Melanchthon's Understanding of the Will in the Loci Communes
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Vol. 25, No. 4 (December 1985)
FOREWORD In this issue of the Quarterly, we are pleased to bring you the 1985 Reformation lectures which were delivered at Bethany Lutheran College on LUTHERAN SYNOD QUARTERLY October 30-31, 1985. These annual lectures are sponsored jointly by Bethany College and Bethany Lutheran Theological Seminary. The lectures this year were given in memory of Martin Chemnitz, Theological Journal of the whose theological leadership after ~uther'sdeath Evangelical Lutheran Synod no doubt saved the Reformation. Edited by the Faculty of The guest lecturers were Dr. Eugene Klug, Bethany Lutheran Theological Seminary Mankato, Minnesota Professor of Systematic Theology at Concordia Theological Seminary, Fort Wayne, Indiana, and Dr. Jacob Preus, past president of the Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod. The reactor was Professor Arnold Koelpin, instructor of religion and history at Doctor Martin Luther College, New Ulm, Minne- sota. Dr. Klug lectured on Chemnitz -and Authority. He is also the author of several articles and essays and is best known for his book From Luther -to Chemnitz on Scripture ---and the Word. Dr. Preus is rememberedfor his valuable contribution in translating Chemnitz' Duabis Naturis --and De Editor: Pres. Wilhelm W. Petersen Coena Domini into English. He is currently work- Managing Editor: W. W. Petersen ing on sections of his Loci Theologici. Dr. reu us' Book Review Editor: J. B. Madson lecture was on Chemnitz -and Justification. The lectures are preceded by a biographical sketch Subscription Price: $5.00 per year of the life of Martin Chemnitz by the editor. Address all subscriptions and all correspondence Also included in this issue is a sermon LUTHERAN SYNOD QUARTERLY delivered by the editor at the 1985 fall General Bethany Lutheran ~heologicalSeminary Pastoral Conference communion service. -
Durham Research Online
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 04 May 2017 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Ryrie, Alec (2016) 'The nature of spiritual experience.', in The Oxford handbook of the Protestant Reformations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 47-63. Oxford handbooks in history. Further information on publisher's website: https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646920.013.3 Publisher's copyright statement: This is a draft of a chapter that was accepted for publication by Oxford University Press in the book 'The Oxford Handbook of the Protestant Reformations' edited by Ulinka Rublack and published in 2016. Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk The Nature of Spiritual Experience ABSTRACT This article surveys the question of how early Protestantism was experienced by its practitioners, using the perspective of the history of emotions. -
Competing Views of Original Sin and Associated Arguments and Meanings
CHAPTER TWO COMPETING VIEWS OF ORIGINAL SIN AND ASSOCIATED ARGUMENTS AND MEANINGS The dispute over the definition of original sin, or more precisely, Matthias Flacius Illyricus’s1 controversial explanation of this doctrine, originated at the University of Jena in 1560 among the highest levels of the Lutheran academic world. It did not enter the territory of Mansfeld until a decade later. There it first claimed the attention of those clerics who operated in intellectual circles that went beyond the territory’s borders. But divisions within this ecclesiastical leadership soon spread throughout the territory’s entire pastorate. It may seem strange to begin a discussion of lay religiosity with elite theologians debating abstract points of doctrine in ivory towers. But in order to understand why the laity of Mansfeld became deeply involved in the controversy, it is important to start at the beginning with the central intellectual premise, and work outward to the various meanings and connotations it came to encompass. Only then can the laity’s association with one side or the other begin to make sense. The assumption here is that a purely intellectual weighing of the validity of the two definitions of original sin was not the only aspect of the debate 1 Matthias Flacius Illyricus (1520–1575) was born in Croatia, but studied in Venice, Basel, and Tübingen, before matriculating in Wittenberg in 1541. He eventu- ally became a professor of Hebrew there, where he was influenced by both Luther and Melanchthon, the former particularly with regard to pastoral care, the latter with regard to theology. After Emperor Charles V’s defeat of the Lutheran princes in the Schmalkald War (1547), as Melanchthon was urging a conciliatory policy, Flacius took up the banner of complete resistance. -
Peter Canisius and the Protestants a Model of Ecumenical Dialogue?
journal of jesuit studies 1 (2014) 373-399 brill.com/jjs Peter Canisius and the Protestants A Model of Ecumenical Dialogue? Hilmar M. Pabel Department of History, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada [email protected] Abstract Some modern interpreters have incorrectly suggested that Peter Canisius was an ecumenist before his time. Their insistence on his extraordinary kindness towards Protestants does not stand the test of the scrutiny of the relevant sources. An analysis of Canisius’s advice on how Jesuits should deal with “heretics” in Germany, of his catechisms, and of his polemical works reveals a typical Catholic controversialist of the Reformation era. Canisius was disposed to display hostility, more than good will, to Protestants. Keywords Peter Canisius – Protestants – Reformation – apologetics Introduction: The Celebration of a Saint Peter Canisius’s path to canonization was a long one. He died in 1597. The for- mal ecclesiastical process to declare him a saint began in 1625, but his beatifica- tion, solemnly pronounced by Pope Pius IX, had to wait until 1864.1 In Militantis ecclesiae (1897), Pope Leo XIII marked the 300th anniversary of Canisius’s death by hailing him as “the second apostle of Germany.” St. Boniface, the eighth- century Anglo-Saxon missionary, was the first. Pius XI not only canonized Canisius in 1925; he also declared him a doctor of the universal church.2 This 1 Forian Rieß, Der selige Petrus Canisius aus der Gesellschaft Jesu (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1865), 552, 554. 2 Otto Braunsberger, “Sanctus Petrus Canisius Doctor Ecclesiae,” Gregorianum 6 (1925): 338. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/22141332-00103002Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 04:37:36AM via free access <UN> 374 Pabel was a rare distinction, as Yves de la Brière reported two weeks later in the Jesuit journal Études. -
The Significance of Luther's Term Pure -Passive As Quoted in Article II of the Formula of Concord
GoncoJloia Theological Monthly , VOL.XXIX AUGUST 1958 No.8 The Significance of Luther's Term Pure -Passive as Quoted in Article II of the Formula of Concord By ROBERT D. Proms HE Lutheran doctrine of conversion, standing as it does be Ttween Calvinism and synergism, is always a difficult position to maintain and defend; for it is built on a paradox, a paradox of exclusive divine action and complete human participation. Faith is at the same time passive and active: passive in that man, blind and dead spiritually, in coming to faith only suffers God to work this change in his heart, active in that man himself believes and is in no way coerced in this nor divested of any of his faculties. This position is stated by the Formula of Concord: It is nevertheless true that a man before his conversion is still a rational creature that has an intellect and will, although not an intellect in divine things, or a will to will something good and salutary. Yet he can do absolutely nothing toward his conversion (as has been said above), and in this case he is much worse than a stone or a log, because he resists the Word and the will of God, until God raises him from the death of sin, enlightens him and renews him. And although God does not force a person to be converted (for those who always resist the Holy Ghost and who continually put themselves into opposition to the truth even after they have recognized it, as Stephen says of the hardened Jews, Acts 7 (51J, are not going to be converted), yet God the Lord draws the person whom He wills to convert and draws him in such a way that a darkened intellect becomes an enlightened 562 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF LUTHER'S TERM PURE PASSIVE intellect, and a perverse will becomes an obedient will. -
Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of His Polish Contemporaries
ODRODZENIE I REFORMACJA W POLSCE ■ SI 2017 ■ PL ISSN 0029-8514 Janusz Tazbir Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of his Polish Contemporaries Over thirty years ago Oskar Bartel, a distinguished scholar of the history of the Polish Reformation, bemoaned how little was known about the relations between preceptor Germaniae and the movement. In an article about the familiarity with Melanchthon, both as person and his oeuvre, in Poland, Bartel wrote: “wir besitzen einige Werke, meist Broschüren über Luther, Calvin, sogar Hus und Zwingli, aber ich habe keine über Melanchton gefunden”.1 Bartel’s article provided a recapitulation, if somewhat incomplete, of the state of research at the time, and essentially stopped at the death of the Reformer. There- fore, in this study I would like to point to the results of the last thirty years of research, on the one hand, and highlight the post-mortem impact of Melanchthon’s writings and the reflection of his person in the memories of the next generations, on the other. The new information about the contacts Melanchthon had with Poland that has come to light since the 1960s is scattered across a number of articles or monographs; there is to date no separate study devoted to the German Reformer. Only a handful of contributions have been published. No wonder therefore that twenty years after the publication of Bartel’s article, Roman Nir begins his study of corre- spondence between Melanchthon and Krzycki thus: “Relatively little 1 O. Bartel, “Luther und Melanchton in Polen,” in: Luther und Melanchton. Refe rate und Berichte des Zweiten Internationalen Kongress für Lutherforschung, Münster, 8.–13. -
[Formula of Concord]
[Formula of Concord] Editors‘ Introduction to the Formula of Concord Every movement has a period in which its adherents attempt to sort out and organize the fundamental principles on which the founder or founders of the movement had based its new paradigm and proposal for public life. This was true of the Lutheran Reformation. In the late 1520s one of Luther‘s early students, John Agricola, challenged first the conception of God‘s law expressed by Luther‘s close associate and colleague, Philip Melanchthon, and, a decade later, Luther‘s own doctrine of the law. This began the disputes over the proper interpretation of Luther‘s doctrinal legacy. In the 1530s and 1540s Melanchthon and a former Wittenberg colleague, Nicholas von Amsdorf, privately disagreed on the role of good works in salvation, the bondage or freedom of the human will in relationship to God‘s grace, the relationship of the Lutheran reform to the papacy, its relationship to government, and the real presence of Christ‘s body and blood in the Lord‘s Supper. The contention between the two foreshadowed a series of disputes that divided the followers of Luther and Melanchthon in the period after Luther‘s death, in which political developments in the empire fashioned an arena for these disputes. In the months after Luther‘s death on 18 February 1546, Emperor Charles V finally was able to marshal forces to attempt the imposition of his will on his defiant Lutheran subjects and to execute the Edict of Worms of 1521, which had outlawed Luther and his followers. -
Calvin's Doctrine of the Lord's Supper
Perichoresis Volume 10. Issue 2 (2012): 137-163 DOI 10.2478/v10297-012-0007-3 CALVIN’S DOCTRINE OF THE LORD’S SUPPER * WIM JANSE Free University of Amsterdam ABSTRACT. In order to pinpoint its proprium , it is necessary to understand John Calvin’s Eu- charistic theology within the wider context of the intra-Protestant debates of his time. As a se- cond-generation Reformer, Calvin developed his ideas explicitly in reaction to and as a middle way between the Lutheran and Swiss Reformed discussions of the 1520’s. To that end this es- say first focuses on the main developments from the Middle Ages onwards, and then presents Calvin from the perspective of the positions taken up by some of his contemporaries, in parti- cular Philipp Melanchthon. Next, some representative texts written by Calvin himself are ana- lysed. Although Calvin’s Eucharistic views were not from the beginning a coherent and unified doctrine but developed only gradually, they may be described in a systematic-synthetic way. With respect to the matter of closed, open, and frequent communion, it is observed that for Calvin a regular celebration is essential to the deepening of the believer’s union with Christ. KEY WORDS: John Calvin, the Lord’s Supper, Eucharistic theology, Reformed sacramentolo- gy, communion Introduction Calvin’s doctrine of the Lord’s Supper is not just any chapter from Calvin’s theology. 1 In his Eucharistic theology we touch upon the core of Calvin’s thought. This is true not only for Calvin, but for all major sixteenth-century * WIM JANSE is professor of historical theology and dean of the Faculty of Theology wi- thin the Free University of Amsterdam. -
Philip Melanchthon: Justification As the Renewal of the Intellect and the Will
CHAPTER THREE PHILIP MELANCHTHON: JUSTIFICATION AS THE RENEWAL OF THE INTELLECT AND THE WILL Melanchthon has had the dubious honor of being the lupus fabulae of the history of Lutheranism. The reason for this hostility must be understood in context of controversies which followed Luther’s death and resulted in party-forming. The followers of Luther were split into a number of rival parties, two of which the most prominent were the Philippists, who were supporters of Melanchthon’s theology and style, and the Gnesiolutherans, who tried to identify themselves as the genuine followers of Luther.1 Melanchthon tried to formulate Lutheran theology in such a way as to maintain a connection with Calvinist theologians. During Luther’s lifetime, he had already sought an alliance with the Roman Catholic Church. Melanchthon’s ecumenical interests became apparent in Regens- burg (1541) and in the Leipzig interim (1548). The formulations of the interim in particular was interpreted as a deviation from Luther’s teachings. These accusations came from Joachim Mörlin, among others, whose comment embodies the ambivalent status of Melanchthon. He is our Preceptor, and Preceptor he shall be called. But when he speaks about the Lord’s Supper, free will, justifi cation of man, or actions concerning interims, then you, Philip, shall be praised by the devil, but me nevermore.2 Melanchthon’s notion of justifi cation evolved over the years so that the role of renewal in justifi cation varied. His greatest difference from Luther was his way of depicting renewal as the causal renewal of the 1 A third minor party was the Swabachian group, who were followers of Johannes Brenz. -
THE MISSION of the CHURCH: a RESPONSE to MICHAEL FAHEY in Responding to the Paper, I Will Be Guided by Herbert W
THE MISSION OF THE CHURCH: A RESPONSE TO MICHAEL FAHEY In responding to the paper, I will be guided by Herbert W. Richardson's genuine understanding "that every cultural epoch is characterized by a dominant intellectus, which undergirds not only the thought of an age but also its institutions."1 The dominant intellectus of our age is relativism, but of a special kind and with a very particular slant. It affirms that all judgments bear a socially relative character and, by their very nature, tend to eliminate divine transcendence. Furthermore, this relativistic intellectus both justifies and institutionalizes social differentiation, cultural pluralism, and even ideological conflict. Richardson also notes "that Christian faith has not opposed, but has accepted, the various cultural intellectus. But it has ac- cepted them only by qualifying them. That is, Christian faith has correlated an appropriate conception of faith with each of these intellectus in order to redeem them from their anti-human tendencies."2 The kind of faith coordinated with the defect of the relativistic intellectus of today is "faith as the power of reconcilia- tion which works to unite the many relative perspectives and to thwart ideological conflict"3 (fides reconcilians intellectum). 1Toward An American Theology (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1967), p. 36. He singles out five intellectus in the history of mankind: mystical rationalism, scientific naturalism, skeptical criticism, gnosticism, and relativism. The different cultural intellectus generate different types of idolatrous unbelief, and it is Christianity's duty to correlate each type with an appropriate type of faith. The five correlating types of faith are: fides quaerens intellectum, fides perficiens intellectum, fides formans intellectum, fides crucificiens intellectum, and fides reconcilians intellectum (cf. -
The Formula of Concord As a Model for Discourse in the Church
21st Conference of the International Lutheran Council Berlin, Germany August 27 – September 2, 2005 The Formula of Concord as a Model for Discourse in the Church Robert Kolb The appellation „Formula of Concord“ has designated the last of the symbolic or confessional writings of the Lutheran church almost from the time of its composition. This document was indeed a formulation aimed at bringing harmony to strife-ridden churches in the search for a proper expression of the faith that Luther had proclaimed and his colleagues and followers had confessed as a liberating message for both church and society fifty years earlier. This document is a formula, a written document that gives not even the slightest hint that it should be conveyed to human ears instead of human eyes. The Augsburg Confession had been written to be read: to the emperor, to the estates of the German nation, to the waiting crowds outside the hall of the diet in Augsburg. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, it is quite clear from recent research,1 followed the oral form of judicial argument as Melanchthon presented his case for the Lutheran confession to a mythically yet neutral emperor; the Apology was created at the yet not carefully defined border between oral and written cultures. The Large Catechism reads like the sermons from which it was composed, and the Small Catechism reminds every reader that it was written to be recited and repeated aloud. The Formula of Concord as a „Binding Summary“ of Christian Teaching In contrast, the „Formula of Concord“ is written for readers, a carefully- crafted formulation for the theologians and educated lay people of German Lutheran churches to ponder and study. -
Christian Theology in Outline
CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY IN OUTLINE BY WILLIAM ADAMS BROWN, Ph.D., D.D. ROOSEVELT PROFESSOR OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK AUTHOR OF "THE ESSENCE OF CHRISTIANITY" NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1919 Copyright, 1906, By Chari.es Scribner's Sons. Published, December, iqo<5 Reprinted October. T007; July. 1008; December, 1011; December, 1912; July, igi4; October, 1916; April, 1018; August, 1919. LIBRARY OF THE, Union Theological Semina'ry NEW YORK CITY PR BUNTED BY APR 9 *. ' 1S4K " CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY IN OUTLINE ,-- BOOKS BY PROF. WILLIAM ADAMS BROWN Published bt Charles Scribneb's Sons Is Christianity Practicable? 12mo net $1.60 Modern Theology and the Preaching or the Gospel. 12mo .... net $1 SO The Christian Hope: A Sirot in the Doctrine or Immortality. 12mo net 41.25 Christian Theology in Outline. 8vo net $3.00 The Essence or Christianity. £vo net SI 25 T3 S« 199300 /1H TO MY STUDENTS Past and Present in gratitude and hops PREFACE The book which follows owes its origin to a practical purpose. It is the outgrowth of the author's experience as a teacher of theology, and is the attempt to meet a definite need which that experience disclosed, — that, namely, of a brief handbook, at once scientific and constructive, in which the subjectrmatter of Christian theology should be treated from the modern point of view, and the new conceptions and ideals which have been more or less consciously affect ing Christian thought should be set forth in their inner consistency, and in their true relation to their antecedents in the past.