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EPILOGUE THIS THESIS Began by Examining the Colonial Experiences

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EPILOGUE THIS THESIS Began by Examining the Colonial Experiences 459 EPILOGUE THIS THESIS began by examining the colonial experiences of Pacific [sland migrallts \.Jho c':lIne to Qucensland as indentured lahourers, particularly those \."ho broke the pat tern of circular migration by remaining in Australia. [11 tl1cir new COllntry, tile migrants broadened their world-view and built up new loyalties. By the late l890s and early 1900s, a small proportion of tile migrants regarded themselves as permanent residents and displayed this attitude in various economic and social activities. In the mid-1900s many of these people were faced with deportation, but, as a result of their own protests and those of sympathetic Europeans, the req lIi rCfficn ts for exemp tion \.JC re liberalized. Even so, very few 0 f the migrants - perllaps two to two and a halE thousand - remained in Australia after 1908, and a considerable proportion of these did so illegally. The expectation amongst European contemporaries was ttlat this small population, \.,1ith a heavy imbalance to\.,1ards single, ageing men, would not survive, physical.Ly or culturally. 'l11ere were, however, other differences bet\.Jeen the demographic patterns of Pacific Islanders and those of tile wider community. A high rate of natural increase and a declining mortality rate helped to account for the survival of a separate Pacific lslander population. 11,i5 was clearly evident by 1940. In the years betl,'een 1908 and 19 1,0, the Islander population in North Queensland was largely a closed one: there \.,13S some augmentation of the population by migration from otller parts of Queensland, but few Islanders moved out of the region. ResicientiaJ.ly, they .lived an isolated and semi-rural existence, although mobility within and bet\.,1een districts helped to maintain contacts with other groups of Islanders. 111cre was a marked tendency for those from the same island of origin to cluster together. Together \.,11 til other non-Europeans, the Islanders in this period faced extcllsive discrinLi.lwtioll at the uffic:i.;11 and lillofficial levels, .:limed at (Ienying them civic rigllts and restricting their access to favoured occupations. In Queensl.:llld in the first t\.JO decades of the twentieth century, the Labor Party and tile Australian Workers Union attached great importance to the 'coloured' labour question: the use of non-European labour was inextricably 460 tied to botll past and present efforts to 0\)t3il1 decent working conditions for European s\lgar Horkers. There \.J8S a long and vj gorous campaign to force non-Europeans out of the sugar industry. Since most Islanders were involved in tI,e sugar industry, as farmers or workers, tllis campaigll i,ad a significant impact on tl1em. TIle lack of training for other occupations and the discrimination practised against tllem cilsured tllat Islanders remained near the bottom of the occupational pyramid. In Nackay, and to a lesser extent in other districts, cane growing or mixed farming was an important activity, but by 1940 the number of Islanders farming had decJ.ined drastically, .Largely due to the :Legislative handicaps imposed on them. Some Islande rs Ii ved comfortably, but mas texis ted a t a subsistence level, dependent On the charity of local farmers for the land on which they grew much of their m... n food. 111i5 at least sustained them during the depression years, when unemployment \... as high amongst the lslanders. During the 1930s, many of the single migrant men lived in straitened circumstances, dependent on tIle pittance provided to them in the form of the State illd:i.gence allowance. Contacts between tile lsJ.anders and the wider society were superficial and largely restricted to contact through the schools, membership of Christian churches, law enforcement and certain leisure activities. Pacific Islanders Were a residentially distinct, staunchly Cl1ristian, poorly educated, but predominant.!.y l~l\.J-abiding population. RelCltionships \... itl1 Europeans were nearly ahvays conducted On an unequal basis and mutual suspicion and hostility generally characterized interaction \... ith other non-European groups such as the Chinese and the Aborigines, 'TI,e movement of the Islanders from the 1110re conventional churches into new and socially marginal sects was an Lndication of the resentment of their unequal n051.tion. Pacifi.c [S].31lders lived an unobtrllsive and self-contained existence not only from necessity but also from choice. TIlis allowed them to develop ulld maintu-[.11 a separate identity and commul1ity solidarity. ~Iany traditional Ctlstoms and belieEs, modified by the new environment, were maintained. A generalized ~~lanesian culture developed Wllich marked tllem as distinct both from other Allstralians and frol11 their homeland communities in the islands. Yet \"hile shared characteristics generally became more important than 461 cultural differences, tllere were continuing divisiollS based on place of origin. To Europeans, Pacific lS.\.i]llciers may have nppeared to be one group, but amongst themselves they remained very aware of social and cultural difEercllces divid:ing ll,em. THIS WAS the state of the Pacific Islander population in North Queensland on the eve of \,orld \'ar II. The changes created by the war could not be easily Sllllt out, and the war had a major impact on the lives of North Queensland's PAcific lslanders. With the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour in December 1941, \,orld \,ar IT took on a n8\" meaning for Aus tralians and especially for North 1 Queenslanders. The fear of invasion was very strong. Japanese attacks on Nc\v Guinea began in January 1942 and in February Dan.;in and other towns in the Northern Territory and also ~~estern Australia \o/ere bombed. In this same montil, aLL schools in tile far north and throughout coastal Queensland were closed. In Nortll Queensland, citizens who could leave were advised to do so .:lIlci, especially i.n the fur north, large numbers left in haste. By August 1942, ,o/hen the risk of bombing and imminent invasion 'o/as thought to have passed, residents hegan to return home. Apparently few Pacific Isl3nders ever left the north, with the exception of some elderly migrants 2 ill hospital wllo were sent to southern centres. 1. For tile impact of the war on Australia generally and Nortll Queensland specifically, see ~1. Sevege, 'Women's Experiences in North Queensland during \.Jorld \~ar II', in Se~_ond Homen and Labour Conference, Vol.IT, pp.604-l3; F. CrO\.;1ey, A Docllmentary History of Australia. Vol.5 Hodern Australia 19J9-1970 (f1elbourne, 1973; repub1. 1978), esp. 1'1'.55, 56, 58-59, 65, 87; Jones, l~~~rrical1e L.1mps, pp.366-67, 369; Jones, Trinity Phoenix, pp.468-70; Kerr, Pioneer Pageo.nt, pp.1.95-96. 2. Sec TI15Bsb:l; T6011sb:l; T6JJlsa:2. Oral evidence concerning \,orld \.J;lr TI \"n5 ('ol.l.ected in the plack.:1Y, Bmo/en, Burdekin and lIerbert Hiver districts, but not "in the districts ill the far north. 462 During the South \~est Pacific offensive, many of the bases and much of the supplier; and equipment for the sea, land and air forces were located in queensland and particularly in the north. There were naval establishments at BO\.Jcn, To\.Jl1sville and Cairns, aerodromes near Charters Towers, Townsville and Hareeba, and large numbers of American and Australian troops stationed in camps near tm.Jlls throughollt the \Vhole area. From Harch 1942 all civilians ilad to carry identity cards and ration books. Under special war time rcglilations, curfews and travel restrictions were imposed on 'aliens' and many, notably Italians in Nortll Queensland, were interned. Wartime service was a 110vel experience for Pacific Islander men. Persons \.Jho \.Jere not substantially of European origin or descent were specifically exempted from \.Jartimc military service, but not from duties of a llon-comb.J.tive nature. I.t was up to the military authorities, however, to judge \.Jhether persons came under this disqualification. According to one source, Islanders \.Jere able to join up if they identified as Aboriginals. J 4 ~lany native-born Islander men enlisted in the army. Others were conscripted into tile Civilian Constructional Corps, which carried out the projects of the Allied \vorks Council such as the building of roads, aerodromes an cI a rmy camps. 'Smile' Backo and his brother John, for example, worked 5 in this' army behind the army', building roads in inland North Queensland. 3. Noore, The Forgotten People, p.59. Robert Hall shows that although official ,'1rmy policy denied elltry to persons 'not substantially oE European origin or uescent', many Aborigines \o]ere enlisted and served in the army. 'Aborigines, the Army and the Second Horld t.Jar in northern Australia', /\bor:lginaL History \101.4, Jun.l980, pp.73-75. See also Appendix D. I,. TI5llsb:3; Tl8llsa: L; T21Ilsb:2; T64Bsa:3; Hoare, ll1e Forgotten People, 1'.59; Percy Hooney, NIl<, Hackay, I, Jan.1945; Photographic Album, II, NO.78. I.n the 'Torres Strait, tile Torres Strait Light lnfantry Battalion was organized under European officers. Lack, '11le Story of Cape York Peninsula Part III, p.1SI. 5. TI81153:1; T57Bsa::J; T57B5b:l; T60Bsb:l; CrDl,ley, A Documentary liistory of AllstraLia, Vol.S, pp.S6, 87. 463 6 Other Islander men continued to work on the farms ; farm labourers and cane-cutters were ill sllcrt supply during these years. \.Jomcn in North Queensland, as elSe\olhere in Aus tralia, took on new roles during tile W3r. Increased participation in the workforce, especially by young married \';OIl1CI1, \"a5 one important effect. Single \oJomcn and married women without children were considered 'eligible females' to be called up to WQ rk by the manpm.Jc r autho ri ties. In North Queensland, where there was little indus trial employment, \·lOmen \.Jorkecl primarily in secretarial or other 7 white-collar jobs or in labouring \.Jork on the land.
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