DOCSLIB.ORG

Pontefici, Sacra, Ius Sacrum*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Pontefici, Sacra, Ius Sacrum* View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UnissResearch N. 4 – 2005 – Tradizione romana CRISTIANA M. A. RINOLFI Università di Sassari Livio 1.20.5-7: pontefici, sacra, ius sacrum* SOMMARIO: 1. L’istituzione del sacerdozio pontificale. – 2. Quibus hostiis sacra fierent. – 3. Quibus diebus sacra fierent. – 4. Ad quae templa sacra fierent. – 5. Atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur. – 6. Cetera quoque omnia publica privataque sacra. – 7. Funebria. – 8. Prodigia. – 9. Potenzialità sistematiche del passo liviano. – 10. Adempimenti rituali. – 11. Conclusioni. Liv. 1.20.5-7: 5. [Numa] Pontificem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex patribus legit eique sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque attribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa sacra fierent, atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur. 6. Cetera quoque omnia publica privataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset quo consultum plebes veniret, ne quid divini iuris neglegendo patrios ritus peregrinosque adsciscendo turbaretur; 7. nec caelestes modo caerimonias, sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus aliove quo visu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. Ad ea elicienda ex mentibus divinis Iovi Elicio aram in Aventino dicavit, deumque consuluit auguriis quae suspicienda essent. 1. – L’ISTITUZIONE DEL SACERDOZIO PONTIFICALE I pontefici romani[1], fin dal loro apparire, si presentarono come esperti ufficiali dei riti[2] patri della religione romana[3]. La citata testimonianza di Livio in merito alla creazione del collegio dei pontefici[4] da parte di Numa Pompilio[5], mostra la peculiarità delle funzioni originarie di questi sacerdoti. Lo storico patavino, infatti, offre sul punto un racconto particolareggiato, in cui vengono elencate le vaste competenze pontificali. Livio tramanda che Numa Pompilio[6], nel dare forma all’organizzazione sacerdotale romana[7], affidò il pontificato[8] a Numa Marcio, figlio di Marcio, esponente dei patres, legato alla stirpe regale, genero dello stesso rex e padre di Anco Marcio[9]. Il re sabino affidò al pontefice tutti i sacra[10], dopo averli posti per iscritto[11] in maniera estesa e dettagliata, sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque[12], minuzia che rivela la particolare importanza dell’argomento, e la necessità di procedere ad una fissazione della liturgia[13]. I sacra, infatti, come anche gli auspicia, rappresentavano i pilastri fondamentali della religione romana[14]. L’importanza del compimento da parte pontificale dei sacra non era sconosciuto neanche alla giurisprudenza severiana, come emerge chiaramente da un passo ulpianeo conservato nel Digesto: D. 2.4.2 (Ulp. 5 ad edict.): In ius vocari non oportet neque consulem neque praefectum neque praetorem neque proconsulem neque ceteros magistratus, qui imperium habent, qui et coercere aliquem possunt et iubere in carcerem duci: nec pontificem dum sacri facit: nec eos qui propter loci religionem inde se movere non possunt: sed nec eum qui equo publico in causa publica transvehatur. Praeterea in ius vocari non debet qui uxorem ducat aut eam quae nubat: nec iudicem dum de re cognoscat: nec eum dum quis apud praetorem causam agit: neque funus ducentem familiare iustave mortuo facientem[15]. Qui, tra i soggetti i quali non oportet chiamare in giudizio, dopo l’elenco dei magistrati muniti di imperium e di potere coercitivo, si ritrova il pontefice nell’atto di compiere le cerimonie, un’azione che viene indicata con il verbo facere, che, seppure sia un termine che possiede infiniti significati, nel brano conserva accostato a sacer l’accezione tecnica di sacrificare[16]. Secondo il commento di Ulpiano questa attività risultava talmente importante ed eminente da impedire il normale iter per la tutela degli interessi privati. Il controllo pontificale sui sacra era meticoloso, e ciò lo si evince dalla precisa elencazione data da Livio[17] delle materie su cui doveva estendersi la competenza dei pontefici[18]: hostiae, dies, templa, pecunia, cetera omnia publica privataque sacra, funebria, prodigia. Un elenco questo in cui non vengono citati gli dèi, sebbene la classificazione dei loro nomi fosse pur sempre di competenza sacerdotale. Nonostante l’assenza di un richiamo alle divinità, si tratta di un inventario, quasi teocentrico: si espongono le materie legate sia ad una completa soddisfazione del divino (le vittime sacrificali, i giorni in cui celebrare le attività religiose, gli spazi sacri, i patrimoni da utilizzare per il culto, la totalità dei riti, compresi quelli funerari), sia ad una perfetta comprensione delle manifestazioni ultraterrene, mirata alla riparazione di eventuali errori umani. Argomenti, questi, che riguardavano un sistema in cui gli spazi e i tempi umani sono allo stesso tempo spazi e tempi divini[19]. Un sistema che trova la sua coerenza proprio in una minuziosa enumerazione di ogni aspetto teso ad una perfetta convivenza tra dèi e Romani, nel tempo e nello spazio[20], in quanto entrambi parti di una stessa societas, regolata dalla medesima norma, di una civitas communis deorum atque hominum, secondo la visione ciceroniana[21]. 2. – QUIBUS HOSTIIS SACRA FIERENT L’aver iniziato, non a caso, l’elenco degli argomenti di competenza pontificale con le hostiae[22] dimostra che i sacrifici di esseri viventi erano il fulcro della pratica cultuale romana[23], ed il problema della scelta delle hostiae purae[24] doveva essere di particolare importanza in età monarchica, vista la cautela con la quale, secoli più tardi, il pontefice massimo e giurista Tiberio Coruncanio[25], nel III secolo a.C., si espresse intorno alla purezza rituale dei ruminanti in relazione all’età. Infatti gli animali solo diverso tempo dopo la loro nascita rispondevano ai requisiti richiesti dal ius sacrum alle vittime sacrificali. La notizia viene riportata da Plinio, il quale, dopo aver elencato l’età in cui maiali, pecore e buoi divenivano puri, ricorda il responso pontificale che negava la possibilità di utilizzare per i sacrifici i ruminanti fin tanto che possedessero ancora due denti della prima dentizione: Coruncanius ruminalis hostias donec bidentes fierent, puras negavit[26]. A partire dal periodo tardo repubblicano per il significato del termine bidentes furono diverse le spiegazioni date dagli antiquari[27], ma indipendentemente dalla versione che si intende accettare, v’è da sottolineare come da tali riflessioni emerga l’autorità pontificale in materia[28]. La competenza dei pontefici sulle vittime sacrificali[29] è confermata, inoltre, da un passo tratto dal secondo libro del de legibus ciceroniano: Cic., de leg. 2.29: Iam illex institutis pontificum et haruspicum non mutandum est, quibus hostiis immolandum cuique deo, cui maioribus, cui lactentibus, cui maribus, cui feminis. Risultava immutabile ciò che veniva stabilito dai pontefici e dagli aruspici in materia di vittime che dovevano essere immolate a ciascuna divinità[30]. Qui Cicerone [31] fa riferimento anche a due dei requisiti che dovevano essere controllati dai sacerdoti: l’età delle vittime (lactentes/maiores)[32], e il loro sesso (maris/feminis) [33]. Ma, oltre a queste, vi erano altre caratteristiche delle hostiae di cui i pontefici dovevano tenere conto[34]. Ad esempio, l’oratore non fa riferimento ad un attributo importante, quale il colore dell’animale sacrificale. Questo controllo della colorazione delle vittime, invece, viene ricordato da Apuleio tra le tante forme di osservanza religiosa dei diversi popoli: deo Socrat. 149: Itidem pro regionibus et cetera in sacri si differunt longe varietate: pomparum agmina, mysteriorum silentia, sacerdotum officia, sacrificantium obsequia; item deorum effigiae et exuviae, templorum religiones et regiones, hostiarum cruores et colores[35]. Sebbene non si faccia specifico riferimento alla sola religione romana, si può comprendere come nell’antichità il colore della vittima da sacrificare e il modo della sua messa a morte fosse fondamentale per evitare un mancato gradimento da parte della divinità[36]. Per un totale apprezzamento divino del sacrificio era inoltre importante procedere alla probatio per evitare che le vittime non presentassero anomalie fisiche [37]. Le hostiae idonee al sacrificio erano qualificate eximiae, termine tecnico sacerdotale: Macr., sat. 3.5.6: Eximii quoque in sacrificiis vocabulum non poeticum ™p…qeton sed sacerdotale nomen est. Veranius enim in Pontificalibus quaestionibus docet eximias dictas hostias quae ad sacrificium destinatae eximantur e grege, vel quod eximia specie quasi offerendae numinibus eligantur [38]. Il vocabolo rimanda ad un’individuazione della vittima che veniva separata dal resto degli animali della sua specie, posta quindi al di fuori del gregge, perché destinata al sacrificio. L’ultima frase del passo, però aggiunge che il termine veniva usato anche ad indicare la vittima che per le sue particolarità zootecniche era idonea ad essere offerta agli dèi. Oltre all’accertamento della purezza rituale delle hostiae, i pontefici dovevano occuparsi delle divinità alle quali indirizzare i sacrifici (quibus hostiis-cuique deo)[39], come emerge dal già citato testo ciceroniano de leg. 2.29 supra. In un altro brano tratto dal de legibus si riafferma il compito dei sacerdoti di conoscere le vittime adatte per ciascun dio[40]. Ma l’asserzione fondamentale è l’assoluta competenza pontificale sul culto di ogni divinità[41]: Cic., de leg. 2.20: Divisque aliis alii sacerdotes, omnibus pontifices, singulis flamines sunto. Questa particolare competenza
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Apologetics of Tertullian by John
    Identity and Religion in Roman North Africa: the apologetics of Tertullian by John Elmer P. Abad A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy Graduate Department of Classics University of Toronto @ copyright by John Elmer Abad (2018) John Elmer Abad Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto 2018 Abstract This dissertation examines the strategies employed by Tertullian in the construction and articulation of Christian identity in the pluralistic Roman North African society. The focus will be the apologetic works of Tertullian, the Ad Martyras, the Ad Nationes and the Apologeticum written around 197 A.D. Popular biases against Christians, the Romanizing tendencies of local elites in North Africa, the marginalization of sub-elites, the influence of cultural and intellectual revolution known as the Second Sophistic Movement, and the political ideologies and propaganda of emperor Septimius Severus – all these influenced Tertullian’s attempt to construct and articulate a Christian identity capable of engaging the ever changing socio- political landscape of North African at the dawn of the third century A.D. I shall examine select areas in antiquity where identities were explored, contested and projected namely, socio- cultural, religious, and political. I have identified four spheres which I refer to as “sites” of identity construction, namely paideia, the individual, community and “religion”. Chapter One provides a brief survey of the various contexts of Tertullian’s literary production. It includes a short description of the socio-political landscape during the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus, a brief history of Christianity in Roman North Africa, an introduction to the person of Tertullian, and his place within the “apologetic” tradition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
    Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata.
    [Show full text]
  • Waters of Rome Journal
    TIBER RIVER BRIDGES AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANCIENT CITY OF ROME Rabun Taylor [email protected] Introduction arly Rome is usually interpreted as a little ring of hilltop urban area, but also the everyday and long-term movements of E strongholds surrounding the valley that is today the Forum. populations. Much of the subsequent commentary is founded But Rome has also been, from the very beginnings, a riverside upon published research, both by myself and by others.2 community. No one doubts that the Tiber River introduced a Functionally, the bridges in Rome over the Tiber were commercial and strategic dimension to life in Rome: towns on of four types. A very few — perhaps only one permanent bridge navigable rivers, especially if they are near the river’s mouth, — were private or quasi-private, and served the purposes of enjoy obvious advantages. But access to and control of river their owners as well as the public. ThePons Agrippae, discussed traffic is only one aspect of riparian power and responsibility. below, may fall into this category; we are even told of a case in This was not just a river town; it presided over the junction of the late Republic in which a special bridge was built across the a river and a highway. Adding to its importance is the fact that Tiber in order to provide access to the Transtiberine tomb of the river was a political and military boundary between Etruria the deceased during the funeral.3 The second type (Pons Fabri- and Latium, two cultural domains, which in early times were cius, Pons Cestius, Pons Neronianus, Pons Aelius, Pons Aure- often at war.
    [Show full text]
  • Ritual Cleaning-Up of the City: from the Lupercalia to the Argei*
    RITUAL CLEANING-UP OF THE CITY: FROM THE LUPERCALIA TO THE ARGEI* This paper is not an analysis of the fine aspects of ritual, myth and ety- mology. I do not intend to guess the exact meaning of Luperci and Argei, or why the former sacrificed a dog and the latter were bound hand and foot. What I want to examine is the role of the festivals of the Lupercalia and the Argei in the functioning of the Roman community. The best-informed among ancient writers were convinced that these were purification cere- monies. I assume that the ancients knew what they were talking about and propose, first, to establish the nature of the ritual cleanliness of the city, and second, see by what techniques the two festivals achieved that goal. What, in the perception of the Romans themselves, normally made their city unclean? What were the ordinary, repetitive sources of pollution in pre-Imperial Rome, before the concept of the cura Urbis was refined? The answer to this is provided by taboos and restrictions on certain sub- stances, and also certain activities, in the City. First, there is a rule from the Twelve Tables with Cicero’s curiously anachronistic comment: «hominem mortuum», inquit lex in duodecim, «in urbe ne sepelito neve urito», credo vel propter ignis periculum (De leg. II 58). Secondly, we have the edict of the praetor L. Sentius C.f., known from three inscrip- tions dating from the beginning of the first century BC1: L. Sentius C. f. pr(aetor) de sen(atus) sent(entia) loca terminanda coer(avit).
    [Show full text]
  • Magic in Private and Public Lives of the Ancient Romans
    COLLECTANEA PHILOLOGICA XXIII, 2020: 53–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.23.04 Idaliana KACZOR Uniwersytet Łódzki MAGIC IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIVES OF THE ANCIENT ROMANS The Romans practiced magic in their private and public life. Besides magical practices against the property and lives of people, the Romans also used generally known and used protective and healing magic. Sometimes magical practices were used in official religious ceremonies for the safety of the civil and sacral community of the Romans. Keywords: ancient magic practice, homeopathic magic, black magic, ancient Roman religion, Roman religious festivals MAGIE IM PRIVATEN UND ÖFFENTLICHEN LEBEN DER ALTEN RÖMER Die Römer praktizierten Magie in ihrem privaten und öffentlichen Leben. Neben magische Praktik- en gegen das Eigentum und das Leben von Menschen, verwendeten die Römer auch allgemein bekannte und verwendete Schutz- und Heilmagie. Manchmal wurden magische Praktiken in offiziellen religiösen Zeremonien zur Sicherheit der bürgerlichen und sakralen Gemeinschaft der Römer angewendet. Schlüsselwörter: alte magische Praxis, homöopathische Magie, schwarze Magie, alte römi- sche Religion, Römische religiöse Feste Magic, despite our sustained efforts at defining this term, remains a slippery and obscure concept. It is uncertain how magic has been understood and practised in differ- ent cultural contexts and what the difference is (if any) between magical and religious praxis. Similarly, no satisfactory and all-encompassing definition of ‘magic’ exists. It appears that no singular concept of ‘magic’ has ever existed: instead, this polyvalent notion emerged at the crossroads of local custom, religious praxis, superstition, and politics of the day. Individual scholars of magic, positioning themselves as ostensi- bly objective observers (an etic perspective), mostly defined magic in opposition to religion and overemphasised intercultural parallels over differences1.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PONTIFICAL LAW of the ROMAN REPUBLIC by MICHAEL
    THE PONTIFICAL LAW OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC by MICHAEL JOSEPH JOHNSON A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Classics written under the direct of T. Corey Brennan and approved by ____________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2007 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Pontifical Law of the Roman Republic by MICHAEL JOSEPH JOHNSON Dissertation Director: T. Corey Brennan This dissertation investigates the guiding principle of arguably the most important religious authority in ancient Rome, the pontifical college. Chapter One introduces the subject and discusses the hypothesis the dissertation will advance. Chapter Two examines the place of the college within Roman law and religion, giving particular attention to disproving several widely held notions about the relationship of the pontifical law to the civil and sacral law. Chapter Three offers the first detailed examination of the duties of the pontifical college as a collective body. I spend the bulk of the chapter analyzing two of the three collegiate duties I identify: the issuing of documents known as decrees and responses and the supervision of the Vestal Virgins. I analyze all decrees and responses from the point of view their content, treating first those that concern dedications, then those on the calendar, and finally those on vows. In doing so my goal is to understand the reasoning behind the decree and the major theological doctrines underpinning it. In documenting the pontifical supervision of Vestal Virgins I focus on the college's actions towards a Vestal accused of losing her chastity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eternal Fire of Vesta
    2016 Ian McElroy All Rights Reserved THE ETERNAL FIRE OF VESTA Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy A thesis submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in Classics Written under the direction of Dr. Serena Connolly And approved by ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Eternal Fire of Vesta: Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy Thesis Director: Dr. Serena Connolly Vesta and the Vestal Virgins represented the very core of Roman cultural identity, and Augustus positioned his public image beside them to augment his political legitimacy. Through analysis of material culture, historiography, and poetry that originated during the principate of Augustus, it becomes clear that each of these sources of evidence contributes to the public image projected by the leader whom Ronald Syme considered to be the first Roman emperor. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Res Gestae Divi Augustae embody the legacy the Emperor wished to establish, and each of these cultural works contain significant references to the Vestal Virgins. The study of history Livy undertook also emphasized the pathetic plight of Rhea Silvia as she was compelled to become a Vestal. Livy and his contemporary Dionysius of Halicarnassus explored the foundation of the Vestal Order and each writer had his own explanation about how Numa founded it. The Roman poets Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Tibullus incorporated Vesta and the Vestals into their work in a way that offers further proof of the way Augustus insinuated himself into the fabric of Roman cultural identity by associating his public image with these honored priestesses.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Months (De Mensibus) (Lewiston, 2013)
    John Lydus On the Months (De mensibus) Translated with introduction and annotations by Mischa Hooker 2nd edition (2017) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations .......................................................................................... iv Introduction .............................................................................................. v On the Months: Book 1 ............................................................................... 1 On the Months: Book 2 ............................................................................ 17 On the Months: Book 3 ............................................................................ 33 On the Months: Book 4 January ......................................................................................... 55 February ....................................................................................... 76 March ............................................................................................. 85 April ............................................................................................ 109 May ............................................................................................. 123 June ............................................................................................ 134 July ............................................................................................. 140 August ........................................................................................ 147 September ................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Vocabulary of European Philosophies, Part 2
    DOSSIER Vocabulary of European Philosophies, Part 2 Following the publication of ʻSubjectʼ in RP 138, we as ʻobjectʼ. Yet as Dominique Pradelle shows, the dis- present here a trio of related entries from Barbara tinction involves ʻan etymological reawakeningʼ upon Cassin (ed.), Vocabulaire Européen des Philosophies: which Kantʼs critical revolution depended. Like that Dictionnaire des Intraduisibles (Editions du Seuil/ revolution itself, however, the precise contours of the Dictionnaires Le Robert, 2004): ʻGegenstand/Objektʼ, distinction remain in dispute. Pradelle argues that ʻter- ʻObjectʼ and ʻResʼ. Within the Vocabularyʼs reconstruc- minologically the distinction between appearance and tion of the complex, multilingual translational history thing-in-itself corresponds to the distinction between underlying the diversity of modern philosophical uses Gegenstand and Objekt in the original textʼ, thereby of ʻsubjectʼ – at once philologically meticulous and directly aligning Objekt with Ding, on the basis of philosophically polemical – the opposition of subject Kantʼs use of the expression ʻobject in itselfʼ. Others to object appears as part of only one of three main have placed more emphasis on the threefold nature of groups of meanings associated with the term ʻsubjectʼ. the chain, Gegenstand– Objekt –Ding, and hence upon Furthermore, in its most basic sense of subjectness the intermediate status of Objekt in Kantʼs discourse. ( subjectité in French, Subjektheit in German) – derived Nonetheless, this intermediate status is given its from Aristotleʼs hupokeimenon via the Latin subjec- due in Pradelleʼs brilliant exposition of the ʻdegrees of tum – the meanings of ʻsubjectʼ are shown to overlap phenomenal objectivityʼ in Kant. This also functions as with those of ʻthingʼ and ʻpragmaʼ (res and causa).
    [Show full text]
  • Mais Où Est Donc Passé Le Moyen-Âge ? ; Le Récentisme
    « Où est donc passé le Moyen-Âge ? » C.E.R.B.I. : http://perso.orange.fr/initial.bipedalism/25ma.htm « Où est donc passé le Moyen-Âge ? » L'invention de l'ère chrétienne par François de SARRE TABLE DES MATIERES : Introduction ……………………………………………………… 3 Chapitre 1 Les bizarreries du calendrier …………….. 10 Chapitre 2 Fomenko et les "récentistes" ……………... 17 Chapitre 3 Les cieux nous sont tombés sur la tête ….. 25 Chapitre 4 Quelques problème de dates ……………... 33 Chapitre 5 Les "siècles fantômes" du Moyen-Âge ….. 49 Chapitre 6 Charlemagne : un héros de légende ……… 64 Chapitre 7 Le Christianisme est-il né en Avignon ? …. 68 Chapitre 8 L'histoire des trois églises ………………... 83 Chapitre 9 Qui a bien pu avancer l'heure ? …………… 93 Chapitre 10 En quel siècle sommes-nous donc ? ……… 104 Chapitre 11 Essai de reconstruction historique ………... 125 Épilogue ………………………………………………………… 133 Littérature et notes ……………………………………………….. 138 Glossaire ……………………………………………………...…. 143 Bibliographie générale ………………………………………….. 149 Dates importantes en anno domini ……………………………... 151 Page 1 sur 155 Copyright François de SARRE © 2006 All Rights Reserved Pour toute reproduction même partielle du texte, veuillez faire la demande auprès de M. François de SARRE : [email protected] « Où est donc passé le Moyen-Âge ? » C.E.R.B.I. : http://perso.orange.fr/initial.bipedalism/25ma.htm Représentons-nous une Histoire de France à laquelle il manquerait au bas mot une dizaine de siècles… « Inconcevable », allez-vous sans doute me dire ! Certes, je l'admets, c'est difficile
    [Show full text]
  • Plautus, with an English Translation by Paul Nixon
    ^-< THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY I FOUKDED BY JAMES IXtEB, liL.D. EDITED BY G. P. GOOLD, PH.D. FORMEB EDITOBS t T. E. PAGE, C.H., LiTT.D. t E. CAPPS, ph.d., ii.D. t W. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D. t L. A. POST, l.h.d. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., f.b.hist.soc. PLAUTUS IV 260 P L A U T U S WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY PAUL NIXON DKAK OF BOWDODf COLUDOB, MAin IN FIVE VOLUMES IV THE LITTLE CARTHAGINIAN PSEUDOLUS THE ROPE T^r CAMBRIDOE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD MCMLXXX American ISBN 0-674-99286-5 British ISBN 434 99260 7 First printed 1932 Reprinted 1951, 1959, 1965, 1980 v'Xn^ V Wbb Printed in Great Britain by Fletcher d- Son Ltd, Norwich CONTENTS I. Poenulus, or The Little Carthaginian page 1 II. Pseudolus 144 III. Rudens, or The Rope 287 Index 437 THE GREEK ORIGINALS AND DATES OF THE PLAYS IN THE FOURTH VOLUME In the Prologue^ of the Poenulus we are told that the Greek name of the comedy was Kapx^Sdvios, but who its author was—perhaps Menander—or who the author of the play which was combined with the Kap;^8ovios to make the Poenulus is quite uncertain. The time of the presentation of the Poenulus at ^ Rome is also imcertain : Hueffner believes that the capture of Sparta ' was a purely Plautine reference to the war with Nabis in 195 b.c. and that the Poenulus appeared in 194 or 193 b.c. The date, however, of the Roman presentation of the Pseudolus is definitely established by the didascalia as 191 b.c.
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]