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Federal Research Division Country Profile: Tajikistan, January 2007
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Tajikistan, January 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: TAJIKISTAN January 2007 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Tajikistan (Jumhurii Tojikiston). Short Form: Tajikistan. Term for Citizen(s): Tajikistani(s). Capital: Dushanbe. Other Major Cities: Istravshan, Khujand, Kulob, and Qurghonteppa. Independence: The official date of independence is September 9, 1991, the date on which Tajikistan withdrew from the Soviet Union. Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1), International Women’s Day (March 8), Navruz (Persian New Year, March 20, 21, or 22), International Labor Day (May 1), Victory Day (May 9), Independence Day (September 9), Constitution Day (November 6), and National Reconciliation Day (November 9). Flag: The flag features three horizontal stripes: a wide middle white stripe with narrower red (top) and green stripes. Centered in the white stripe is a golden crown topped by seven gold, five-pointed stars. The red is taken from the flag of the Soviet Union; the green represents agriculture and the white, cotton. The crown and stars represent the Click to Enlarge Image country’s sovereignty and the friendship of nationalities. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early History: Iranian peoples such as the Soghdians and the Bactrians are the ethnic forbears of the modern Tajiks. They have inhabited parts of Central Asia for at least 2,500 years, assimilating with Turkic and Mongol groups. Between the sixth and fourth centuries B.C., present-day Tajikistan was part of the Persian Achaemenian Empire, which was conquered by Alexander the Great in the fourth century B.C. After that conquest, Tajikistan was part of the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom, a successor state to Alexander’s empire. -
Introduction on the Book Review Roundtable
CIVIL WARS 2018, VOL. 20, NO. 3, 436–437 BOOK REVIEW Introduction on the Book Review Roundtable The Origins of the Civil War in Tajikistan: Nationalism, Islamism and Violent Conflict in Post-Soviet Space, by Tim Epkenhans, Lanham et al.: Lexington Books, 2016, 401 p, £84.63 (Hc). ISBN: 978-1-4985-3278-5 Located in Central Asia and bordering the north of Afghanistan, post-communist Tajikistan experienced a vicious five-year (1992–97) civil war only months into its independence from the Soviet Union, a war which, according to Islam, Iran and Central Asian historian, Professor Tim Epkenhans of the University of Freiburg, took anywhere from 40,000 to 100,000 lives out of a then population of 5.5 million. Tajikistan’s civil war thus took the second highest toll by way of body count in the post-Soviet space after the two Chechnya–Russia wars in the 1990s, which had resulted, according to The New York Times, in an estimated 160,000 dead. It is fair to state that the causes of the Tajik civil war were multiple, including the spread of Islamism among a segment of the population which had been inspired by their Persian speaking kin in Afghanistan and Iran, in addition to serious economic dislocation in the immediate aftermath of communist rule, and the consequent scramble for control of state-owned resources on the local and national levels by armed groups strengthened by ethno-regional and ideological fervour. The war pitted an alliance of neo-Soviets primarily based in the capital city Dushanbe and the southern Kulob region against Islamists largely made up of individuals of mountainous eastern Gharm origins, many of whose parents and grandparents had voluntarily moved in the Soviet era to the newly irrigated southern Vakhsh valley to become state cotton farmers in Tajikistan’s southern Qurghonteppa region, which became the violent epicentre of clashes during the civil war. -
Cahiers D'asie Centrale, 26
Cahiers d’Asie centrale 26 | 2016 1989, année de mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale 1989, a Year of Political Mobilisations in Central Asia Ferrando Olivier (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/asiecentrale/3218 ISSN : 2075-5325 Éditeur Éditions De Boccard Édition imprimée Date de publication : 30 novembre 2016 ISBN : 978-2-84743-161-2 ISSN : 1270-9247 Référence électronique Ferrando Olivier (dir.), Cahiers d’Asie centrale, 26 | 2016, « 1989, année de mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 novembre 2017, consulté le 08 mars 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/asiecentrale/3218 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 8 mars 2020. © Tous droits réservés 1 L’année 1989 symbolise, dans la mémoire collective, la fin du communisme en Europe, mais il faudra attendre plus de deux ans pour assister à la dissolution de l’Union soviétique et à l’accès des cinq républiques d’Asie centrale à leur indépendance. Pourtant, dès le début de l’année 1989, avant-même la chute du mur de Berlin, la région fut le siège de plusieurs signes avant-coureurs : le retrait de l’Armée Rouge en Afghanistan ; l’arrêt des essais nucléaires soviétiques au Kazakhstan ; l’apparition des premières tensions interethniques dans la vallée du Ferghana ; l’adoption par chaque république d’une loi sur la langue. Autant de moments qui montrent combien l’année 1989 a marqué l’histoire récente de l’Asie centrale. Ce nouveau numéro des Cahiers d’Asie centrale est donc consacré à l’étude des transformations sociales et politiques survenues au cours de l’année 1989 afin de comprendre à quel point cette année constitue un moment fondateur des mobilisations politiques en Asie centrale. -
The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997
THE TAJIK CIVIL WAR: 1992-1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY SAYFIDDIN SHAPOATOV IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES JUNE 2004 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences _____________________________ Prof. Dr. Sencer Ayata Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Ceylan Tokluoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Sevilay Kahraman _____________________________ Dr. Ayça Ergun _____________________________ ABSTRACT THE TAJIK CIVIL WAR: 1992-1997 Shapoatov, Sayfiddin M.S. Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı June 2004, 122 pages This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors. -
Promoting Religious Freedom and Countering Violent Extremism In
UNITED STATES COMMISSION on INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ISSUE UPDATE November 2020 TAJIKISTAN Gayle Manchin Promoting Religious Freedom and Countering Violent Extremism Chair in Tajikistan Tony Perkins Vice Chair By Jason Morton, Policy Analyst Anurima Bhargava Vice Chair Introduction Commissioners Security issues topped the agenda for then Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Gary Bauer South and Central Asian Affairs Alice Wells when she visited Tajikistan in January James W. Carr 2020. She met with top Tajikistani officials responsible for national security and border control, to whom she emphasized the importance of ongoing cooperation Frederick A. Davie between Tajikistan and Afghanistan countering violent extremism and terrorism. As Nadine Maenza suggested by her choice of emphases, the specter of Islamic State (IS) militants and Johnnie Moore drug smugglers crossing the porous mountain border from the neighboring state is a Nury Turkel perennial feature of U.S. relations with Tajikistan—and the State Department is usually quick to remind regional audiences that it is committed to preventing such spillover. Erin D. Singshinsuk There is genuine reason for security concerns in Tajikistan. In July 2018, four cyclists Executive Director from the United States, Switzerland, and the Netherlands were killed in a brutal attack for which IS subsequently claimed responsibility. The militant group also claimed responsibility for two prison riots in November 2018 and May 2019, in which dozens of inmates and several guards were killed. Such incidents demonstrate that extremist USCIRF’s Mission groups—primarily acting in service of radical Islamist ideology—remain a serious and deadly challenge to security and safety in Tajikistan. However, Tajikistan cannot face these real threats with brute force alone. -
Political Party Development and Party “Gravity” in Semi-Authoritarian States the Cases of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 4, No.1: 33-53 Political Party Development and Party “Gravity” in Semi-Authoritarian States The Cases of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan John Ishiyama Abstract What has affected the development of political parties in the competitive authoritarian regimes of the former Soviet Union? In this essay, the author examines the development of political parties in the predominantly Muslim Central Eurasian states of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. In particular, he examines the extent to which political parties have become the primary channels for political recruitment, or the extent to which they have political gravity for electoral candidates. The author finds the greatest level of party gravity in Tajikistan, followed by Azerbaijan, and then Kyrgyzstan. A variety of social and political explanations are provided to account for these differences. Key words: Post-communist politics, semi-authoritarianism, political parties, Central Asia, Southern Caucasus. What has affected the development of political parties in the competitive authoritarian regimes of the former Soviet Union? In this essay, I examine the development of political parties in the predominantly Muslim Central Eurasian states of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.1 Although all are decidedly nondemocratic, they resemble “competitive authoritarian regimes” that have active, yet circumscribed, oppositions. Although there is a growing literature on semi- authoritarian regimes,2 there is very little literature on party John Ishiyama is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Science, University of North Texas. <[email protected]> 1 These three states were selected (although Azerbaijan is technically in the Caucasus and Kyrgzstan and Tajikistan are in Central Asia) because they share several common characteristics, most notably that they are predominantly Muslim, are all former Soviet States, and each fits the definition of a semi-authoritarian regime. -
A History of the Tajiks: Iranians of the East
A History of the Tajiks ii A History of the Tajiks: Iranians of the East Richard Foltz I.B. TAURIS Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, I.B. TAURIS and the I.B. Tauris logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2019 Copyright © Richard Foltz, 2019 Richard Foltz asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. Some portions of chapters 5 and 6 previously appeared in a chapter entitled ‘Tajikistan: The Elusiveness of a National Consciousness,’ in Mikhail Minakov and Yakov Rabkin, eds., Demodernization: A Future in the Past, Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2018, pp. 261–86. Cover design: Adriana Brioso Cover image: Bibi-Khanym Mosque (© Stephen Shucart/Getty Images) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third- party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. -
Mohira Suyarkulova Phd Thesis
BECOMING SOVEREIGN IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA: 'DISCURSIVE ENCOUNTERS' BETWEEN TAJIKISTAN AND UZBEKISTAN Mohira Suyarkulova A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2011 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3159 This item is protected by original copyright Becoming Sovereign in post-Soviet Central Asia ‘Discursive encounters’ between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan Mohira Suyarkulova This dissertation is submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of International Relations, University of St Andrews March 2011 Candidate’s declaration I, Mohira Suyarkulova, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 76,214 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in February 2007 and as a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in May 2008; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2007 and 2011. I received assistance in the writing of this thesis in respect of language, grammar, spelling and syntax, which was provided by Simon Taylor. Date …….......................................... Signature of candidate ………....................................................... Supervisor’s declaration I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Doctor of Philosopy in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. -
Promoting Religious Freedom and Countering Violent Extremism In
UNITED STATES COMMISSION on INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ISSUE UPDATE November 2020 TAJIKISTAN Gayle Manchin Promoting Religious Freedom and Countering Violent Extremism Chair LQb7DMLNLVWDQ Tony Perkins Vice Chair By Jason Morton, Policy Analyst Anurima Bhargava Vice Chair Introduction Commissioners Security issues topped the agenda for then Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Gary Bauer South and Central Asian Affairs Alice Wells when she visited Tajikistan in January James W. Carr 2020. She met with top Tajikistani officials responsible for national security and border control, to whom she emphasized the importance of ongoing cooperation Frederick A. Davie between Tajikistan and Afghanistan countering violent extremism and terrorism. As Nadine Maenza suggested by her choice of emphases, the specter of Islamic State (IS) militants and Johnnie Moore drug smugglers crossing the porous mountain border from the neighboring state is a Nury Turkel perennial feature of U.S. relations with Tajikistan—and the State Department is usually quick to remind regional audiences that it is committed to preventing such spillover. Erin D. Singshinsuk There is genuine reason for security concerns in Tajikistan. In July 2018, four cyclists Executive Director from the United States, Switzerland, and the Netherlands were killed in a brutal attack for which IS subsequently claimed responsibility. The militant group also claimed responsibility for two prison riots in November 2018 and May 2019, in which dozens of inmates and several guards were killed. Such incidents demonstrate that extremist USCIRF’s Mission groups—primarily acting in service of radical Islamist ideology—remain a serious and deadly challenge to security and safety in Tajikistan. However, Tajikistan cannot face these real threats with brute force alone. -
Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia Elizaveta Chmykh Eugenia Dorokhova Hine-Wai Loose Kristina Sutkaityte Rebecca Mikova Richard Steyne Sarabeth Murray Edited by dr Grazvydas Jasutis Mapping Fragile Areas: Case Studies from Central Asia About DCAF DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the se- curity of states and their people within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and gender equality. Since its founding in 2000, DCAF has contributed to making peace and development more sustainable by assisting partner states, and international actors supporting these states, to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity-building of both state and non-state security sector stakeholders. DCAF’s Foundation Council is comprised of representatives of about 60 member states and the Canton of Geneva. Active in over 80 countries, DCAF is interna- tionally recognized as one of the world’s leading centres of excellence for security sector governance (SSG) and security sector reform (SSR). DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, local ownership, inclusive participation, and gender equality. For more information visit www.dcaf.ch and follow us on Twitter @DCAF_Geneva. The views and opinions expressed in this study -
Tajikistan: an Uncertain Peace
TAJIKISTAN: AN UNCERTAIN PEACE 24 December 2001 ICG Asia Report No 30 Osh/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.....................................................................i I. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................................1 II. FROM WAR TO “PEACE”.............................................................................................................2 III. DOMESTIC PRESSURES ON THE PEACE .................................................................................3 A. POST-CONFLICT POLITICS............................................................................................................3 1. The Government ....................................................................................................................3 2. Challengers ............................................................................................................................5 3. The Opposition......................................................................................................................6 4. Opposition Outside Government ...........................................................................................7 5. The Secular Opposition.........................................................................................................7 6. The Islamic Opposition..........................................................................................................8 7. Hizb ut-Tahrir........................................................................................................................9 -
Turf on the Roof of the World
September 2012 NOREF Report Turf on the roof of the world Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh Executive summary Towards the end of July 2012, the government who had once been included in the government of Tajikistan responded to the stabbing of the through the 1997 Peace Accord but were now head of the National Security Committee in the commanding too much autonomy and control in Mountainous Badakhshan Autonomous Province, competition with the centre; (2) turf war over the on the border with Afghanistan, with a particularly distribution of profits from legal and illicit trade heavy Special Operation. In response to a murder, that had been allowed to go on unrestrained in why was it necessary to send an entire battalion border regions; (3) gaining sympathy for efforts and risk alienating an important minority group, to contain instability in Afghanistan and sending the Pamiris, during the month of Ramadan, a a warning sign against the potential trespassing, month after the country celebrated unity 15 years not of Afghan Taliban per se, but of Central Asian after the signing of the Peace Accord, and a year jihadists and control over any future profits from before presidential elections? transit over the Northern Distribution Network route, legal or otherwise; and finally (4) to portray This paper analyses four ulterior objectives that control in order to up the ante in negotiations over authorities may have sought directly or indirectly the territory of the country in base arrangements in launching a brief but forceful but assault on anticipated after the 2014 withdrawal of U.S. the province: (1) forced recentralisation and and NATO troops from Afghanistan and any the sidelining of renegade field commanders advantages that could befall from the exit.