DOCSLIB.ORG

Postmodern Siyasi Söylemler Çerçevesinde 1990 Sonrasi Gürcistan- Rusya Ilişkilerinin Analizi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Postmodern Siyasi Söylemler Çerçevesinde 1990 Sonrasi Gürcistan- Rusya Ilişkilerinin Analizi T. C. BURSA ULUDAĞ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER ANABİLİM DALI ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER BİLİM DALI POSTMODERN SİYASİ SÖYLEMLER ÇERÇEVESİNDE 1990 SONRASI GÜRCİSTAN- RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİNİN ANALİZİ (DOKTORA TEZİ) Burcu GÜÇLÜ AKPINAR BURSA-2019 T. C. BURSA ULUDAĞ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER ANABİLİM DALI ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER BİLİM DALI POSTMODERN SİYASİ SÖYLEMLER ÇERÇEVESİNDE 1990 SONRASI GÜRCİSTAN- RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİNİN ANALİZİ (DOKTORA TEZİ) Burcu GÜÇLÜ AKPINAR Danışman: Prof.Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR BURSA-2019 ÖZET Yazar Adı ve Soyadı : Burcu GÜÇLÜ AKPINAR Üniversite : Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi Enstitü : Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Anabilim Dalı : Uluslararası İlişkiler Bilim Dalı : Uluslararası İlişkiler Tezin Niteliği : Doktora Sayfa Sayısı : xv+ 293 Mezuniyet Tarihi : 14/01/2019 Tez Danışmanı : Prof. Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR POSTMODERN SİYASİ SÖYLEMLER ÇERÇEVESİNDE 1990 SONRASI GÜRCİSTAN-RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİNİN ANALİZİ Bu tez postmodern siyasi söylemler çerçevesinde Gürcistan’ın Rusya ile olan ilişkilerini ele almaktadır. Çalışmada postmodern/post-yapısalcı görüşe bağlı kalınmıştır. Bu yaklaşım içerisinde tez konusuna en uygun görülen metodolojik çerçeve ise Michel Foucault’nun sorunsallaştırma, nesneleştirme ve özneleştirme perspektifidir. Bu yöntem esas alınarak Gürcistan’ın iç ve dış politik durumu incelenmiştir. İlk olarak Gürcistan’ın iç ve dış politikası sorunsallaştırılmış ve Gürcistan’ın iç siyasetinde uyguladığı nesneleştirme pratiklerinin dış siyasetine nasıl yön verdiği ele alınmıştır. Bunun yanı sıra Gürcistan’ın farklı iki bilgi/iktidar ekseninde bir bilgi nesnesi haline dönüştüğüne de değinilmiş, bu durumun özneleşme süreçleri üzerinde yarattığı etki tartışılmıştır. Sonuç olarak Gürcistan-Rusya ilişkileri sorunsallaştırılmış, daha sonra nesneleştirme ve özneleştirme pratikleri üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Anahtar Sözcükler : Postmodern Siyaset, Michel Foucault, Nesneleştirme- Özneleştirme Pratikleri, Gürcistan, Rusya iv ABSTRACT Name and Surname : Burcu GÜÇLÜ AKPINAR University : Bursa Uludağ University Institution : Social Sciences Institute Field : International Relations Branch : International Relations Degree Awarded : PhD Page Number : xv+ 293 Degree Date : 14/01/2019 Supervizor : Prof. Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR THE ANALYSIS OF GEORGIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS AFTER THE PERIOD OF 1990 WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF POSTMODERN POLITICAL DISCOURSES This thesis deals with the relations between Georgia and Russia within the framework of postmodern political discourses after the period of 1990. The postmodern approach was adhered to in the study. In this approach the most appropriate methodological framework for the thesis is; Michel Foucault's perspective of problematization, objectification and subjectivity. Based on this methodology, the internal and external political situation of Georgia has been examined. Fists of all, the internal and external political situation of Georgia have been problematized and then how objectification practices in Georgia’s internal politics directed foreign policy have been discussed. Besides, it has been mentioned that Georgia has become an information object on two different axes of knowlege/power and the effect of this situation on the process of subjectivity has been argued. As a result, the relations between Georgia and Russia were problematized and then analyzed through objectification and subjectification practices. Keywords : Postmodern Politics, Michel Foucault, Objectification-Subjectivation Practices, Georgia, Russia. v ÖNSÖZ Bu tez çalışmasında; Postmodern siyasi söylemler çerçevesinde Gürcistan’ın Rusya ile olan ilişkileri, Michel Foucault’nun sorunsallaştırma, nesneleştirme ve özneleştirme metodolojisi kullanılarak incelenmiştir. İlk olarak Gürcistan’ın yekpare tarihi sorunsallaştırılmış ve ayrılıkçı bölgeler ile ilişkisi irdelenmiştir. Bu bölgelerin nasıl birer bilgi nesnesi haline dönüştükleri ve Resmi Gürcistan tarih söyleminden uzaklaşarak nasıl bir karşı tarih tezi ürettikleri üzerinde durulmuştur. Bu oluşum sırasında hangi nesneleştirme pratikleriyle karşı karşıya kaldıkları araştırılmıştır. Ayrıca, nesneleştirme pratiklerinin Gürcistan iç ve dış politikasına olan yansımalarıyla Rusya ile olan ilişkilerinde yarattığı etkiler de ele alınmıştır. Son olarak ise özneleştirme sürecinin nasıl orataya çıktığı ve bu özneleşmenin hem minör hem de makro politikada ne gibi etkiler yarattığı tartışılmıştır. Tezin amacı; bağımsızlığından günümüze kadarki süreçte Gürcistan iç politikasında meydana gelen değişimlerin postmodern bakış açısıyla eleştiriye tabi tutularak, modernitenin yaratmış olduğu iklime karşı yapılan bir postmodern okumayla mevcut sorunların çözümü yolunda bir katkı sağlamaktır. Özellikle Gürcistan’ın Rusya ile olan ilişkilerini yeniden gözden geçirmesi ve toprak bütünlüğünü koruması hususlarında farklı bir düşünüş şekli ortaya koymaktadır. Öncelikle bu tezin konusunun seçiminde beni destekleyen ve ufkumu genişleten, bakış açımı derinleştiren, tezin yürütülmesinde ve oluşumunda ilgi ve bilgisini benimle paylaşan sayın danışman hocam Prof. Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR’a teşekkürlerimi sunarım. Tezin geliştirilmesinde bilgi paylaşımlarını esirgemeyen sayın jüri hocalarım Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI, Prof. Dr. Barış ÖZDAL, Doç. Dr. Gökhan ÖZKAN ve Doç. Dr. Zeynep YÜCEL’e şükranlarımı sunarım. Yurtdışındaki saha araştırmalarım sırasında bana yardımcı olan tüm Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti kurumlarına, Gürcistan’ın iç ve dış politika analizinde derin bilgilerini paylaşan Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (GFSIS) başkanı merhum Prof. Dr. Alexander RONDELİ’ye, ayrıca çalışma süresince zengin kaynaklarını sunan GFSIS kurum ve çalışanlarına teşekkürü bir borç bilirim. Ayrıca beni bu günlere getirip, yetiştiren; her zaman sevgilerini benden esirgemeyen; üzerimde çok büyük emekleri olan aileme; başta rahmetli babam Nuri GÜÇLÜ’ye teşekkür ederim. Sevgili annem Fatma GÜÇLÜ ve ağabeyim Murat Can GÜÇLÜ’ye ise ne kadar teşekkür etsem az kalır. Son olarak tüm sıkıntılı zamanlarımda sürekli yanımda, bana her konuda yardımcı olan ve bu tez çalışması boyunca maddi, manevi desteğini benden esirgemeyen can dostum, eşim, hayat arkadaşım Eyüp AKPINAR’a sonsuz teşekkür ederim. Burcu GÜÇLÜ AKPINAR Ocak 2019 Bursa vi İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa TEZ ONAY SAYFASI............................................................................................. ii ÖZET......................................................................................................................... iv ABSTRACT.............................................................................................................. v ÖNSÖZ ..................................................................................................................... vi İÇİNDEKİLER......................................................................................................... vii TABLOLAR.............................................................................................................. xii GRAFİKLER............................................................................................................ xii RESİMLER…........................................................................................................... xiii HARİTALAR............................................................................................................ xiii KISALTMALAR...................................................................................................... xiv GİRİŞ ........................................................................................................................ 1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM TEORİK ALTYAPI: POSTMODERNİZM VE POSTMODERN SİYASİ SÖYLEMLER 1. POSTMODERNİTENİN MODERN TANIMLAMALARI ................................ 7 2. POSTMODERN SÖYLEMİN TEMEL DİNAMİKLERİ ................................ 12 2.1. AYDINLANMA ELEŞTİRİSİ .................................................................. 12 2.2. BÜYÜK ANLATILARIN TERKİ ............................................................ 16 2.3. ÖZNE / NESNE AYRIMININ REDDİ ..................................................... 19 2.4. FARKLILIKLARA VURGU .................................................................... 21 3. POSTMODERN SİYASET .................................................................................. 23 3.1. POSTMODERN SİYASETİN ANALİZ SEVİYELERİ ......................... 27 vii 3.1.1. Postmodern Birey ve Toplum .......................................................... 28 3.1.2. Postmodern Devlet (Siyasal İktidar) ............................................... 30 3.1.3. Postmodern Uluslararası Sistem ..................................................... 33 3.2. POSTMODERN SİYASETİN AÇMAZLARI VE POSTMODERN SİYASETE YÖNELTİLEN ELEŞTİRİLER ........................................... 37 4. METODOLOJİ ..................................................................................................... 40 4.1. SORUNSALLAŞTIRMA, NESNELEŞTİRME VE ÖZNELEŞTİRME BAĞLAMINDA FOUCAULT METODOLOJİSİ .................................. 41 4.2. FOUCAULT METODOLOJİSİNİN GÜRCİSTAN MESELESİNE UYARLANMASI ....................................................................................... 57 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM POSTMODERN SİYASİ ANLAYIŞIN GÜRCİSTAN İÇ POLİTİKASINDA YARATTIĞI ETKİLER 1. GENEL DEĞERLENDİRMELER ..................................................................... 63 2. GÜRCÜ SİYASETİNDE MİLLİYETÇİ BAĞLAM VE TOPRAK BÜTÜNLÜĞÜ İLİŞKİSİ .....................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download [Pdf]
    This project is co-funded by the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development of the European Union EU Grant Agreement number: 290529 Project acronym: ANTICORRP Project title: Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Work Package: WP3, Corruption and governance improvement in global and continental perspectives Title of deliverable: D3.2.7. Background paper on Georgia Due date of deliverable: 28 February 2014 Actual submission date: 28 February 2014 Author: Andrew Wilson Editor: Alina Mungiu-Pippidi Organization name of lead beneficiary for this deliverable: Hertie School of Governance Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Seventh Framework Programme Dissemination Level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services) Co Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services) Georgia Background Report Andrew Wilson University College London January 2014 ABSTRACT Georgia had a terrible reputation for corruption, both in Soviet times and under the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze (1992-2003). After the ‘Rose Revolution’ that led to Shevardnadze’s early resignation, many proclaimed that the government of new President Mikheil Saakashvili was a success story because of its apparent rapid progress in fighting corruption and promoting neo-liberal market reforms. His critics, however, saw only a façade of reform and a heavy hand in other areas, even before the war with Russia in 2008. Saakashvili’s second term (2008-13) was much more controversial – his supporters saw continued reform under difficult circumstances, his opponents only the consolidation of power. Under Saakashvili Georgia does indeed deserve credit for its innovative reforms that were highly successful in reducing ‘low-level’ corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • Putinization of Georgia: Georgian Media After the Rose Revolution
    Putinization of Georgia: Georgian Media after the Rose Revolution Media in Georgia 2003-2007 The Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) is a non-governmental human rights organization, without any political or religious affiliations. The purpose of HRIDC is to increase respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in Georgia, as well as to contribute to the democratic development of the country. HRIDC implements projects to ensure compliance with human rights laws and standards. We cooperate with international organizations and local organizations which also share our view that respect for human rights is a precondition for sustaining democracy and peace in Georgia. Contact Details: Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) 3a Kazbegi Ave., Entrance 2, 4th Floor, Apt. 22. Tbilisi, 0160 Georgia Tel: (+995 32) 37 69 50, (+995 32) 45 45 33; Fax: (+995 32) 37 69 50; Email: [email protected] Web-Site: www.hridc.org On-line magazine: www.humanrights.ge Prepared by: Eka Kevanishvili Simon Papuashvili Edited by: Wieteke Daniëls Ucha Nanuashvili The HRIDC wants to express its special gratitude to CORDAID, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) for their support to the Human Rights Monitoring Program. 2 Content Executive Summary………………………………………………………………………………4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….... 7 Legal Assessment ………………………………………………………………………………....8 Central Media……………………………………………………………………………………..10 Assessment of the November Events..............................................................................................36
    [Show full text]
  • როლანდ ბლადაძის საქმე Roland Bladadze's Case
    როლანდ ბლადაძის საქმე Roland Bladadze’s Case მონიტორინგი Monitoring ა(ა)იპ „ახალგაზრდა ადვოკატები“ სექტემბერი, 2014 წ. ქ. თბილისი N(N)LP The „Young Barristers” September, 2014 Tbilisi კვლევაზე მუშაობდა ა(ა)იპ „ახალგაზრდა ადვოკატების“ გუნდი Researchers: N (N) LP the „Young Barristers” team სამუშაო ჯგუფის ხელმძღვანელი არჩილ კაიკაციშვილი Head of the Working Group Archil Kaikatsishvili სამუშაო ჯგუფი: Working Group: არჩილ კაიკაციშვილი Archil Kaikatsishvili ანა კიკნაძე Ana Kiknadze ნინო ისაკაძე Nino Isakadze ჯუმბერ სირაბიძე Jumber Sirabidze ლევან ბერაძე Levan Beradze სოფიო აზარიაშვილი Sophio Azariashvili ანა ბარათაშვილი Ana Baratashvili ემილ კურბანოვი Emil Kurbanov თარგმნა: Translated by: ა(ა)იპ „ახალგაზრდა ადვოკატები“ N (N) LP the „Young Barristers” გამოცემის დიზაინი: Publishing design: კოკა კაპანაძე Koka Kapanadze კვლევა მომზადდა „ინსტიტუციური დიალოგი აღმასრულებელ, საკანონმდებლო, სასამართლო ხელისუფლებასთან“ პროექტის ფარგლებში. Research has been prepared Within the framework of the Project “Institutional dialogue with Executive, Legislative and Judicial Authorities”. კვლევაში წარმოდგენილი ინფორმაციის გამოყენება შესაძლებელია მხოლოდ წყაროს მითითებით. Information presented in the research may only be used by indicating the source C ა(ა)იპ „ახალგაზრდა ადვოკატები“ C N (N) LP the „Young Barristers შინაარსი1 შესავალი -------------------------------------------------------------------- საკითხის სამართლებრივი მხარე ---------------------------------------- საკითხის ფაქტობრივი ანალიზი ---------------------------------------- დასკვნა ----------------------------------------------------------------------
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Brief
    Policy Brief Jacqueline Hale and Ivane Chkhikvadze May 2013 Can Democracy Take Root in Georgia? Introduction On 1st October 2012 the coalition “Georgian Dream – Democratic Georgia”, led by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, won a genuinely contested parliamentary election. The “United National Movement” which had led the country since 2004, went into opposition together with its leader President Mikheil Saakashvili. Georgia’s unprecedented transition to a government chosen via the ballot box and without the involvement of street protests was widely seen as a leap forward in its democratisation process. Yet, seven months after the election, the situation remains shaky and the initial euphoria is subsiding. The new ‘cohabitation’, between the Georgian Dream-led coalition in a strengthened Parliament and Saakashvili, who remains president with a reduced role, is proving an uncomfortable reality. Personal enmity between the prime minister and the president is a Reforms aimed at an independent significant problem, as demonstrated by the judiciary and effective criminal justice stand-off in early 2013 caused by legal system should take precedence over uncertainties in the constitution with regard to restorative justice for previous the president’s right to dissolve parliament after wrongdoings; 1st April and schedule new parliamentary elections. In addition, the ‘winner takes all’ habit, Reform of the civil service would whereby the winning party typically appoints its ensure that state institutions are neutral supporters to civil service posts in public and not fused with the ruling party; institutions and controls all organs of state, has previously fed fractious street demonstrations by The government needs to the losers and may yet beset Georgia as it enters communicate better with its public at this unchartered territory.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
    Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics Study of the Media Coverage of the 2016 Parliamentary Elections TV Talk Shows Monitoring Report 01 July – 30 August, 2016 The present report provides the findings of the monitoring of social-political talk shows aired in prime time of the following eleven TV channels: “1st Channel” of the public broadcaster, “Rustavi 2”, “Maestro”, “GDS”, “Tabula”, “Kavkasia”, “TV Pirveli”, “Obieqtivi”, “Ajara TV”, and “TV 25”. The report covers the period from 01 July through 30 August 2016. Methodology The monitoring subjects were the President of Georgia, the Government of Georgia, and Political parties. The GCJE observed the appearance of the monitoring subjects in the TV talk shows and evaluated the programs according to the following criteria: How relevant was the topic of the talk show? How adequate was the qualification of invited guests to the topic of discussion? How unbiased was the criteria of the selection of invited guests? How the discussion was going on? How well was the anchorperson facilitating the discussion? How well-prepared was he or she? How well-formulated were the questions asked? How well the anchorperson prevented the distribution of false information during the discussion? Was the hate speech used? Was the talk show audience able to get additional information that would allow them to make informed decision? Key findings: In many cases the talk shows reacted to developing news stories widely discussed on TV news broadcasts and often failed to provide additional insights. Some broadcasters preferred in-studio interviews with guests more than discussions. Many talks shows dealt with a broad range of issues in a single telecast that made discussions rather superficial.
    [Show full text]
  • Survey of Public Opinion in Georgia
    Survey of Public Opinion in Georgia February 22 – March 8, 2017 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted by Dr. Rasa Alisauskiene of the public and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The fieldwork was carried out by the Institute of Polling & Marketing. • Data was collected throughout Georgia (excluding the occupied territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia) between February 22 and March 8, 2017 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 1,501 permanent residents of Georgia 18 years and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size/type of the settlement. • A multistage probability sampling method was used, employing the “random route” and “next birthday” respondent selection procedures. • Stage one: All districts of Georgia were grouped into 10 regions. The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Georgia, except for the occupied territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. • Stage two: the territory of each region were split into settlements, and grouped according to subtype (i.e. cities, towns and villages). o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region is proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 percent. • The response rate was 69 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The-Caucasus.Pdf
    THE CAUCASUS The Caucasus is one of the most complicated regions in the world: with many dif- ferent peoples and political units, differing religious allegiances, frequent conflicts, and where historically major world powers have clashed with each other on many occasions. Until now there has been no comprehensive introductory book for those wishing to learn about this complex region. This book fills the gap, providing a clear, comprehensive introduction to the Caucasus, which is suitable for all readers. It covers the geography; the historical development of the region; economics; poli- tics and government; population; religion and society; culture and traditions; along- side its conflicts and international relations. Written throughout in an accessible style, it requires no prior knowledge of the Caucasus. The book will be invaluable for those researching specific issues, as well as for readers needing a thorough introduction to the region. Frederik Coene is currently Attaché dealing with post-conflict assistance in the Delegation of the European Commission to Georgia. His research on the Caucasus began in 1999 during his internship in the Private Office of the Secretary-General at NATO Headquarters. Since then he has researched, worked and travelled in all parts of the Caucasus. ROUTLEDGE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA AND EASTERN EUROPE SERIES 1 LIBERAL NATIONALISM IN CENTRAL EUROPE Stefan Auer 2 CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN RUSSIA AND EASTERN EUROPE David J. Betz 3 THE EXTREME NATIONALIST THREAT IN RUSSIA The growing influence of Western rightist
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and Religious Transformation in Adjara Thomas Liles
    Islam and Religious Transformation in Adjara Thomas Liles ECMI WORKING PAPER #57 February 2012 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2012 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Islam and Religious Transformation in Adjara The Autonomous Republic of Adjara, located in the southwest corner of Georgia along the Turkish border, has been the scene of a peculiar religious transformation in the last two decades. Specifically, large segments of Adjara’s traditionally Muslim population have undergone a relatively quick rate of conversion to Christianity. Whereas the region’s population was predominantly Muslim at the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse, or at least nominally so after seven decades of official Soviet atheism, more recent figures indicate that Adjara’s confessional makeup is approximately 65% Christian and 30% Muslim.
    [Show full text]
  • Local and Regional Democracy in Georgia
    The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 24th SESSION Strasbourg, 19-21 March 2013 CG(24)10FINAL 19 March 2013 Local and regional democracy in Georgia Monitoring Committee Rapporteurs: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 Helena PIHLAJASAARI, Finland (R, SOC) Summary The present report on local and regional democracy in Georgia follows upon Recommendation 157 adopted in November 2004. It expresses satisfaction that Georgia has made considerable progress since then, through a big scale reform of local government and regional development, and that the guiding principles of local democracy have been integrated into domestic legislation. It takes note, however, that the financial capacity of local authorities to generate their own resources and their discretion on the use of their finances remains low. Administrative supervision is an issue in so far as there is a lack of qualified experts specialising in local self-government audit and a lack of “value for money” audits. The report also draws attention to the adverse effects for local democracy provoked by the incidents and pressure put on opposition members among local authorities after the elections. The Rapporteurs recommend the Georgian authorities to enhance the financial capacity of local governments and to improve the financial equalisation procedure. They encourage continuity in the existing regional development efforts, and invite the Government to put a stop to all attacks on the independence of local authorities and democratically elected representatives. They call on all political actors in the country to take a firm stance and to cooperate fully in promoting the local and regional level of governance. They invite the Georgian authorities to sign and ratify the Additional Protocol to the European Charter of Local Self-Government on the right to participate in the affairs of a local authority (CETS No.
    [Show full text]
  • Putinization of Georgia: Georgian Media After the Rose Revolution
    Putinization of Georgia: Georgian Media after the Rose Revolution Media in Georgia 2003-2007 The Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) is a non-governmental human rights organization, without any political or religious affiliations. The purpose of HRIDC is to increase respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in Georgia, as well as to contribute to the democratic development of the country. HRIDC implements projects to ensure compliance with human rights laws and standards. We cooperate with international organizations and local organizations which also share our view that respect for human rights is a precondition for sustaining democracy and peace in Georgia. Contact Details: Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) 3a Kazbegi Ave., Entrance 2, 4th Floor, Apt. 22. Tbilisi, 0160 Georgia Tel: (+995 32) 37 69 50, (+995 32) 45 45 33; Fax: (+995 32) 37 69 50; Email: [email protected] Web-Site: www.hridc.org On-line magazine: www.humanrights.ge Prepared by: Eka Kevanishvili Simon Papuashvili Edited by: Wieteke Daniëls Ucha Nanuashvili 2 Content Executive Summary………………………………………………………………………………4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….... 7 Legal Assessment ………………………………………………………………………………....8 Central Media……………………………………………………………………………………..10 Assessment of the November Events..............................................................................................36 Experts’ Assessment……………………………………………………………………………….39 Regional Media …………………………………………………………………………………....43 Broadcasting Licenses Confiscated from their owners..................................................................67
    [Show full text]
  • The Velvet Downfall, Human Rights in Georgia
    The Velvet Downfall – Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006 Human Rights Information and Documentation Centre HRIDC The Velvet Downfall Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006 February 2007 Tbilisi, Georgia The Velvet Downfall – Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006 This report was prepared by the Human Rights Information and Documentation Center (HRIDC), a Tbilisi based NGO dedicated to the protection and promotion of human rights in Georgia. The report was prepared and printed with the support of CORDAID (Catholic Organization for Relief and Development - The Netherlands), NHC (Norwegian Helsinki Committee), NED (National Endowment for Democracy – the USA) to whom HRIDC would like to express its gratitude. Prepared by Nino Gvedashvili and Davit Managadze Edited by Ucha Nanuashvili March 2007 Tbilisi, Georgia The Velvet Downfall – Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006 Content Introduction _________________________________________________________ 4 Legislative changes ___________________________________________________ 5 Mass Media and Freedom of Speech ____________________________________10 Excessive use of Force by Law-enforcers ________________________________ 15 Torture and Ill-treatment in Prisons ___________________________________ 20 Judiciary __________________________________________________________ 23 Impunity __________________________________________________________ 27 Pressure on NGOs ___________________________________________________ 28 Right to Assembly and Demonstration __________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • Top Secret Operation
    TOP SECRET OPERATION CHAMMAL II STRATEGIC SITUATION After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Adjara became part of a newly independent but politically divided Republic of Georgia. It avoided being dragged into the chaos and civil war that afflicted the rest of the country between 1991 and 1993 due largely to the authoritarian rule of its leader Aslan Abashidze. Although he successfully maintained order in Adjara and made it one of the country's most prosperous regions, he was accused of involvement in organised crime—notably large-scale smuggling to fund his government and enrich himself. The central government in Tbilisi had very little say in what went on in Adjara during the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze. This changed following the Rose Revolution of 2003 when Shevardnadze was deposed in favour of the reformist opposition leader Mikheil Saakashvili, who pledged to crack down on separatism within Georgia. In the spring of 2004, a major crisis in Adjara erupted as the central government sought to reimpose its authority on the region. It threatened to develop into an armed confrontation.[citation needed] However, Saakashvili's ultimatums and mass protests against Abashidze's autocratic rule forced the Adjaran leader to resign in May 2004, following which he went into exile in Russia. After Abashidze's ousting, a new law was introduced to redefine the terms of Adjara's autonomy. Levan Varshalomidze succeeded Abashidze as the chairman of the government. Since mid-2000s Turkey has expanded its influence over Adjara. Turkish influence can be seen in the region's economy and in the religious life—through the region's Muslim population.
    [Show full text]