Summary of Facts of General El Sayed's Expected Testimony
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
U.S. Department of State
1998 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices -- Lebanon Page 1 of 10 The State Department web site below is a permanent electro information released prior to January 20, 2001. Please see w material released since President George W. Bush took offic This site is not updated so external links may no longer func us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be co endorsement of the views contained therein. U.S. Department of State Lebanon Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, February 26, 1999. LEBANON Lebanon is a parliamentary republic in which the President is by tradition a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies a Shiâa Muslim. The Parliament consists of 128 deputies, equally divided between Christian and Muslim representatives. In October Parliament chose a new president, Emile Lahoud, in an election heavily influenced by Syria. He took office in November. The judiciary is independent in principle but is subject to political pressure. Non-Lebanese military forces control much of the country. These include about 25,000 Syrian troops, a contingent of approximately 2,000 Israeli army regulars and 1,500 Israeli-supported militia in the south, and several armed Palestinian factions located in camps and subject to restrictions on their movements. All undermine the authority of the central Government and prevent the application of law in the patchwork of areas not under the Governmentâs control. In 1991 the governments of Syria and Lebanon concluded a security agreement that provided a framework for security cooperation between their armed forces. -
A Main Document V202
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: TELEVISION NEWS AND THE STATE IN LEBANON Jad P. Melki, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Dissertation directed by: Professor Susan D. Moeller College of Journalism This dissertation studies the relationship between television news and the state in Lebanon. It utilizes and reworks New Institutionalism theory by adding aspects of Mitchell’s state effect and other concepts devised from Carey and Foucault. The study starts with a macro-level analysis outlining the major cultural, economic and political factors that influenced the evolution of television news in that country. It then moves to a mezzo-level analysis of the institutional arrangements, routines and practices that dominated the news production process. Finally, it zooms in to a micro-level analysis of the final product of Lebanese broadcast news, focusing on the newscast, its rundown and scripts and the smaller elements that make up the television news story. The study concludes that the highly fragmented Lebanese society generated a similarly fragmented and deeply divided political/economic elite, which used its resources and access to the news media to solidify its status and, by doing so, recreated and confirmed the politico-sectarian divide in this country. In this vicious cycle, the institutionalized and instrumentalized television news played the role of mediator between the elites and their fragmented constituents, and simultaneously bolstered the political and economic power of the former while keeping the latter tightly held in their grip. The hard work and values of the individual journalist were systematically channeled through this powerful institutional mechanism and redirected to serve the top of the hierarchy. -
Public Transcript of the Hearing Held on 16 March 2015 in the Case Of
20150316_STL-11-01_T_T128_OFF_PUB_EN 1/73 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 1 1 Special Tribunal for Lebanon 2 In the case of The Prosecutor v. Ayyash, Badreddine, Merhi, 3 Oneissi, and Sabra 4 STL-11-01 5 Presiding Judge David Re, Judge Janet Nosworthy, 6 Judge Micheline Braidy, Judge Walid Akoum, and 7 Judge Nicola Lettieri - [Trial Chamber] 8 Monday, 16 March 2015 - [Trial Hearing] 9 [Open Session] 10 --- Upon commencing at 10.40 a.m. 11 THE REGISTRAR: The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is sitting in an 12 open session in the case of the Prosecutor versus Ayyash, Badreddine, 13 Merhi, Oneissi, and Sabra, case number STL-11-01. 14 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: Good morning to everyone. We are sitting 15 today to hear the evidence of Mr. Bassem El-Sabeh, but first let's take 16 the appearances starting with the Prosecution. Good morning to you, 17 Mr. Cameron. 18 MR. CAMERON: Good morning, Your Honour. It's Graeme Cameron for 19 the Prosecution today, assisted by Ms. Tanja Zekaj. 20 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: And for the Legal Representative for the 21 Victims. 22 MR. HAYNES: Good morning, Your Honour. Peter Haynes and 23 Mohammad Mattar for the participating victims, assisted by Kinga Tibori. 24 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: And the Defence. 25 MR. AOUN: Mr. President, Your Honours, good morning. Good Monday, 16 March 2015 STL-11-01 Interpretation serves to facilitate communication. Only the original speech is authentic. 20150316_STL-11-01_T_T128_OFF_PUB_EN 2/73 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 2 1 morning, everyone. -
Zahle and Bar Elias: Municipality-Led Evictions in Central Bekaa Conflict Analysis Report – September 2018
Empowered lives. Resilient nations. Zahle and Bar Elias: Municipality-Led Evictions in Central Bekaa Conflict Analysis Report – September 2018 Supported by: This report was written by an independent researcher as part of a conflict analysis consultancy for the UNDP “Peace Building in Lebanon” Project to inform and support UNDP Lebanon programming, as well as interventions from other partners in the framework of the Lebanon Crisis Response Plan (LCRP). Through these reports, UNDP is aiming at providing quality analysis to LCRP Partners on the evolution of local dynamics, highlighting how local and structural issues have impacted and interacted with the consequences of the Syrian crisis in Lebanon. This report has been produced with the support of the Department for International Development (UKDFID). For any further information, please contact directly: Tom Lambert, UNDP Social Stability Sector Coordinator at [email protected] and Joanna Nassar, UNDP “Peace Building in Lebanon” Project Manager at [email protected] Report written by Bilal Al Ayoubi The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNDP, nor its partners. UNDP © 2018 All rights reserved. Cover Photo © UNDP Lebanon, 2018 Empowered lives. Resilient nations. Zahle and Bar Elias: Municipality-Led Evictions in Central Bekaa Conflict Analysis Report – September 2018 Supported by: 1 Zahle and Bar Elias: Municipality-Led Evictions in Central Bekaa Conflict Analysis Report – September 2018 Table of Contents -
EXTERNAL (For General Distribution) AI Index: MDE 18/02/90 Distr: UA/SC
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: MDE 18/02/90 Distr: UA/SC 31 December 1990 Further information on UA 425/90 (MDE 18/01/90, 22 October 1990) - Extrajudicial Executions LEBANON:Further killings and arrests by Syrian forces Amnesty International has received further details about the extrajudicial execution of both soldiers and civilian supporters of General Michel Aoun in mid-October by the Syrian army and pro-Syrian militias. Amnesty International is also concerned about the incommunicado detention of more than 150 supporters of General Aoun who were either taken captive in the course of fighting or arrested by the Syrian forces at the time of General Aoun's ousting from East Beirut. Killings of civilians were reported in several villages in the Christian enclave in East Beirut. At least 14 men are reported to have been executed extrajudicially by Syrian soldiers in Bsouss after having been rounded up from their homes; 19 people, including three women, were reported to have been executed in Hadath; and two young priests, Father Albert Cherfan and Father Suleiman Abu Khalil, are reported to have been abducted by Syrian troops from the monastery of Deir al-Kalaat and subsequently killed. An estimated 200 Christian supporters of General Aoun, the majority of them military personnel, were reported to have been arrested by the Syrian forces in East Beirut and its suburbs on 13-14 October. The majority of them were reportedly transferred to Syria and are believed to still be in detention in prisons there, among them five of Aoun's officers arrested from the Ministry of Defence in East Beirut on 13 October, who are reported to be held incommunicado in al-Mezze Military Prison in Damascus. -
Who Rules Syria? Bashar Al-Asad and the Alawi 'Barons' | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 472 Who Rules Syria? Bashar al-Asad and the Alawi 'Barons' by Michael Eisenstadt Jun 21, 2000 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Eisenstadt Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and director of The Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program. Brief Analysis he orderly transfer of power following the death of President Hafiz al-Asad, in accordance with Syria’s T constitutional succession mechanism, has highlighted the role of the formal power structures of the Syrian state: the presidency, cabinet, National Assembly, and, above all, the Ba’th party. It has, however, obscured the crucial role played by members of the informal power structure--the Alawi "Barons" who head key army and security posts--in the accession of Bashar al-Asad. Although the formal power structure imbues the regime with an aura of republican respectability, the members of the informal power structure ultimately ensure its survival. The Barons generally played a minor role in day-to-day decision making under Hafiz al-Asad, who tended to rely on civilian advisers and cabinet ministers--many of them Ba’thist apparatchiks--for advice on domestic, foreign, and economic policy. Yet, the Barons played a prominent role in fighting the Islamist opposition between 1976 and 1982, in thwarting Rif’at al-Asad’s 1984 coup attempt, and in ensuring a smooth succession following the death of the president. They are likely to continue to play a vital role in the coming months, as the regime consolidates power and either tries to stay the father’s course, or charts a new course under Bashar. -
Private Discounts to Print
Dissent and Reform in the Arab World: Empowering Democrats A Report of the American Enterprise Institute Dissent and Reform in the Arab World Project Edited by Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin The AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute WASHINGTON, D.C. AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W. Washington D.C., 20036 www.aei.org/books © 2008 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Printed in the United States of America Contents INTRODUCTION, Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin 1 PART I: ESSAYS BY PROGRAM PARTICIPANTS 9 1. BAHRAIN 11 Challenging Government Control of Media Omran Salman 11 2. EGYPT 19 Challenges to Democratization Ayat M. Abul-Futtouh 19 3. IRAQ 26 Pluralism—Its Wealth and Its Misery Haider Saeed 26 The Development of Shi’ite Islamic Political Theory Sama Hadad 32 4. JORDAN 41 Building a Political Will Jamil al-Nimri 41 The Challenge of Progress Emad Omar 51 5. LEBANON 59 Together: Equal but Different Jad al-Akhaoui 59 Hezbollah and the Problem of State Control Lokman Slim 63 A Country to Be Born Najat Sharafeddine 71 6. -
Middle East Brief 76
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director Prof. Shai Feldman Lebanon at the Brink: The Impact of the Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Syrian Civil War Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of Middle East History and Prof. Joseph Bahout Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD as the Syrian civil war become also a Lebanese war? And if Khalil Shikaki, PhD Hso, how long will it take before the country comes apart at Myra and Robert Kraft Professor the seams? By several measures, conditions in today’s Lebanon of Arab Politics Eva Bellin already resemble those that prevailed in the country on the eve Henry J. Leir Professor of the of the civil war that consumed and transformed it between Economics of the Middle East 1975 and 1990. Regional tempests and perils, beginning with Nader Habibi the aftereffects of the 1973 October War but probably reflecting Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies as well aftershocks of the earlier 1967 Six-Day War, have been Kanan Makiya grafted onto Lebanon’s internal fragilities and cleavages so as Junior Research Fellow to gradually unravel the state. And the country’s seemingly Eric Lob, PhD unbearable burdens have been exacerbated by its numerous political factions—and by these factions’ armed militias pursuing their separate agendas. But if Lebanon is again confronting the possibility of imminent disintegration, is it inevitably heading toward a similar fate? When hearing some Lebanese say, “We’ve been there, done that—but are about to do it again,” many both in Lebanon and outside it doubt that the Lebanese have learned any useful lessons from their tragic recent history. -
Parliamentary Elections in Lebanon: an Early Assessment | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 216 Parliamentary Elections in Lebanon: An Early Assessment Sep 6, 1996 Brief Analysis EIRUT—While headline news was being made in Iraq and the Erez checkpoint, a less-noticed political drama B has been unfolding in another corner of the Middle East, Lebanon. Here, Lebanese are in the midst of a five- week election five electoral districts each voting on subsequent Sundays that could have an important impact on future politics in this small but much fought-over country. According to the Lebanese Constitution, parliamentary elections should be held every four years. The current elections are designed to fill a legislative assembly of 128 seats, as mandated by the constitutional amendment introduced by the 1989 Ta'if agreement ending the Lebanon civil war. In the last elections, in 1992, 87 percent of the electorate (mostly Christians) boycotted the vote to protest overt Syrian manipulation of the process. (Thanks to the boycott, one candidate was elected to parliament having received a meager forty votes in her district.) The resulting legislature labored under a cloud of doubts as to its legitimacy, and MPs constantly felt insecure with respect to the constituencies they were allegedly representing. > In addition to the numerous bilateral agreements approved by the 1992 parliament that ordered closer unity and virtual integration between Lebanon and Syria in fields of security, economics and politics the legislature also endorsed a dubious naturalization decree in 1994 that increased the country's population -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures by Youssef Chaitani Ishac Diwan Outline What are we trying to do? I. Conceptual Framework II. Why the Syrian War will Last and impact on Lebanon III. Weaknesses of the Lebanese System IV. Lebanese Strengths and Resilience V. Comparing Future Scenarios “In a country like ours, composed of minorities that are already approximately equal and equally jealous of their rights, where no single element can hope to constitute a dominant majority, where there can be no question of a dictatorial regime – the only possible peace is one arrived at by consent, based on understanding and cooperation, on a state of Charles Helou, Lebanese President equilibrium.” (1941) (1964 – 1970) 1. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK What is “Sectarian, Ethnic, Communal”? • group wt shared sense of identity (cultural tradition, language, religion, historical narratives etc.) reinforced by social relations of kinship that tends to be stable (Geertz 1967) • Formation of social groups and emergence Manipulation of culture of communal identities as responses to (histories of oppression, Generate inequalities martyrdom) in a manner economic and political conditions, and hence Social - or are discriminatory that becomes politicized towards certain groups as inherently dynamic (Horowitz 1985 and and exclusionary Economic Anderson 2006) • Historical events can strengthen or even create a sense of communal identity. Political actors, often Tensions/ State Cultural with interests of their own, may manipulate or Identity -
LEBANON RESTRICTIONS on BROADCASTING in Whose Interest?
April 1997 Vol. 9, No. 1(E) LEBANON RESTRICTIONS ON BROADCASTING In Whose Interest? SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................................................2 RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................................................4 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................................6 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BROADCASTING LAW........................................................................................8 Restrictions on News, Political Programs, and Live Broadcasts....................................................................8 Operating Stations Denied Licenses; News and Political Programs Banned .................................................9 THE REACTION IN LEBANON ............................................................................................................................13 Capacity of the Airwaves Disputed..............................................................................................................15 Organizing Protests......................................................................................................................................16 Ban on Demonstrations Enforced ................................................................................................................17 INTERNATIONAL -
The Taif Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain Its Sovereignty
American University International Law Review Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 3 1990 The aiT f Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain its Sovereignty Sandra M. Saseen Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Saseen, Sandra M. "The aiT f Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain its Sovereignty." American University International Law Review 6, no. 1 (1990): 57-75. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TAIF ACCORD AND LEBANON'S STRUGGLE TO REGAIN ITS SOVEREIGNTY Sandra M. Saseen* INTRODUCTION There are no hopeless situations; there are only men who have grown hopeless about them. Clare Boothe Luce Fifteen years of civil war and foreign military intervention in Leba- non has resulted in a terrible loss of human life, many casualties, and massive physical destruction.' Lebanon is a country occupied by two states, Syria2 and Israel,3 and victimized by two revolutions.' Israel and Syria are antagonists who limit the violence of their confrontation to Lebanon. Meanwhile, the Palestinian and Iranian revolutions have fo- * J.D. Candidate, 1990, Washington College of Law, The American University. The author wishes to express her gratitude to Professors Claudio M. Grossman and Nicholas N.