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• And why not? The mind of man is capable of anything—because everything is in it, all the past as well as all the future... Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness
32 AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS*
he assassination of President Kennedy was about survival, power, and Tdangerous secrets. It was a backlash against the Kennedy brothers for what they were intent on accomplishing. The seeds of the plot to kill John Kennedy began to grow because he and his brother were determined to seize control of the power structure in the United States. This objective included the de- struction of organized crime_ President Kennedy was also deter- mined to assert his constitutional power as president to control the military and the CIA. These people had been allowed to operate with little presidential control since the end of World War II. Also, President Kennedy had reached a decision to drop Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover from government roles. Be- cause of their corrupt and bizarre backgrounds, which would have been exposed, this would have been a personal catastrophe for both Johnson and Hoover. But the Kennedys tragically underestimated the reaction and power of those whom they threatened. The Mafia joined forces with a few Kennedy haters from the CIA, radical anti-Castro Cuban exiles, and others in the extreme right wing, both civilian and military. A plan was formulated to as- sassinate the president. The plan included tactics to make it appear that the assassination was the work of a deranged Communist linked to Fidel Castro or the Soviet Union.
*These conclusions, my opinions, are greatly simplified; for details of proof, the text must be studied with diligence. Each reader should reach his or her own conclusions.
832 AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 833
Hoover and Johnson were brought into the plot. Their role was to prevent a serious investigation of the crime. The resulting combi- nation of forces became unstoppable because Johnson and Hoover- controlled the law itself. The assassination accomplished several purposes for the con- spirators: First, those who were being directly threatened by the Kennedys were saved from imprisonment or disgrace; second, the political power center of the United States shifted from the liberal Northeast to the conservative Southwest; and third, the nation's anti-Communist paranoia was accommodated.
*** There was no government agency or civilian organization behind the plot; only individuals. The combination of J. Edgar Hoover, H. L. Hunt, and Lyndon Johnson—all in the plot—had the blackmail, the money, and the po- litical power to see to it that the crime would never be seriously in- vestigated. The FBI investigation was a sham. Although the plot seemingly involved a large number of peo- ple, most were on the fringes and did not know what they were involved in. Many were deceived into believing that they were in anti-Castro operations. Very likely hundreds of powerful people were glad to see it happen; some even expected it. But only three or four key people needed to know the full nature of the plot. Even Johnson and Hoover did not need to know the details—just their roles in a cover-up if required of them. By the use of cut-outs the money providers did not need to know who did the job and the assassins didn't need to know the source of the money. Those who set up Oswald didn't need to know for what purpose. The shooters from the School Book Depository didn't need to know about the shooters from the grassy knoll. The assassination was a mystery even to some of those who financed it and almost certainly to those who did the shooting.
It was not possible for the plotters to keep their plans secret. It was leaking like a sieve; time had run out. Action had to be taken in Dallas despite the fact that Dallas right wingers would be the first suspects. Earlier plans to assassinate Kennedy in Miami, Chicago, and Los Angeles had fallen through. Kennedy had to be killed in Dallas. With all of the leaks, it was bound to be picked up by the Kennedy family or the news media unless Johnson and Hoover 834 BLOODY TREASON
took over the government very soon and permitted ruthless silenc- ing of those who were talking, by murder if necessary, to set an ex- ample of what would happen to others. The conspirators were already guilty of treason, having met and conspired to kill the presi- dent. So the detailed logistics of the shooting had to be finalized within the last few weeks before the fatal event, perhaps explaining some of the things that went wrong. Solid evidence shows that no fewer than nine people told oth- ers, before November 22, 1963, that Kennedy would be assassinated. These were: Joseph Milteer, Homer Eschevarria, Rose Cheramie, Richard Case Nagell, Eugene Dinkin, one of the visitors to Silvia Odio, Jimmy Hoffa, Santo Trafficante, and Carlos Marcello. This evi- dence was not acted upon because all of it went through J. Edgar Hoover or the Secret Service, who either buried it or failed to take action to protect the president when he went to Dallas. Eugene Dinkin predicted that it would be in November 1963, in Texas, would be a right-wing/U.S. military plot, and that it would be blamed on a communist or a "Negro." That is exactly what happened. The assassination was a right-wing plot, did occur in November 1963 in Texas, did include individuals in CIA/military intelligence, and there was fabricated evidence of a meeting in the Cuban Consulate in Mexico City, in which it was falsely reported that Castro's Cubans handed to the "communist" Oswald and a "Negro," $6,500 to assassinate President Kennedy. And Joseph Milteer predicted that it would be a plot by the "patriots," would take place in November 1963, would be by rifle fire from a tall building, and someone would be picked up to throw the public off the track. That also is what happened.
The prime scientific evidence tying the conspiracy to government officials in Washington is the alteration of the Zapruder film and the alteration of the autopsy x-rays. These and other forgeries were done on a massive scale. There is no way that all of these actions could have been accomplished without the involvement of the Secret Service, the FBI, and government officials—going all the way to Lyndon Johnson. Other crucial evidence that ties the crime to high officials involves (1) the incredible vanishing brain; and (2) the theft of Kennedy's body followed by surgery on the head to remove baths- tic evidence of a second gunman. This is the most difficult evidence for many to accept. Nevertheless, the evidence of the switching of AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 835
Kennedy's body from the bronze ceremonial casket to a shipping casket; the evidence that the body was delivered secretly to the rear of Bethesda Naval Hospital; and the evidence that photographs of the brain in the National Archives are not of Kennedy's brain, leave no other tenable conclusion. A trial by an impartial and discerning jury, in my opinion, would have found this evidence to meet reasonable doubt standards. It is virtually inconceivable that Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover would have orchestrated or permitted these frantic, dan- gerous, last-minute criminal actions in the cover-up unless they them- selves were part of the master conspiracy.
Extensive evidence leads to the inescapable conclusion that a com- bination of U.S. government intelligence operatives, radical Cuban exiles, and Texas right-wing extremists played a major role in the as- sassination. The Texas right-wing extremists included H. L. Hunt, retired General Edwin Walker, and retired General Charles Willoughby. These men (or their surrogates) met at different times with CIA assassination specialist Colonel William Bishop. The meet- ings began in early 1963 and continued to November 1963. Attend- ing at least one of the meetings with Walker and Bishop were Cuban exile Felipe Vidal Santiago, who was a CIA agent, and Roy Hargraves. During this meeting the assassination of John F. Kennedy was discussed. Hargraves was a member of Gerald Patrick Hemming's paramilitary group, Interpen, in Florida, which was sponsored by U.S. intelligence. Vidal was a close associate of Hemming. Vidal and Hargraves were closely linked to Cuban exile leader Rolando Masferrer, who was closely linked to Jimmy Hoffa and the Mafia. According to Colonel Bishop, Masferrer was handed $500,000 of Hoffa money for the purpose of killing John F. Kennedy. This payment took place seventeen days before the assassination. Despite the fact that there is a large body of evidence virtually encircling Gerald Patrick Hemming, indicating his deep involve- ment in the assassination, he has denied his direct participation. But the evidence against him is substantial. He was closely associated with Felipe Vidal, Roy Hargraves, and at least three others,, all of whom -were to various degrees entwined in the plot at an opera- tional level. Hemming was also closely associated with John Martini), who confessed to his involvement in the assassination be- fore his death to news reporter John Cummings, and also confessed to his (Martino's) wife. Hemming has admitted that he once lived in a safe house for a short time with Herminio Diaz, who, according to 836 BLOODY TREASON
Cuban exile leader Tony Cuesta, was involved in the assassination. In addition, Hemming's man, Ronald Ponce de Leon, according to Hemming, was involved with John Martino in the assassination. In extensive taped interviews, Hemming told me that he was offered a contract by Guy Banister in New Orleans in June, 1962, to kill Kennedy. He said he turned it down. He also said that he was again offered a contract to kill Kennedy by wealthy Texans and re- tired military men in the Dallas Petroleum Club in July 1963. He said he also turned that down. Hemming claims that he lost control of his Interpen group and that some of them, and his other associates, went to Dallas on No- vember 22, 1963, against his advice, while he stayed in Miami. The story on Hemming is incomplete. In any event, it is apparent that some of his associates, if not Hemming himself, played ancillary roles in the assassination. A full release by the government of all documents pertaining to Hemming will likely reveal the extent of this involvement. (See Appendix B for a list of documents concern- ing Hemming, many of which have not been released.) In addition, there is substantial evidence, including statements from Colonel Bishop and Hemming, that Felipe Vidal was involved with Oswald in the staged shooting at General Edwin Walker in April 1963. Colonel Bishop stated in a taped interview with writer Gary Shaw (when Bishop knew that he was going to die) that he picked up Vidal in Miami in April 1963 and drove him to Dallas. Also, ac- cording to Hemming (the date confirmed in an HSCA document), Vidal was picked up in Miami by his CIA case officer and driven to Dallas four days before the assassination, and returned by plane to Miami on the evening of November 22, 1963. According to General Escalante, Vidal told Cuban intelligence in a taped interview shortly before he was executed in April 1964 that he had been picked up in Miami in early November 1963 by Colonel Bishop and driven to Dallas, where he met with wealthy Texans in the Petroleum Club. This trip was confirmed by HSCA documents. Thus we have inde- pendently corroborated evidence of three separate trips wherein Vidal was picked up in Miami by a CIA assassination specialist and driven to Dallas, and met with Texas oil men and a retired military officer, General Walker. And during some of these meetings with Walker, General Willoughby was present. AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 837
One of the paradoxes of the Kennedy assassination is that the plotters and sponsors at the top of the conspiracy are more accu- rately identifiable than the shooters and helpers at Dealey Plaza. The reason for this is that the men at the top—Johnson, Hoover, H. L.punt, Mafia chieftains—were required to personally intervene in the cover-up :when things went wrong. This is seen in (1) Johnson's hands-on suppression of the investigation in Dallas and the manipulation of the autopsy; (2) the necessity of Mafia minion Jack Ruby being ordered to kill Oswald; (3) Hoover's participation in the alteration of the Zapruder film, and his outrageous suppres- sion and manipulation of all of the evidence; and (4) H. L. Hunt's purchase on November 22 or 23 of a first copy of the Zapruder film and his inquiries as to the security of Oswald in the Dallas jail the night before Oswald was shot. And, of course, only this unique combi- nation of conspirators had the cumulative power to make the assassination happen and orchestrate the cover-up. The shooters and the men at Dealey Plaza were, in effect, only ciphers—hired guns. However, piecing all the evidence together, it can reasonably be concluded that there were probably three assassi- nation teams in Dallas on November 22. Based on the preponder- ance of the evidence, the first team was staffed in part by CIA/MI rogues and their associates in the Cuban exile community, and was stationed in the Texas School Book Depository and in at least one other building at Dealey Plaza. This team performed the functions of firing diversionary shots from the School Book Depository; acting as a third back-up team; providing get-away cars and airplanes; set- ting up Oswald, and disposing of him after the assassination. But Oswald slipped away, later was captured, and had to be shot by- Jack Ruby on the orders of the Mafia. A second team of assassins was behind the picket fence on the grassy knoll. Extensive statements of French assassin Christian David, supported by a witness considered to be reliable, and also supported by corroborative circumstances, indicates that this team was recruited by Mafia chieftain Santo Trafficante, Jr. through the Guerni family in Marseilles, France. This team was composed of French Mafia Corsicans led by Lucien Sarti, who performed the fi- nal, fatal shooting. Christian David may have been part of this team. A third team, French OAS terrorists, was in Dallas at the time of the shooting. It was a backup team in case the Dealey Plaza operation had to be aborted. It also served the purpose of providing false leads if it were not otherwise utilized. One of these terrorists, 838 BLOODY TREASON
Jean Souetre, met with CIA's E. Howard Hunt in Madrid and with General Edwin Walker in Dallas in the spring of 1963. He also met in New Orleans with anti-Castro Cubans in an assassination train- ing camp during that same period. This operation was headquar- tered in Guy Banister's office in New - Orleans, which was frequented by Oswald. This was during the same time span that the meetings between Vidal, Hargraves, Colonel Bishop, and the Texas right-wing leaders occurred. H. L. Hunt and General Willoughby were leaders in a world- wide, extreme right-wing network linked with the John Birch Soci- ety and the Minutemen in the United States, and therefore also had access to the European assassins. H. L. Hunt, with Willoughby, sponsored even more radical spin-off groups from the Minutemen, and terrorist groups in Europe, including the French OAS that was linked to CIA-front corporation Permindex in Italy. A CIA document shows that Jean Souetre, or someone using his name, was in Dallas on the day of the assassination, and left Dallas or Fort Worth 48 hours after the assassination. Others who were either in the plot or on the fringes also be- longed to extreme right-wing organizations: Guy Banister and David Ferrie were members of the Minutemen; Clay Shaw was active in right-wing activities and was on the board of directors of Permindex. Both Ferrie and Shaw were CIA agents.
Key people in the Secret Service were brought into the plot. Their role was one of omission—to minimize the protection of the presi- dent during his Dallas trip and to participate passively in the cover- up. The Warren Commission was not part of the conspiracy, but its members either went along with the cover-up or were duped by Johnson and Hoover. Although Oswald might have been part of the plot (wittingly or unwittingly), he was a fall guy. He was set up by the conspira- tors, who knew that he had CIA and FBI connections, and that the hierarchy of these agencies instinctively would contain the investi- gation to cover themselves.
The preponderance of available evidence (we do not have all the evi- dence) is not sufficient to implicate the CIA, directed from the top, in master-planning the crime or ordering its execution. However, the evidence does indicate that some of its midranking officers were AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 839
involved in the assassination. These officers included William K. Harvey, David Atlee Phillips, and David Sanchez Morales. Both Harvey and Morales had become very closely associated with Mafi- oso Johnny Rosselli, who was assigned tf the CIA in the plots to kill Fidel Castro. The cumulative evidence that Harvey, Morales, and Phillips were a trio who planned and oversaw the assassination is very per- suasive. Harvey's notes on assassinations are an exact blueprint of the JFK assassination—including the use of French Corsicans as the shooters, and the use of disinformation schemes to blame the Com- munists. Harvey detested Robert Kennedy for having removed him from his power base in the CIA. Harvey had become personal friends with Mafia leaders, and, according to a recently released HSCA document, was suspected by high-ranking CIA officer John Scelso of being the one who murdered Sam Giancana. By the time of the assassination, Harvey's mental condition had deteriorated badly, and he was close to being a broken man with nothing to lose. David Phillips hated John Kennedy and had long been in- volved with David Morales in CIA assassination operations in South and Central America to overthrow governments. Phillips was the master of disinformation, and worked closely with Harvey and Morales in the plots to murder Castro. Phillips was CIA's monitor of activities in the CIA-financed Cuban exile organizations DRE and Alpha 66—both linked to 30 November—and all three were Cuban exile groups that are prime suspects in the assassination. Phillips offered bribes through Cuban exile Antonio Veciana to get his cous- ins in the Cuban consulate to say that Oswald had been there in late September /early October 1963. Phillips had met with Oswald in Dallas in late August/early September 1963. David Morales told his close friends in Arizona of his assassi- nation operations for the CIA in South America. Morales was en- raged at President Kennedy for the Bay of Pigs failure. And, in a drunken diatribe, he implicitly admitted involvement in the assassi- nation to his friends in Arizona when he said, "We took care of that son of a bitch, didn't we?" Morales was involved with another prime suspect in the assassination, Rolando Masferrer, in attempts to overthrow the Castro government in the late 1950s: David Morales is the most likely candidate for managing the operations in Dallas. 840 BLOODY TREASON
The key Mafia leaders in the plot were Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante Jr., Sam Giancana, Johnny Rosselli, and their partner, Jimmy Hoffa. Their primary roles were (1) recruit the French Corsi- can assassins, (2) distribute the money obtained from Jimmy Hoffa, and (3) provide some of the staffing at Dealey Plaza. The primary roles of the powerful Dallas right wing were (1) control Dallas officials, (2) bring Johnson and Hoover into the plot, and (3) provide additional money. The extreme right wing consid- ered the eastern power structure, both Republicans and Democrats, to be no better than Communists selling out the nation to a one- world government through the United Nations. By participating in the murder of President Kennedy and replacing him with Lyndon Johnson, the extreme right wing in the Southeastern and Western United States struck a mortal blow to the reign of power of the Northeastern establishment that had been largely in control of gov- ernment from the inception of the nation.
There is no evidence of a single arch fiend behind the plot. It was an evil idea that hatched at a lower level; then grew to where it was given the go-ahead by the ultimate sponsors at a high level. The weight of the evidence indicates that the concept of the plot was designed by CIA's mentally unstable William Harvey, working with the fascist-racist-paranoid General Charles Willoughby. Both had experience with the Mafia in assassination plots against political leaders. And Willoughby was on the payroll of H. L. Hunt, who had a private telephone line direct to J. Edgar Hoover. Harvey could have coordinated his planning with Willoughby through Co.lonel William Bishop in Dallas, who was part of Harvey's ZR/RIFLE assassination program. Evidence of an elaborate scheme taking place in Mexico City in late September-early October 1963 shows that CIA operatives, prob- ably working with individuals from Mexico's national police (DFS) and Nicaraguan intelligence, laid down a scripted ruse wherein Oswald was portrayed as a Communist recruited by Cuban intelli- gence to assassinate Kennedy. The plan was intended to precipitate an invasion of Cuba by falsely setting up Cast :A as a sponsor of the assassination. The plan was quickly abandoned when Oswald was captured and the plot began to unravel, thereby threatening exposure of the master conspirators. The lone-assassin myth was hastily substituted in its place. This proved to be impossible to sustain because it was AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 841
transparently false. The only way that the plotters went scot-free was through the prodigious efforts of Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover, assisted in the cover-up by CIA ex-director Allen Dulles and CIA counter-intellingence chief James Angleton. The roles of Oswald, Clay Shaw, Guy Banister, and David Ferrie in New Orleans began as a counter-intelligenCe scheme by the FBI and/or the CIA under the direction of David Atlee Phillips, to discredit the Fair Play for Cuba Committee; but along the way this scheme was converted to a cover story for the assassination.
There is no evidence yet available that links the Joint Chiefs of Staff or any of its members to the plot or the coverup.
There is no evidence yet available that the military industrial com- plex or a world-wide high cabal were the originators of the plot.
***
The assassination of John Kennedy was a phenomenon spawned out of a complex of people and circumstances, unique in U.S. history, in which Kennedy's enemies joined together in a spontaneous swell of per- sonal fear, paranoia, and jealousy generated by the Kennedy broth- ers' precipitous actions; and by the Kennedys' aura of invincibility, arrogance, and elitism. The enemies of the Kennedys came to obses- sively loathe them and to believe that the only way to protect them- selves and stop the Kennedy dynasty was by assassination. Many of Kennedy's ideological enemies genuinely (but mistak- enly) believed that the Kennedys were going to destroy the nation with their perceived ineptitude, weakness, appeasement of commu- nism, dismantling the military-industrial complex, and liberal poli- cies concerning race. The Kennedys may have helped bring on the assassination by their own duplicity, hardball politics, and reckless, self-serving be- havior, which was perceived as jeopardizing national security. Their behavior provided a rationalization for the plotters to get rid of the Kennedys "for the good of the country" Nonetheless,, the Kennedys' larger goals for the nation were admirable and their faults were mild compared to those of the con- spirators. It can be persuasively argued that if the Kennedys had succeeded in ridding the nation of organized crime, dumping Lyndon Johnson, taming the extremists, stopping the cold war, and 842 BLOODY TREASON
retiring J. Edgar Hoover, the United States would not have the leg- acy of gigantic problems that we have today. The "power elite" in the United States, consisting of the liberal and conservative establishment, were willing to look the other way because of -their own economic interests. No one wanted the crisis that would have erupted had the truth been revealed at the time of the assassination. It would very likely have had a devastating im- pact on political stability and economic interests. The truth would have shattered the nation, possibly with an irreparable constitu- tional breakdown. For these reasons there was a perfect atmosphere for a cover-up. The news media and intelligencia were willing to go along with established authority, as was their accustomed role at that time. Denial of the full truth persists to this day: many members of the government, the major news media, and prominent historians still are unwilling to admit that they were taken in by Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover. A vital lesson to be learned is that the structure of the United States government could not cope with an assassination that simul- taneously involved: (a) a corrupt, ruthless, manipulative vice president who wanted desperately to become president; (b) a corrupt, ruthless, all-powerful director of the FBI who had compromising files on many of the leaders of the nation; (c) a power elite that was willing to look the other way; (d) a hapless congress that rolled over to the control of Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover;
' 'il■stA • (e) a sycophantic news media willing to be manipulated by federal authorities; CO the unprecedented ascent of power by organized crime because of a corrupted director of the FBI; and (g) the personal secrets of John and Robert Kennedy that an inves- tigation would have exposed, thus compelling the Kennedy family to yield to the cover-up in their fear, shock, and grief.
These elements combined to make the assassination feasible. Fortunately, most do not exist today. Over the years, corrections have been made in the government and the news media: Congress is a more vigilant watchdog; the news media is far more diversified AUTHOR'S CONCLUSIONS 843
and critical of power, thus making it more difficult to contain a major scandal. Today we do not have a monster heading the FBI with a lock on govenment officials by blackmail, or a vice president with the criminal genius of Lyndon Johnson. Manipulation of the public through fear of communism is gone. The concentrated power of organized crime has greatly diminished. The militant right wing, although still active, does not have the alliances with powerful poli- ticians and wealthy industrialists that it had in 1963. And new presi- dents are not taking on all of the evils of the world at one seating. But troublesome questions remain: Would Congress have the courage to assert its constitutional power to deal with an assassina- tion by a military-political junta killing both the president and vice president simultaneously? Could the nation drift again into the grip of evil extremists? Is the present rise of militant extremism—and the demonizing of the president—a shadow of an eerie repetition of 1963?
The assassination of John F. Kennedy can properly be described as an immense national disgrace that revealed the incapacity of our Congress to confront and expose a coup d'etat within the executive branch. The harm done to the nation, although not irreparable, has been enormous. November 22, 1963 marked the beginning of a de- cline in the fundamental strength of our economy, the beginning of an inexorable erosion of law and order, and a diminution of our sense of pride and confidence as a nation. The Kennedy assassina- tion was the consequence of a national disorder of venality, decep- tion, and hatred that had infected the nation long before 1963. It does seem now, however, that our nation is healing and re- gaining strength as we approach the new century. Remarkably, we seem to have survived. Our nation's recovery from the disaster is a tribute to the resiliency and adaptability of the American people. But, if there is another coup d'etat, God help us. Only by the U.S. Government somehow exposing the full and undiluted truth of the assassination, and then building into the law and the Constitution permanent safeguards against usurpation of constitutional power by murder and cover-up within the govern- ment, can we have any comfort that another coup d'etat will not oc- cur. This will require a great effort by our most honorable and wisest consitutional/governmental scholars, supported by the president, the Congress, and the Supreme Court. The task will be daunting, but a determined, long-term effort should be made.
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