good shorter pieces by Johannesson on the same kings and tyrants – from Magog, grand- 6 topic. In 1975, Johan Nordström’s lec- son of Noah and the first king of Sweden, tures on Johannes Magnus and his work, to the beginning of the reign of Gustavus held in 1929, were published too.7 The re- Vasa in the early 1520s, Johannes Magnus’ search into Johannes Magnus and his work own time. is limited, but the topic of animal imagery Johannes Magnus sometimes refers to in general has been studied abundantly good kings as fathers of their country in with regard to different works and writers, accordance with the ancient Roman honor- from Homer to the Bible, and to Spenser ary title pater patriae (or parens patriae), and Shakespeare.8 Animal imagery is, in bestowed upon Cicero, Caesar and Emper- other words, common, and consequently a or Augustus, among others.13 It was also very widely studied area, of which it is not used to refer to the 12th century Swedish possible to present any complete survey 14 here. However, lions in particular appear lawmaker Karle av Edsvära. But on the to be interesting.9 whole, imagery is quite rare in Magnus’ work, which, of course, makes it all the 3 Spegel 1716, 77–80. more striking when it does appear. After 4 Magnus 1554 and Magnus 1560, respectively. about 100 pages, Johannes refers to tyrants 5 Nilsson 2016, 2014 and 2017a, b and c. 6 Johannesson 1982; Johannesson/Larson 1991, and, e.g., Johannesson 1999 and 2009. 10 See, e.g., Jönsson 2002 for an overview of the 7 Nordström 1975. development of Gothicism; cf. Johannesson 1982. 8 Alden 2005; Glenn 1998; Horrell, Arnold and 11 Magnus/Schroderus 1620. Williams 2013; Forti 2007; Pelner Cosman 1963; Max- 12 Almquist 1945, 1–7. well 1947; McCloskey 1962. 13 Magnus 1554, 129, 135, 146, 429, 506; Purcell 9 Alden 2005; Glenn 1998; Horrell, Arnold and 1996. Williams 2013; Wilson 2002. 14 Gillingstam 1973–1975, 273–274.

52 and explains what they are like, using an- of our own time” and goes on to enumerate imal imagery to convey the picture. This all the animals found in the title of this pa- quotation is one of the earliest cases where per: lepus (“hare”), asinus (“donkey”) and he refers to animals and rulers at the same leo (“lion”), together with tigris (“tiger”), time15: finishing it off with a reference to bellui- na rabies (“bestial fury”). The animals are Profecto hinc nostri temporis tyranni magis vtile, quam honestum exemplum sumpsisse also provided with specific nouns: the hare videntur, qui non existentibus hostibus in is characterized by timiditas (“timidity” or quos suae seueritatis frameas exacuant, “shyness”), the donkey by ignavia (“idle- in subiectorum ciuium viscera crudele & ness”) and the lion and tiger by ferocia impium ferrum immergere non erubescunt: (“ferociousness”). According to Johannes, immo etiam hostibus vndique circumsepti, all these character traits together can thus plures fidelissimos ciues, quam infestis- be found in tyrants: they can be timid simos hostes perdere conantur. Siquidem and ferocious and idle at the same time. in hostiles turmas leporum timiditatem, aut asinorum ignauiam referunt, qui in But as we shall see, there is much more subditos innocentes, eosdemque inermes, to Johannes’ use of animal imagery than leonum & tygridum ferociam, ac belluinam this, and quite a lot of information can be rabiem imitantur. gleaned from it, a task which I shall now Undoubtedly, the tyrants of our time undertake. appear to have taken up the more expedi- ent rather than honorable exemplum from The Hare this time, that when there are no enemies First, the hare is associated with the word against which they can use the blades of timiditas (“timidity” or “shyness”). Hares their cruelty, they are not ashamed to are traditionally known for being very plunge a cruel and impious sword into swift animals, as in Phaedrus (and, natu- the very hearts of their subjects: no, even rally, Aesop).16 Due to their habit of flee- when they are surrounded by enemies eve- ing in the face of danger, they have also rywhere, they try to get rid of more very gained a reputation for cowardice. Later, loyal citizens, than highly threatening en- Johannes refers to a tyrant as similar to a a emies. So indeed the [monarchs], who im- hare, prone to fleeing (fugax lepus).17 This itate the ferociousness of lions and tigers is a traditional description also found in and their bestial fury against their innocent Martial 1.48, for example.18 In the particu- and unarmed subjects, show the timidity lar case just referred to, the tyrant Iusso of hares or the idleness of donkeys against has maltreated his subjects for a long time, enemy armies. but when they finally take up arms against In this quotation, Johannes first men- tions nostri temporis tyranni, “the tyrants 16 See, e.g., Phaedrus 1.9 – Passer ad leporem con- siliator. 15 Magnus 1554, 116–117. The translations are all 17 Magnus 1554, 702. mine, unless otherwise stated. When passages already 18 Rictibus his tauros non eripuere magistri, / per cited in my thesis are referred to, I use the translations quos praeda fugax it que redit que lepus; / quodque found there (also mine), as in this case, sometimes with magis mirum, velocior exit ab hoste / nec nihil e tanta small changes. nobilitate refert. The bold is mine.

53 him, he fears for his life and flees rather company of his courtiers to doing any ac- than bravely facing the consequences of tual work as king.22 It is naturally a great his cruel actions.19 vice in a ruler not to be committed to the Tyrants in Johannes’ work are, how- welfare of his people. But there is more to ever, generally prone to flee in perilous it than just general incompetence or negli- situations, not just when they need to deal gence with regard to the duty of kings. with an uprising but also when they have Idleness is namely one of the seven to fight a war. Johannes refers to this, in capital vices: superbia, avaritia, luxu- a general sense, in the marginal comment ria, invidia, gula, ira and acedia – pride, Tyranni timidi in hostes (“Tyrants are timid greed, lust, envy, gluttony, wrath and sloth. with regard to enemies”).20 Being timid is The customary term, though it took quite one thing, but in the case of the hare, when some time to settle on it, is acedia.23 An it is used in likeness to a human, it has animal, frequently used as a symbol of obvious overtones of cowardice: it is not acedia, was the donkey.24 In fact, animal about being shy, it is about being a cow- imagery used to represent different vic- ard, prone to flee and devoid of courage – es was rather frequent.25 The mention of which is a definite vice in a king. At a time the donkey here, which may at first seem when a ruler would be expected to person- slightly odd, is thus a direct reference to ally lead his men into battle and carry the a capital vice, and, to a contemporary of main responsibility for martial success, a Johannes, an obvious one. Being a coward king who was unable to do so would, of and fleeing like a hare is definitely a nega- course, be unsuitable for his position. A tive character trait in a king, but devoting very young king, still in his childhood, oneself to a capital vice is even worse. It would naturally face that problem until he should perhaps be added here that tyrants came of age, but it was an enduring trait in are frequently associated with greed, an- the case of tyrants. other capital vice. Johannes describes how several rulers, driven by their greed, de- The Donkey stroy and undermine their kingdoms, for example Botvildus, Visbur, Domalder and The donkey is associated with the word ig- Theodatus.26 navia (“idleness” or “sloth”) in Johannes Magnus’ work. As it concerns the failure The Lion and the Tiger of a tyrant to fulfil his royal duties out of idleness, it might be rendered as “negli- The lion and the tiger are associated with gence” as well: he harms his kingdom and the word ferocia (“ferociousness”) and his subjects by being negligent of their with the expression belluina rabies (“bes- welfare, presumably engaging himself in tial fury”), which comes directly after it. more leisurely activities.21 King Fliolmus, for example, preferred drinking in the good 22 Magnus 1554, 243. 23 Wenzel 1967, 3. 24 Bloomfield 1952, 247; Wenzel 1967, 105. 19 Magnus 1554, 702. 25 Katzenellenbogen 1968 (1939), 61–62. 20 Magnus 1554, 299. 26 Magnus 1554, 102, 245, 246, 342; cf. Nilsson 21 Cf. Magnus 1554, e.g., 366, 710. 2016, 154–162.

54 When such an expression is used about prince. The royal parents are thus not only a human being, it signifies cruelty, and getting rid of a subject here but of their though ferocia can be a positive trait in own son. This naturally has implications certain contexts, its connotations are obvi- for Magnus’ role as king: he was even ously negative when it is linked to bestial worse than an animal, the natural instinct fury and tyrants. This typical feature of of which is to kill, because not even tigers the tyrant – cruelty – is found in Erasmus’ or lions kill their own offspring. But Mag- roughly contemporary work, the Institutio nus had his own son killed, so how could principis Christiani (“The Education of a he be expected to show mercy toward his Christian Prince”) from 1516, where he subjects, his metaphorical children? depicts the tyrant in the following way27: There are a few cases where this kind of Iam si tyranni quaeris imaginem, leonem, bestial cruelty is referred to in less explicit vrsum, lupum, aut aquilam cogita, quae terms, as when Johannes says that caro, & laniatu viuunt ac praeda […] (“If you sanguis miserabilium hominum insatia- search the image of a tyrant, think of a bilibus tyrannorum dentibus vbique dila- lion, a bear, a wolf or an eagle, who live niatur, & absumitur […] (“the flesh and from tearing to pieces and taking prey blood of the people are ripped to pieces […]”). everywhere and consumed by the insatia- The use of the image of the tiger and ble teeth of tyrants”).30 It is entirely clear the lion is, both here and in the case of Jo- that the actions of predators are depict- hannes Magnus, a reference to the actual ed here – but predators in human form – animals and to their cruel (if natural) be- which recalls the above quotation from havior. But when this kind of behavior of Erasmus. This kind of imagery, where wild animals is used to provide imagery predators are used to depict cruelty, goes for human beings, it is a different matter. at least as far back as Plato.31 It provides This is seen from the case of 14th century a striking difference to the Homeric im- Swedish King Magnus Eriksson and his age of the lion: the lion as the king of the wife, Queen Blanche.28 They had several animals, an image of courage and noble children, among them a son, Prince Eric. bravery32 – particularly in the Iliad.33 That During a conflict with his parents about the image concurs with probably the most fre- crown in the then joint kingdoms of Swe- quent associations with that animal today. den and Norway, he was summoned to see The lion thus has two possible functions them, and they received him vt tutius se ad from an early stage: it can signify bravery tigrides, & quascunque immanes belluas, as well as cruelty. quam ad eos [sc. his parents] contulisset The quotation with which I started this […] (“so that it would have been safer for paper, one of the first uses of animal im- him to have gone to meet tigers and any agery in the entire work, is highlighted la­ brutal beasts, than his parents […]”).29 ter, when Johannes presents two rulers. He The episode finishes with the death of the 30 Magnus 1554, 600. 31 Andersson 1943, 116; Bushnell 1990, 50–56. 27 Erasmus 1974, 157. 32 Wilson 2002, 232. 28 Magnus 1554, 661–675; Nilsson 2014. 33 Glenn 1998, 111; cf. Pelner Cosman 1963, 29 Magnus 1554, 670. 85–86.

55 claims that in the 7th century AD, Sweden explicitly linked to warfare, because when was ruled first by the terrible tyrant Gosta- enemies approach, he is known to either gus and then by the very good king Arthus. hide from battle in the hills or climb a near- These kings are contrasted to each other by tree and wait for it to be over. Johannes in a number of ways and quite clearly are explicitly says that in the face of enemies, each other’s opposites, but here, I shall fo- Gostagus was omni lepore timidior (“more cus on the animal imagery used to empha- timid than any hare”).38 The same king size the contrast between the two.34 can be both a lion and a hare, both cruel and cowardly. In essentials, Gostagus is King Gostagus a coward as a lion, too, because he nev- er attacks his equals – let alone those of According to Johannes, Gostagus was a superior capacity, where there would be king with virtually no good qualities at all. any actual danger. This is best expressed He systematically oppressed and maltreat- by Johannes himself, who describes that ed his people by fabricating accusations when one of his tyrants (Iusso, who was to rob the wealthy and influential of their referred to above) comes under a righteous power and worldly assets, for example. attack from the oppressed people, he stops But with regard to his enemies, if a war being a roaring lion and turns into a flee- broke out, he hid to protect himself and ing hare more tyrannorum (“in the way of stayed with stable boys and others who tyrants”).39 This reference is found else- could not go to war for some perfectly le- 40 gitimate reason.35 where in Johannes’ work as well. The animals used to describe King Gostagus are the lion and the hare. When King Arthus Johannes presents his cruel actions toward King Arthus, who overthrew Gostagus’ his subjects, he describes them as leonis vicious, tyrannical rule and became his fortitudo (“the bravery of a lion”).36 For- successor, was a very good king and is ob- titudo is actually one of the four cardinal viously described in a radically different virtues, but here, the otherwise strongly manner, basically as an opposite of Gosta- positive word is used in a twisted, ironical gus in every respect.41 The animal imagery sense, because Gostagus’ own loyal sub- for describing them, however, is similar, as jects are also the target of his attacks. He both are likened to lions! When it comes directs his so-called bravery against the to facing his enemies in battle, Arthus and people whom he ought to protect – making his companions namely always leonum him cruel rather than brave.37 ferociam imitabantur (“imitated the fero- However, a reference to hares is found ciousness of lions”).42 In this case, it is a in the portrait of Gostagus, too. This is also positive trait, because it is aimed in the right direction: Arthus protects his people 34 For a full discussion of the contrast between them, see Nilsson 2016, 234–258; cf. Johannesson 1982, 164–190. 38 Magnus 1554, 299. 35 Magnus 1554, 297–300. 39 Magnus 1554, 702. 36 Magnus 1554, 299. 40 Magnus 1554, 536, 735; Nilsson 2016, 199–203. 37 Cf. Pelner Cosman 1963, 87; Horrell, Arnold and 41 Magnus 1554, 300–301. Williams 2013, 703. 42 Magnus 1554, 301.

56 and bravely attacks his enemies, exactly The attribution of cruelty to pagans is the way a proper king should act. He thus highly relevant to Gostagus, too, because matches perfectly the Homeric description he is referred to as Ethnicus (“pagan”) and of the lion, particularly that of the Iliad. his horrible reign was partly ob veri Dei While Gostagus was likened to a hare, ignorantiam (“because of his ignorance Arthus and his companions, who were just of the true God”).46 In addition, he is said like him, behaved non secus ac agni (“no to have ruled at the same time as Islam different from lambs”) with regard to their begun to spread, which Johannes claims subjects. The lamb is, of course, a some- helped bring about his depraved and tyran- what timid animal, just like the hare, but nical rule. There are thus certain religious with a completely different set of associ- overtones in the description of Gosta- ations. It is, for example, a clear reference gus through the explicit mention of his to the virtue of clementia (“clemency”), paganism. which provides a striking contrast to the When it concerns Arthus, the words crudelitas described in the case of Gosta- clementia and agnus taken together car- gus.43 ry certain religious overtones too. Jesus is frequently referred to as a lamb, as in Religious Overtones John 1:29 (quoted from Versio Vulgata): Ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccatum Later in the work, Johannes Magnus writes mundi. It is hardly controversial to say about a good king, Haquinus, who wanted that Jesus, too, was clement. Arthus is, to to be seen as a Christian man, not as a cruel be sure, a pagan, which Johannes explic- pagan, and as a king, not as a tyrant: Chris- itly says, but this is only because Arthus tianum hominem, non crudelem Ethnicum, is said to have ruled Sweden before it had 44 Regem, non tyrannum. This short extract become a Christian country, so in his case, points to two things that are of great inter- it is not presented as an actual problem. est here: first, it links cruelty to paganism; Good pagan kings are usually presented in second, it suggests a link between Christi- a sympathetic manner, sometimes by ex- anity and good kingship, as opposed to pa- cluding any reference to religion entirely. ganism and tyranny, by paralleling certain There were, after all, quite a number of words. Erasmus refers to this link in the pagans who were greatly admired by the Institutio principis Christiani: he points people of the Renaissance; Johannes him- out that although there were commenda- self refers to the admirable pagans, while ble deeds performed by non-Christians, still presenting the well-known problem a Christian prince is superior through his that they were not Christian.47 Later on, faith and can thus be expected to do even Johannes actually refers to a non-Catholic better things.45 Conversely, a bad action figure, Bishop Wulfila, the translator of the by a Christian prince is even worse, as he Bible into Gothic – an Arian, and thus, in should know better. Johannes’ eyes, basically a pagan – who was sub pelle ouina verae fidei hostis, & 43 Nilsson 2016, 243. 44 Magnus 1554, 579. 46 Magnus 1554, 300. 45 Erasmus 1974, e.g., 161; Nilsson 2016, 163–168. 47 Magnus 1554, 28.

57 indubitatus antichristus (“the enemy of the them can be seen as an attempt at depict- true faith and an undoubted antichrist in ing Arthus, although he was a pagan, as an sheep’s clothing”).48 Here, too, a reference early representative of Christ, while Gosta- to animals is made, and the importance of gus’ generally horrific behavior makes him religion for performing one’s duties well is quite a good representative of the devil. emphasized. To conclude, by using a few rather frequent animals and the associations re- Conclusion lated to them in order to provide imagery, The reference to a donkey, i.e., to the cap- Archbishop Johannes manages to depict ital vice of acedia, as well as the tendency an almost apocalyptical battle between of ascribing another capital vice, avaritia, good and evil, while seemingly only writ- to tyrants, provide additional links to the ing about kings. This kind of religious religious sphere. And so, an extra dimen- sion is added to the opposing pair of Ar- imagery was actually used during the US thus and Gostagus, and to good kings and presidential campaign, where one of the tyrants in general.49 The contrast between candidates claimed Hillary Clinton to be the devil – which, in the strongly polarized 48 Magnus 1554, 477. Cf. Nilsson 2016, 166, note political climate, suggests how the candi- 566. 49 Cf. Katzenellenbogen 1968 (1939), 14. date himself could be regarded.

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59 LIŪTAI, KIŠKIAI IR ASILAI: KARALIŠKŲ BRUOŽŲ ILIUSTRAVIMAS JOHANNESO MAGNUSO HISTORIA DE OMNIBUS GOTHORUM SUEONUMQUE REGIBUS (1554) Astrid M. H. Nilsson Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami ir kontekstualizuojami gyvūnų Monarchus siedamas su konkrečiais gyvūnais, paveikslai švedų arkivyskupo Johanneso Magnuso Johannesas pasitelkia skirtingus šių gyvūnų bruo- (1488–1544) veikale Historia de omnibus Gothorum žus, pavyzdžiui, liūtą pateikia kaip pavyzdį ir gero Sueonumque regibus (Visų gotų ir švedų karalių isto- karaliaus, ir tirono aprašymuose. Sakoma, kad VII a. rija), kuriame aprašoma Švedijos istorija nuo Tvano karalius Gostagas (tironas) ir karalius Artas (puikus iki ankstyvojo karaliaus Gustavo Vazos viešpatavi- karalius) valdė išsyk vienas po kito. Jie aprašomi mo XVI a. trečiajame dešimtmetyje. Johanneso dar- kaip visiškos priešingybės ir tam tikslui Johannesas bas greitai sulaukė didelės sėkmės ir buvo laikomas pasitelkia skirtingas galimas sąsajas su liūtais: šie kanoniniu švedų patriotizmo (goticizmo) veikalu, gyvūnai gali būti drąsūs ir didingi, tikri gyvūnų kara- lijos valdovai, arba žiaurūs ir pavojingi, puolantys ir ypač XVII a., kai buvo išverstas į švedų kalbą. pražudantys nekaltus žmones. Veikalą sudaro daugiau negu 200 monarchų bio- Numanomos ir kai kurių nuorodų į gyvūnus są- grafijų, kurios išdėstytos chronologiškai ir daugiau- sajos su to meto itin tvirta dorybių ir ydų hierarchija: sia sutelktos į pačius monarchus. Vaizdų aprašymų gyvūnų paveikslai simbolizuoja atitinkamas dorybes veikale reta – dominuoja monarchų paveikslai. Ap- ar ydas. Taip kuriama sąsaja su religija – ypatingos rašydamas Johannesas Magnusas, regis, itin mėgsta svarbos klausimu Reformacijos epochoje, kuomet pasitelkti gyvūnų paveikslus: pateikiama aiški nuo- gyveno Johannesas. Aprašydamas karalius, Johan- roda į konkrečius gyvūnus, pvz., liūtus ir kiškius, nesas kuria beveik apokaliptinio masto kovos tarp arba akivaizdžiai implikuojama tam tikru gyvūnų gėrio ir blogio įspūdį: gerus karalius ir tironus jis elgesio aprašu, pavyzdžiui, pasakojimas, kaip tironai implikuoja kaip skirtingų kovojančių pusių atstovus dantimis drasko savo žmones, orientuoja į natūralų ir tai perteikia pasitelkdamas kelių gerai žinomų gy- plėšrūno (liūto ar tigro etc.) elgesį. vūnų ir įvairių su jais susijusių konotacijų kontrastą.

Gauta: 2017-09-21 Autorės adresas: Priimta publikuoti: 2017-12-04 Astrid M. H. Nilsson Centre for Languages and Literature Lund University Box 201, SE-221 01 Lund, Sweden El. paštas [email protected]

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