Science Modern

EDITED

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UNIVERSITY Toronto

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(such as ziggurats and domed ceilings) and more importantly supported (d. 546 BCE, western Anatolia) is considered to be the founder of Greek an advanced culture of astronomical observation and data recording. geometry, having noted that the angles of the base of an isosceles triangle Between 1200 and 1000 BCE, Babylonian astronomers, making use of are equal, and that the ratios of line segments created by crossing two earlier knowledge and observations, compiled the first known star cata­ intersecting lines and two parallel lines are exactly proportional. He also logues. These included not only names of scores of stars and recordings postulated a unity of physical matter as based on one substance, water, of their movements, but also constellation names that would be used and his ideas directly influenced Aristotle's theories of matter and the in later astrological theories. Some of these (the scorpion, the lion, the nature of the universe (Graham, The Texts 17-18; Longrigg, "Thales" 297). bull, etc.) would be used in Greece in the fourth century BCE, form­ Although we know very little about Pythagoras (d . 496 BCE, on ing the basis of some familiar astrological names (Scorpio, Leo, Taurus, nearby Samos) and his followers, numerous ideas (such as the Pythag­ etc.). The Babylonians recorded thousands of omens both celestial (e.g., orean theorem or a cosmology of perfectly spherical orbits of the sun, future eclipses) and astrological (e.g., future misfortunes and disasters) moon, and five planets around a central fire) are associated with the based on astronomical data recorded over centuries (Rochberg, The Pythagoreans, mostly without textual evidence (Graham, The Texts Heavenly 4-5). 905-6; Von Fritz, "Pythagoras" 224). Other postulates can be more cer­ At the same time, the exploration of the physical world in ancient tainly associated with contemporary pre-Socratics, such as Heraclitus Babylonia was roughly contemporary with a parallel tradition of (d. 475 BCE}, positing the universe as flux guided by unchanging laws astronomy and applied engineering in Egypt. Unlike the base 60 system (Graham, The Texts, 135), Empedocles (d. 430 BCE}, theorizing four ele­ of the Babylonians, the Egyptians employed a more familiar decimal ments to the universe, earth, air, fire, and water (326-7), and Democritus system, although without a place-value logic and, like the Greeks after (d. 370 BCE) and his teacher Leucippus, posing an atomic theory of the them, without the use of a zero, even as a placeholder. While arithmetic universe as made up of tiny, indivisible pieces that formed the building calculations used a cumbersome system of doubling and addition, basic blocks of all matter (516).4 The reflection on the cosmos in physical terms geometrical principles were approximated, including a rough estimate as a world ordered by constants and physical laws similarly guided the of the value of pi (different from but approximately equal to that used in medical ideas of Hippocrates (fl. second half of the fifth century BCE) Babylonia), basic Pythagorean triples for laying out right triangles, and and the natural philosophy of Theophrastus (d. 287 BCE). a set of number pairs whose ratios approximate the Golden Ratio (in Undoubtedly the most scientifically influential insights were the which the ratio of two of these numbers is equal to that of their sum to cosmological, biological, and metaphysical theories developed by Aris­ the larger number), already in use in the design of the Great Pyramid of totle in his vast oeuvre. One fundamental aspect in which he is often Giza in the twenty-fifth century BCE. These geometrical advances were, distinguished from his teacher Plato is in the epistemological value like those of the Babylonians, principally for astronomical/ astrological he concedes to analytical reasoning on the basis of perceptible things. purposes, charting the stars and measuring the calendars in order to Whereas Plato (Republic 479e) argues that, "those who view many beau­ regulate agriculture in the Nile valley. When Lope's Albumasar pre­ tiful things but do not see the beautiful itself ... have opinions about all dicts the future kingship of Abdelm6n, he is, in a way, carrying on an things, but know nothing of the things they opine" (Collected 719-20), astrological tradition stretching back millennia, all the way to the astro­ Aristotle (Metaphysics 13.1080a) rejects the independent existence of nomical and astrological traditions of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. "forms" in themselves. "It might be thought impossible that substance and that whose substance it is should exist apart; how, therefore, Growth in Greece could the Ideas, being substances of things, exist apart?" (Complete 1:1707). Although his logical method was more aimed at metaphysi­ Despite such beginnings, it is customary to identify the "true" origins of cal questions - beyond sensory perception - than at empirical obser­ modern science in Greece, when pre-Socratic philosophers of the sixth vations, in subsequent centuries it came to provide, when coupled and fifth centuries BCE first began systematically to pose questions with his rejection of the independent existence of forms, a foundation about the natural world in purely physical terms. Thales of Miletus for deductive analysis of facts gained through empirical observation. in

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astronomical

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39

of 40 Ryan Szpiech From Mesopotamia to Madrid 41 producing work such as the Book of Fixed Stars (Kitiib suwar al-kawiikib) the copying and study of numerous works of Greek and Arabic sci­ of 'Abd al-Ral;lman al-Sufi (d. 986), which drew from Eastern traditions ence. In the middle of the century, Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII and also expanded the Ptolemaic charting of the stars with more careful sent the Greek-speaking monk Nicholas to Cordoba at the request of measurements. the first caliph 'Abd al-RaJ;iman III (d. 961), along with a Greek copy of The intense research in Greek astronomy and various branches of the Dioscorides's De materia medica. Nicholas collaborated with the caliph's Aristotelian corpus supported advances in technology as well as theory. Jewish vizier I:Iasday ibn Shapriit (d. 975) and the local scholar Ibn Astronomers in Baghdad and beyond thus made critical improvements Juljul (d. ca. 994), who produced a new updated translation into Arabic of Greek astronomical tools, principal among which was the Ptolemaic (Vernet, "Ibn Juljul" 187). The greatest expansion took place under the astrolabe. Al-Farghani, working in the ninth-century Caliphate of Bagh­ rule of the next caliph, Al-.E:IakamII (d. 976), who not only made impor­ dad, describes the first construction of an astrolabe in Islamic lands a tant expansions to the Great Mosque of Cordoba, still standing today, century before (Morrison, "Islamic" 116). Also developed were the and the completed construction of the palatial city of Medinat al-Zal;rra, sundial and the Ptolemaic quadrant, used for measuring the inclined now in ruins, but also assembled a vast library of materials gathered position of celestial bodies and deriving information based on these cal­ from across the Islamicate world. As it was destroyed after the fall of the culations, such as calendric data and latitudinal position. The transfer of caliphate in 1031, no certain evidence of its size is known, but chroniclers such technology in the form of the circulation of scientific instruments of the period have claimed it contained some 400,000 volumes. Although exemplifies in concrete terms how ancient Greek scientific learning w&s modem historians, based on reports of an author-title catalogue list of appropriated and developed by Muslim scientists, from whom it was some forty-four volumes, estimate that the number probably did not later passed to Latin Christendom (Rodriguez-Arribas et al., Astrolabes). exceed 40,000 (Sanchez-Molini Saez, "Las bibliotecas" 87-9), the library Throughout the Islamicate world, astronomical learning was also was undoubtedly immense for the period. It certainly contained, along regularly used for prognostication. Even a century before al-Sufi, Abu with numerous private libraries of the caliphate, many of the most Ma'shar - also Persian - worked in the Baghdad caliphate where he important works translated in Baghdad in the previous century. not only compiled his own zij tables, but also wrote extensively on the Medicine in al-Andalus reached an advanced degree of sophistication, application of that Hindu-Persian astronomical tradition, combined and a number of figures from the caliphate and subsequent reigns of the with Aristotelian cosmology, for astrological interpretations and pre­ Almoravids and Almohads are recognized as some of the most impor­ dictions (Pingree, "Abu" 236). Later polymaths such as Ibn S-miiand the tant physicians of the medieval Muslim world. Al-Zahriiwi (d. 1013) astronomer al-I>ni.ini (d. ca. 1048) were highly critical of astrology (Mor­ was the leading surgeon in the caliphate (Hamameh, "Al-Zahriiwi" rison, "Islamic" 126), debating aspects of Aristotle's theories (without 584). His compendious encyclopedia of surgical practice, which bears discarding his categories) and tackling not only astronomical questions the droll title The Book the Arrangements of Medical Knowledge for One such as the weight of celestial bodies, but also metaphysical questions who is Unable to Compile One for Himself (or for short, Kitiib al-Tasrif, Book such as the possibility of a void or the eternity of the universe (Dallal, of Arrangements), became a standard reference text for centuries. Other "Early Islam" 124). Despite these later criticisms, Abu Ma'shar's fame Andalusi scholars continued to contribute to an advanced medical as an astrologer spread widely, especially in Latin translation, making culture in Iberia into the thirteenth century. These included Ibn Zuhr his name known "not only in Fez and Marrakech" and other centres of (d. 1162) of Seville- a pioneer in medical experimentation with animals the Islamicate world, ''but also in Spain," reaching all the way to Lope who claims in his Book of the Facilitation of Therapeutics and Diet (Kitiib de Vega in the seventeenth century. al-Taysirft al-Mudiiwiih wa-l-Tadbir) that he demonstrated the safety of The translation activity continued in Baghdad for well over a cen­ a tracheotomy by performing one on a goat (Catahier, "Ear" 523) - the tury, but by the second half of the tenth century, its activities waned. Muslim Aristotelian philosopher Ibn Rushd (d. 1195)-who wrote com­ In competition with both the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad and the mentaries on Galen, Ibn S-mii,and Aristotle's Physics and Metaphysics - Fatimid Caliphate in Cairo, the young caliphate of Cordoba sought to and the Jewish Aristotelian Moses Maimonides (d. 1204). All of these promote learning and science by expanding libraries and patronizing later physicians seem indebted to Al-Zahriiwi's approach to surgery. ·

42

mathematician emy's 39). previous of only also na<;ido/ he scientific, heir Al-Majriti ciencia

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of 46 Ryan Szpiech From Mesopotamia to Madrid 47 culture. Samuel lbn Tibbon (d. ca. 1230), the translator of Maimonides's learning in the Peninsula. Through his patronage of over a dozen trans­ philosophy, also translated into Hebrew Arabic commentaries on Galen lations from Arabic, as well as his oversight of original historiographical, and Averroes and lbn Batriq's versions of Aristotle's Meteorology. His legal, and poetic compositions, he had a more decisive impact on the son Moses ibn Tibbon (d. ca. 1274), translated various medical works by intellectual culture of Christian Iberia than any other medieval sovereign. Maimonides as well as portions of Galen, Euclid, lbn lsb.iiq, lbn Rushd, Virtually all of his translation projects, including his book on games and others (Zonta, "Medieval" 30-4). The Hebrew translation move­ (Librode ajedrez, dados, y tablas)or falconry (Libro que esJecho de las anima­ ment, which can only be superficially mentioned here, overlapped with lias que ca9an,or Librode Moamin) could serve to exemplify the trajectory and supported the Latin translation movement in significant ways, pro­ of transmission from antiquity that began in the Abbasid Caliphate and viding translators and disseminating texts. continued in Toledo. Like the translation movement in Baghdad, the Despite this awareness of the Greek originals of many well-known translatio studii he sponsored was at the same time a translatio imperii texts, the influence of Islamic commentators and scientists continued to that aimed largely to establish his political prestige. Even before his be felt in European centres of learning for centuries. Latin versions of reign began, he commissioned the translation of the widely popular lbn lsb.iiq' s Introduction to Medicine and lbn S-mii's Canon ofMedicine long mirror for princes Ka.Illawa-Dimna (Calila e Digna),itself the eighth-century remained standard medical textbooks in Europe (Pormann and Savage­ Arabic translation of a frame-tale collection that had originated as the Smith, Islamic 164). Printings of Gerard of Cremona's versions of Euclid's Sanskrit Panchatantra. Elements and Ptolemy's Almagest were widely available in the sixteenth Yet his primary interest was less in abstract political theorizing than century. Raphael included lbn Rushd among the scholars of antiquity in in Realpolitik, which for him meant, as it had in the Sassanid Empire his fresco The Schoolof Athens (1509-11 ), commissioned by Pope Julius 11 and early Abbasid Caliphate, seeking an advantage through political to decorate the Apostolic Palace in the Vatican. There is no clearer testa­ prognostication. Thus, the most abundant of his translations - and ment to the legacy of Islamic science and philosophy in the growth of eventually, the most scientifically significant - were astronomical and European learning than the survival of Latin versions of dozens of Arabic astrological works. In 1254, two years after his reign began, he com­ and Hebrew names, including Johannitus (I:Iunayn ibn Isl;taq), Azophi missioned the Jewish translator Yehudah Moshe ha-Cohen to complete (al-Siifi), Algoritmi (Al-Khwarizmi), Alfraganus (Al-Faraghiini), Avi­ Libro conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas, a translation of the Distin­ cenna (lbn S-mii),Albategnius (Al-Battiirii), Azarquiel (al-Zarqiili), Abul­ guished Book of Judgments of the Stars (Kitab al-biiri' fi atzkiiman-nujum) by casis (Al-Zahriiwi), Abenzoar (lbn Zuhr), Averroes (lbn Rushd), Alhazen lbn Abi al-Rijiil (d. ca. 1063), Tunisian court astrologer in Kayrawiin. It (lbn Haythiim), Haly Abenragel (lbn Abi Rijiil), Gebir (lbn Aflal;t), and was, in all likelihood, the same translator, working with a team of Jew­ many others, not to mention, of course, Albumasar himself. ish 'scholars that also included Isaac ibn Sid (Rabic;ag), whom Alfonso In Christian culture, this process of translating Arabic texts in the commissioned to render into Castilian a string of other astrological works twelfth and thirteenth centuries in collaboration with Jewish scholars (Fernandez, Arte 59-72). These included the Book of Crosses (Libro de culminated during the reign of King Alfonso X of Castile (d. 1284), the las cruzes), on astrological conjunctions, attributed to one 'Ubayd Allah, younger first cousin of Frederick II of Sicily. Alfonso was the first king possibly 'Ubayd Allah al-Istiji, an astrologer from Cuenca in the elev­ of the expanded kingdom of Castile after the decisive military victories enth century (Sams6, "Astrologia"; Fernandez, Arte 75); the Pica­ against the Almohads by his father Fernando III, including the conquest trix, a translation of the Arabic book of divinatory magic Goal of the of Cordoba (1236) and Seville (1248). After his father's death in 1252, Sage (Ghiiyat al-tzakfm), of uncertain authorship but erroneously attrib­ Alfonso sought to match his father's legacy of military conquest with uted to al-Majriti (Fernandez, Arte 291); and the collection of Pseudo­ activity in the cultural sphere, dedicating the abundant resources of his Aristotelian astrological and talismanic lore about stones known as the Crown to support the translation of Arabic works still left untranslated, Lapidario, which was expanded near the end of Alfonso's reign with including works of astronomy and astrology, magic, wisdom litera­ tables known as Libro de las formas e imagenes que estan en los cielos, or ture, and Islamic legends. Rather than ordering translations into Latin, Tablasdel Lapidario(Fernandez, Arte 138, 283). Like Albumasar, Alfonso he made the radical choice to commission translations into Castilian, sought through these translations to interpret "nuestros nacimientos I thus solidifying the role of the vernacular in scientific and philosophical Por su ascendiente." 48 Ryan Szpiech

For Alfonso and his contemporaries, this astrological, magical, and legendary material was not categorically different from other works that today seem like true scientific astronomical treatises. For example, Alfonso ordered the translations of the z'ij of al-Battani (Los canones de Albatenf), the Kitab ft hay 'at al-'filam (De configuratione mundi) by lbn Haytham (Sams6, "El original arabe"}, al-Sufi's Bookof Fixed Stars, which formed the basis of his Libro de la ochavaesfera. This work makes up the first part of the larger Book of Astronomical Knowledge (Libro del saber de astronomfa [or astrologfa]),which is the only surviving piece out of three large astronomical compilations ordered by Alfonso. The second part of the Libro del saber includes various shorter treatises on astronomical instruments (the quadrant, the astrolabe, various clocks, etc.) (Chabas, "Las ciencias" 70-5; Fernandez, Arte 225). As Sams6 has shown, some of these works were faithful translations, while others included original material to varying degrees ("Las ciencias" 560; "Al-BiriinI"). Without a .... doubt, the most influential of Alfonso's scientific projects was the com­ 00 pilation of his own z'ij tables, based on the Toledan Tables of al-Zarqali (Thomas). The Alfonsine Tables expanded these and corrected many l observations, blending astronomical observations from the Indian tra­ .$""' .£ dition of al-Khwarazm'i and al-Majr11}with the Ptolemaic tradition of .--. al-Battaru and al-Zarqali (Chabas, "Aspects" 27). c Alfonso's translations were used in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen­ th.. ""'. turies, and thus were also logically among some of the earliest printed ~ books on astronomy and astrology. His Libro complido was translated ·§ QI into Latin in Alfonso's court (and later into Judeo-Portuguese, Hebrew, 0... 0 and other languages}, and was printed in Venice in 1485 (Praeclarissimus u liber completus in judiciis astrorum), even earlier than the first printing ...~ of Abii Ma'shar in Latin (De magnis coniunctionibus, Augsburg, 1489). ;... :9 Alfonso's tables were translated into Latin in the 1320s in Paris, and this ...J .£ version displaced the Latin versions of al-Majritl made by Adelard of ... 32-3). The Jewish scholar Abraham Zacuto (d. ca. 1515) made direct • />- cd extremely important in astronomical thought in the early sixteenth ·a- ~ ..•" <"! century. (Chabas, "Las ciencias" 87-90). Copernicus's personal anno­ _. • ..... tated copy of the 1492 printing of Alfonso's tables, along with Gerard ~ of Cremona's translations of Ptolemy (Venice 1515) and of lbn Aflab's ~ corrections (Nurenberg 1534) all still survive today (Czartoryski, "The Library") (see figure 1.2). meaningful he

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a 52 Ryan Szpiech From Mesopotamia to Madrid 53 logical place where the first echoes of that crisis, like the "ecos de mi Beggren. Ed. Nathan Sidoli and Glen Van Brummelen. Berlin: Springer, 2014. fama" of which Albumasar boasts, resonated forcefully across all areas 487-502. of Golden Age cultural expression. Burnett, Charles. "Arabic into Latin: The Reception of Arabic Philosophy into Western Europe." The CambridgeCompanion to Arabic Philosophy. Ed. Peter Adamson and Richard C. Taylor. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2005. 370--404. NOTES - "Translations and Transmission of Greek and Islamic Science to Latin Christendom." The CambridgeHistory of Science: Volume 2. Medieval Science. 1 The author is grateful to Aileen Das and Ed Casey for their comments on Ed. David C. Lindberg and Michael H. Shank. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, an earlier draft of this chapter. 2013. 341--64. 2 On Alfonso's use of Rodrigo for this story, see Hazbun, Narratives, 52. Butterfield, Herbert. The Whig Interpretation of History. London: G. Bell, 1931. 3 On the role of the press in the growth of science, see Eisenstein, The Catahier, Serge. "Ear, Nose, and Throat Diseases." Scienceand Technologyin Printing Press, 453-682. Islam. Part II: Technologyand Applied Sciences. Ed. AY. al-Hassan. Co-ed. 4 A comprehensive source for pre-Socratic thought is Graham, The Texts. See Maqbul Ahmad and AZ. Iskandar. Beirut: UNESCO, 2001. 491-526. also the corresponding entries in Gillespie et al., eds. Complete Dictionary of Chabas, Jose. "Aspects of Arabic Influence on Astronomical Tables in Scientific Biography. Medieval Europe." Suhayl 13 (2014): 23--40. 5 This overview summarizes Lloyd, Early Greek Science, 99-124. - "Las ciencias exactas." Historia de la ciencia y de la tecnica en la coronade 6 On the influence of Babylonian science in Greece, see Rochberg, The Castilla I: Edad Media. Ed. Luis Garcia Ballester. Salamanca: Junta de Castilla Heavenly Writing. y Le6n, 2002. 59-94. 7 For a coherent list of the major philosophical translations undertaken in Clagett, Marshall. "Adelard of Bath." Complete Dictionary of Scientific Toledo, see Burnett," Arabic into Latin," 391--400. Biography.Ed. Charles Coulston Gillispie et al. 25 vols. Detroit: Charles 8 For a chronological chart of scientific translation into Hebrew, see Zonta, Scribner's Sons, 2008. 1:61--4. "Medieval." - "Archimedes." Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography.Ed. Charles 9 One can compare this history to parallel channels of transmission of Coulston Gillispie et al. 25 vols. Detroit: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2008. ancient science via Baghdad, such as that reaching the Ottomans and 1:213--31. Safavids of the seventeenth century. See, for example, Brentjes. Cooper, Jerrold S. "Babylonian Beginnings: The Origin of the Cuneiform 10 All references to plays are drawn from the Teatro Espanol del Siglo de Oro Writing System in Comparative Perspective." The First Writing: Script Database (TESO). Invention as History and Process.Ed. Stephen D. Houston. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004. 71-99. Crombie, AC., and J.D. North. "Bacon, Roger." Complete Dictionary of Scientific WORKS CITED Biography.Ed . Charles Coulston Gillispie et al. 25 vols. Detroit: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2008. 1:377--85. Aaboe, Asger. Episodesfrom the Early History of Astronomy. New York: Springer, Czartoryski, Pawel. "The Library of Copernicus." Studia Copernicana16 (1978): 2001. 355--96. Alfonso X. Primera cr6nicageneral. Ed. Ram6n Menendez Pidal. 2 vols. Madrid: Dalla!, Ahmad S. "Early Islam." Science and Religion around the World. Ed. John Bailly-Bailliere e hijos, 1906. Hedley Brooke and Ronald L. Numbers. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. lW-47. Aristotle. The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation. Ed. De Armas, Frederick. "El rey astr6logo en Lope de Vega y Calder6n." El teatro Jonathan Barnes. 2 vols. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. clasicoespafiol a traves de sus monarcas.Ed. Luciano Garcia Lorenzo. Madrid: Brentjes, Sonja. "Safavid Art, Science, and Courtly Education in the Fundamentos, 2006. 119-34. Seventeenth Century." From Alexandria, through Baghdad: Surveys and Studies Donald, Merlin. Origins of the Modern Mind: Three Stages in the Evolution of in Ancient Greekand Medieval Islamic Mathematical Sciences in Honor of f.L. Culture and Cognition. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP, 1991. From Mesopotamia to Madrid 55 54 Ryan Szpiech

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