The I Ching: James Legge (1899, Second Edition Facsimile)
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The Dharma Through a Glass Darkly: on the Study of Modern
‧46‧聖嚴研究 Xian, this research will make a comparative study between the travel literature works of Master Sheng Yen and Fa Xian’s Fo- The Dharma Through guo-ji. This paper will be divided into two parts, the first part will a Glass Darkly: make an observation and analysis on the dialogue which occurred between Master Sheng Yen and Fa Xian through their writing and On the Study of Modern Chinese will deal with the following subjects: how the dialogue between Buddhism Through Protestant two great monks were made, the way the dialogue carried on, and * the contents of the dialogue. The second part of this paper will Missionary Sources focus on the dialectic speeches which appeared in many places of the books, including: see / not to see, sthiti / abolish, past / future. These dialectic dialogues made Master Sheng Yen’s traveling Gregory Adam Scott Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Religion, Columbia University writings not only special in having his own characteristic but also made his traveling writings of great importance and deep meanings in the history of Chinese Buddhist literature. ▎Abstract KEYWORDS: Master Sheng Yen, travel literature, Fa Xian, Fo- European-language scholarship on Buddhism in nineteenth— guo-ji and early twentieth—century China has traditionally relied heavily on sources originally produced by Christian missionary scholars. While the field has since broadened its scope to include a wide variety of sources, including Chinese-language and ethnographic studies, missionary writings continue to be widely cited today; * T his paper is based on presentations originally given at the North American Graduate Student Conference on Buddhist Studies in Toronto in April 2010, and at the Third International Conference of the Sheng Yen Educational Foundation in Taipei in May 2010. -
Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa Japan
Study Ching Tokugawa Uses of and I Japan the in Wai-ming Ng University Singapore National of • Ching $A (Book Changes) The of 1 particular significance has been book of a history. interest and in Asian East Divination philosophy basis its and derived from it on integral of Being civilization. Chinese within parts orbit the Chinese of the cultural were sphere, Japan traditional Ching development indebted for the the 1 of of its to aspects was culture. Japan The arrived in later sixth than the and little studied text in century no was (539-1186). Japan ancient readership expanded major It literate such Zen to groups as high-ranking monks, Buddhist courtiers, and period warriors medieval in the (1186- 1603). Ching scholarship 1 during reached Tokugawa its period the (1603-1868) apex Ching when the became 1 popular of the influential and Chinese This 2 most texts. one preliminary is provide work aims which brief Ching of overview 1 to essay a a scholarship highlighting Tokugawa Japan, in popularity themes: several of the the text, major writings, schools, the scholars, of/Ching and characteristics the and scholarship. 3 Popularity Ching The of the I popularity Ching Tokugawa of the The Japan in acknowledged I has been by a t• •" :i• •b Miyazaki Japanese number scholars. of Michio Tokugawa scholar of a thought, has remarked: "There by [Tokugawa] reached Confucians consensus was a pre-Tokugawa historical of the For overview Wai-ming in Japan, Ng, Ching "The 1 in text a see Japan," Quarterly Ancient (Summer Culture 1996), 26.2 Wai-ming 73-76; Asian and Ng pp. -
ABSTRACT Liang Fa's Quanshi Liangyan and Its Impact on The
ABSTRACT Liang Fa’s Quanshi liangyan and Its Impact on the Taiping Movement Sukjoo Kim, Ph.D. Mentor: Rosalie Beck, Ph.D. Scholars of the Taiping Movement have assumed that Liang Fa’s Quanshi liangyan 勸世良言 (Good Words to Admonish the Age, being Nine Miscellaneous Christian Tracts) greatly influenced Hong Xiuquan, but very little has been written on the role of Liang’s work. The main reason is that even though hundreds of copies were distributed in the early nineteenth century, only four survived the destruction which followed the failure of the Taiping Movement. This dissertation therefore explores the extent of the Christian influence of Liang’s nine tracts on Hong and the Taiping Movement. This study begins with an introduction to China in the nineteenth century and the early missions of western countries in China. The second chapter focuses on the life and work of Liang. His religious background was in Confucianism and Buddhism, but when he encountered Robert Morrison and William Milne, he identified with Christianity. The third chapter discusses the story of Hong especially examining Hong’s acquisition of Liang’s Quanshi liangyan and Hong’s revelatory dream, both of which serve as motives for the establishment of the Society of God Worshippers and the Taiping Movement. The fourth chapter develops Liang’s key ideas from his Quanshi liangyan and compares them with Hong’s beliefs, as found in official documents of the Taipings. The fifth chapter describes Hong’s beliefs and the actual practices of the Taiping Movement and compares them with Liang’s key ideas. -
Mencius on Becoming Human a Dissertation Submitted To
UNIVERSITY OF HAWNI LIBRARY MENCIUS ON BECOMING HUMAN A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PHILOSOPHY DECEMBER 2002 By James P. Behuniak Dissertation Committee: Roger Ames, Chairperson Eliot Deutsch James Tiles Edward Davis Steve Odin Joseph Grange 11 ©2002 by James Behuniak, Jr. iii For my Family. IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With support from the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Hawai'i, the Harvard-Yenching Institute at Harvard University, and the Office of International Relations at Peking University, much of this work was completed as a Visiting Research Scholar at Peking Univeristy over the academic year 2001-2002. Peking University was an ideal place to work and I am very grateful for the support of these institutions. I thank Roger Ames for several years of instruction, encouragement, generosity, and friendship, as well as for many hours of conversation. I also thank the Ames family, Roger, Bonney, and Austin, for their hospitality in Beijing. I thank Geir Sigurdsson for being the best friend that a dissertation writer could ever hope for. Geir was also in Beijing and read and commented on the manuscript. I thank my committee members for comments and recommendations submitted over the course of this work. lowe a lot to Jim Tiles for prompting me to think through the subtler components of my argument. I take full responsibility for any remaining weaknesses that carry over into this draft. I thank my additional member, Joseph Grange, who has been a mentor and friend for many years. -
Confucian Relics: Practices and Material Forms
Confucian Relics: Practices and Material Forms Julia K Murray Professor Emerita, University of Wisconsin Associate in Research, Harvard University Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies [email protected] 31 January 2019 Collège de France Set of nested reliquaries, made of various media, with a relic of the Buddha in the smallest one From the underground chamber of the Famensi pagoda, Fufeng, Shaanxi province, China 9th c. gilt-silver repousée gold “Namaste Dagoba” Fufeng, Shaanxi province, China (completed in 2009) Portrait of Confucius (551-479 BC) Titled Ultimate Sage and First Teacher 至聖先師 Inscription by Prince Guo (Yongli) dated 1734 Rubbing of a carved stone tablet in the Beilin (Forest of Steles) Xi’an, China “Stone Classics” Han dynasty, 2nd c. Fragments from Xiping Stone Classics Qing dynasty, 18th c Guozijian Beijing JI http://www.zdic.net/z/25/js/8E5F.htm “Sweet-pear” (Gan tang 甘棠 ) 蔽芾甘棠、勿翦勿伐、召伯所茇。 [This] umbrageous sweet pear-tree; Clip it not, hew it not down. Under it the chief of Shao lodged. 蔽芾甘棠、勿翦勿敗、召伯所憩。 [This] umbrageous sweet pear-tree; Clip it not, break not a twig of it. Under it the chief of Shao rested. 蔽芾甘棠、勿翦勿拜、召伯所說。 [This] umbrageous sweet pear-tree; Clip it not, bend not a twig of it. Under it the chief of Shao halted. Translation from James Legge, The Chinese Classics v. 4: The She King or Book of Poetry (Oxford, 1898), p 26. Commemorative stele in Linzi 臨淄 , Shandong, marking the place where Confucius heard the Shao music The photographer Mei Qingji made a pilgrimage to retrace Confucius’s travels and documented all the sites in exhibitions and a book Kong Cemetery (Konglin) in Qufu, marking the grave of Confucius and many others Queli guangzhi 闕里廣誌 (Expanded gazetteer of Queli), 17th c. -
ABSTRACT Title of Document: the ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN
ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN DURING THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, AUGUST 1966-JANUARY 1967 Zehao Zhou, Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Directed By: Professor James Gao, Department of History This dissertation examines the attacks on the Three Kong Sites (Confucius Temple, Confucius Mansion, Confucius Cemetery) in Confucius’s birthplace Qufu, Shandong Province at the start of the Cultural Revolution. During the height of the campaign against the Four Olds in August 1966, Qufu’s local Red Guards attempted to raid the Three Kong Sites but failed. In November 1966, Beijing Red Guards came to Qufu and succeeded in attacking the Three Kong Sites and leveling Confucius’s tomb. In January 1967, Qufu peasants thoroughly plundered the Confucius Cemetery for buried treasures. This case study takes into consideration all related participants and circumstances and explores the complicated events that interwove dictatorship with anarchy, physical violence with ideological abuse, party conspiracy with mass mobilization, cultural destruction with revolutionary indo ctrination, ideological vandalism with acquisitive vandalism, and state violence with popular violence. This study argues that the violence against the Three Kong Sites was not a typical episode of the campaign against the Four Olds with outside Red Guards as the principal actors but a complex process involving multiple players, intraparty strife, Red Guard factionalism, bureaucratic plight, peasant opportunism, social ecology, and ever- evolving state-society relations. This study also maintains that Qufu locals’ initial protection of the Three Kong Sites and resistance to the Red Guards were driven more by their bureaucratic obligations and self-interest rather than by their pride in their cultural heritage. -
Tracing Confucianism in Contemporary China
TRACING CONFUCIANISM IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA Ruichang Wang and Ruiping Fan Abstract: With the reform and opening policy implemented by the Chinese government since the late 1970s, mainland China has witnessed a sustained resurgence of Confucianism first in academic studies and then in social practices. This essay traces the development of this resurgence and demonstrates how the essential elements and authentic moral and intellectual resources of long-standing Confucian culture have been recovered in scholarly concerns, ordinary ideas, and everyday life activities. We first introduce how the Modern New Confucianism reappeared in mainland China in the three groups of the Chinese scholars in the Confucian studies in the 1980s and early 1990s. Then we describe how a group of innovative mainland Confucian thinkers has since the mid-1990s come of age launching new versions of Confucian thought differing from that of the overseas New Confucians and their forefathers, followed by our summary of public Confucian pursuits and activities in the mainland society in the recent decade. Finally, we provide a few concluding remarks about the difficulties encountered in the Confucian development and our general expectations for future. 1 Introduction Confucianism is not just a philosophical doctrine constructed by Confucius (551- 479BCE) and developed by his followers. It is more like a religion in the general sense. In fact, Confucius took himself as a cultural transmitter rather than a creator (cf. Analects 7.1, 7.20), inheriting the Sinic culture that had long existed before him.2 Dr. RUICHANG WANG, Professor, School of Culture & Communications, Capital university of Economics and Business. Emai: [email protected]. -
The Book of Changes As a Mirror of the Mind: the Evolution of the Zhouyi in China and Beyond1
i i i i The Book of Changes as a Mirror of the Mind: The Evolution of the Zhouyi in China and Beyond1 Richard J. Smith (司馬富) George and Nancy Rupp Professor of Humanities and Professor of History Rice University April 10-12, 2009 Paper for the Fourth International Conference of Analytical Psychology and Chinese Culture, Fudan University, Shang- hai, PRC. 1 Portions of this paper have been drawn from Richard J. Smith, Fathom- ing the Cosmos and Ordering the World: The Yijing (I-Ching, or Classic of Changes) and Its Evolution in China (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008) The rest of it is based on my ongoing work on a companion volume, tentatively Eternal Writ: The Globalization of the Yijing (I Ching or Classic of Changes). 1 i i i i i i i i The Book of Changes as a Mirror of the Mind I. Introduction A nineteenth century Chinese commentary on the Yijing (易經; aka I Ching) states succinctly: “The Changes is the mirror of men’s minds” (易者人心之鏡也).”2 In other words, there are as many versions of the Yijing as there are readers of the docu- ment and commentators upon it.3 According to the editors of late imperial China’s most important literary compilation, the Complete Collection of the Four Treasuries (四庫全書; here- after, the Four Treasuries), interpreting the Yijing is like play- ing chess, no two games are alike, and there are infinite possi- bilities.4 This was especially the case because the Classic of Changes was not merely a book of wisdom; it was also a div- inatory text, a cryptic and often highly personal guide to “the mind of Heaven” (天心).5 Over the course of more than two millennia, thousands of commentaries were written on the Changes, each reflecting a distinctive technical, philological, religious, philosophical, lit- erary, social or political point of view.6 Interpretive variables 2 何毓福, 易鏡 (n.p. -
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International Conference on Humanities and Social Science (HSS 2016) Studies on English Translation of Shijing in China: From Language to Culture 1 2,* Yan-Hua WANG and Pei-Xi HUANG 1Shanghai Technical Institute of Electronics and Technology, Fudan University, Fengxian District, Shanghai, China 2College of foreign languages,Donghua University, Shanghai, China *Corresponding author Keywords: Shijing, English translation, Cultural consciousness. Abstract.Studies on English translation of Shijing have undergone three phases in China. It begins with introductions of English versions and their translators as well as comparisons between them; the second phase features in the theoretical attempt of translational strategies. The first two phases stress more language or translation theories than cultures. The third is characterized by cross-cultural, interdisciplinary and multidimensional research on English translation of Shijing. Meanwhile, new translational theories and historical literature offer new perspectives for studies on English translation of Shijing, which enhances its cross-cultural research in the new era. Introduction English translation of Shijing can be dated back to the eighteenth century. It is believed that English translation of Shijing was initiated by Sir William Jones, a British orientalist and translator, who was interested in Chinese culture and attempted to translate some poems in Shijing into English.[1] His work marked the beginning of Shijing going into the English world and studies on it have been continuously carried on ever since. Compared with overseas research on the English translation of Shijing, its studies in China began much later. Recent literature reveals that most studies did not begin until 1980s. Chinese studies on English translation of Shijing can be divided into three phases: introduction of English versions and their translators in the first phrase, theoretical attempts in the second and cross-cultural, interdisciplinary and multidimensional studies in the third. -
International Bulletin of Missionary Research Cumulative Index, Volumes 25–28
International Bulletin of Missionary Research Cumulative Index, Volumes 25–28 January 2001 through October 2004 Vol. 25 is 2001; 26 is 2002; 27 is 2003; 28 is 2004 (pp. 1-48 are in the January issue; pp. 49-96 are in the April issue; pp. 97-144 are in the July issue; pp. 145-92 are in the October issue, 2001-3; and pp. 145-200 are in the October 2004 issue) Articles “Adrian Hastings Remembered,” by Kevin Ward, 25:150–51 Dayton, Edward R. [obituary], 26:121 “After The Next Christendom,” by Philip Jenkins, 28:20–22 “Degree-Granting Institutions Here Represented, with the Number of “Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2001,” by David B. Barrett Doctoral Dissertations from Each,” by Stanley H. Skreslet, 27:102–3 and Todd M. Johnson, 25:24–25 Deyneka, Peter, Jr. [obituary], 25:82 “Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2002,” by David B. Barrett “Dissertations Listed Alphabetically by Author,” by Stanley H. Skreslet, and Todd M. Johnson, 26:22–23 27:104–24 “Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2003,” by David B. Barrett “Doctoral Dissertations on Mission: Ten-Year Update, 1992–2001” and Todd M. Johnson, 27:24–25 [editorial], 27:97 “Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2004,” by David B. Barrett “Doctoral Dissertations on Mission: Ten-Year Update, 1992–2001,” by and Todd M. Johnson, 28:24–25 Stanley H. Skreslet, 27:98–102 “Arabic Antimissionary Treatises: A Select Annotated Bibliography,” by “Ecclesiastical Cartography and the Invisible Continent,” by Jonathan J. Heather J. Sharkey, 28:104–6 Bonk, 28:153 “Arabic Antimissionary Treatises: Muslim Responses to Christian “Evangelism and Proselytism in Russia: Synonyms or Antonyms?” by Evangelism in the Modern Middle East,” by Heather J. -
The Legacy of Robert Morrison J
The Legacy of Robert Morrison J. Barton Starr hen asked in 1807 by an American merchant if he really United States because of the East India Company's prohibition W expected to "make an impression on the idolatry of the on missionaries in China. On April 18 he arrived in the United Great Chinese Empire," Robert Morrison replied, "No, sir, I States, where the famous incident cited in the opening of this expect God will." This well-known exchange, related by Isabella article took place. Morrison enjoyed his time in the United States Graham,epitomizesMorrison'sapproachto his missionto China.' and made acquaintances in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston As the pioneer Protestant missionary to a country closed to who would become lifelong correspondents and supporters of mission work (both by the Chinese government and by the his work. On May 12 he sailed from New York on board the British East India Company), Morrison knew that his work Trident, arriving in Canton on September 6, 1807.6 would be that of a forerunner. He knew that he would have little As it was illegal for him to be in Canton as a missionary, he opportunity to preach the Gospel or to shepherd converts into first lived in the American Factory"where he undertook the task the sheepfold of God's kingdom. But he also clearlybelieved that of learning the Chinese language. Because it was a crime punish God had called him to prepare the way for others who would able by death for a Chinese person to teach a foreigner the follow in his footsteps. -
Ban Zhao: Scholar of Han Dynasty China
http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/9.1/lee.html From World History Connected Vol. 9, Issue 1. Viewed August 24, 2016 14:17 EDT Ban Zhao: Scholar of Han Dynasty China Yuen Ting Lee A woman (ought to) have four qualifications: (1) womanly virtue; (2) womanly words; (3) womanly bearing; and (4) womanly work. Now what is called womanly virtue need not be brilliant ability, exceptionally different from others. Womanly words need be neither clever in debate nor keen in conversation. Womanly appearance requires neither a pretty nor a perfect face and form. Womanly work need not be work done more skilfully than that of others. (Ban Zhao, Lessons for Women, chapter IV; translated by Nancy Swann) Ban Zhao (c. 45–120) was the first woman historian of China. She is known for her contributions to a masterpiece of Chinese historical writing, Han Shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty) and to an extant classic of Chinese women's education, Nü Jie (Lessons for Women or Admonitions for Women). Her works became standard reference for the education of daughters from Han China through the Qing period and, along with her other literary and educational accomplishments, won her the respectful traditional title of the "Venerable Madame Cao."1 Despite her scholarly contributions to Han China and to succeeding dynasties, Ban Zhao has not attracted much attention from Western scholars. Nancy Lee Swann wrote a much reprinted biography of Ban Zhao in 1932, but only recently has her career found its way into several publications in English.2 According to Paul Goldin, this revival of interest is attributable to the increasing importance of Chinese gender studies as a field of academic inquiry in general.3 If so, this current wave of interest is typical of the fluctuations in appreciation of her work over the centuries.