[Formula of Concord]
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The Limits Upon Adiaphoristic Freedom: Luther and Melanchthon1 Bernard J
THE LIMITS UPON ADIAPHORISTIC FREEDOM: LUTHER AND MELANCHTHON1 BERNARD J. VERKAMP Vincennes University, Indiana HEN LUTHER and his principal spokesman, Philip Melanchthon, Wlaunched their attack against the many ecclesiastical laws and regulations which had cropped up over the centuries, it was not so much a matter of attacking the traditions in themselves as it was an attempt to restore the doctrine of solafideism, which in their opinion the traditions had severely jeopardized. Once that doctrine was fully appreciated, Luther wrote, the Christian would "easily and safely find his way through those myriad mandates and precepts of popes, bishops, monas teries, churches, princes, and magistrates."2 As it turned out, that way, according to both Luther and Melanchthon, was an adiaphoristic via media. But whether such a path was as "easily and safely" to be discerned as Luther thought, may be doubted; for, as a matter of fact, the adiaphoristic freedom championed by the two Wittenberg Reformers was closely circumscribed by "limits" from without and within, which, because of their subtlety and complexity, could be and not infrequently were overlooked. In what follows, it will be my intention to show exactly what those limits are. I will begin by trying to establish the outer boundaries, or, in other words, the precise locus of the adiaphorism proffered by Luther and Melanchthon. At its sixth session the Council of Trent declared: "Si quis dixerit, nihil praeceptum esse in Evangelio praeter fidem, cetera esse indifferentia, ñeque praecepta, -
Durham Research Online
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 04 May 2017 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Ryrie, Alec (2016) 'The nature of spiritual experience.', in The Oxford handbook of the Protestant Reformations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 47-63. Oxford handbooks in history. Further information on publisher's website: https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646920.013.3 Publisher's copyright statement: This is a draft of a chapter that was accepted for publication by Oxford University Press in the book 'The Oxford Handbook of the Protestant Reformations' edited by Ulinka Rublack and published in 2016. Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk The Nature of Spiritual Experience ABSTRACT This article surveys the question of how early Protestantism was experienced by its practitioners, using the perspective of the history of emotions. -
Robert D. Hawkins
LEX OR A NDI LEX CREDENDI THE CON F ESSION al INDI ff ERENCE TO AL TITUDE Robert D. Hawkins t astounds me that, in the twenty-two years I have shared Catholics, as the Ritualists were known, formed the Church Iresponsibility for the liturgical formation of seminarians, of England Protection Society (1859), renamed the English I have heard Lutherans invoke the terms “high church” Church Union (1860), to challenge the authority of English and “low church” as if they actually describe with clar- civil law to determine ecclesiastical and liturgical practice.1 ity ministerial positions regarding worship. It is assumed The Church Association (1865) was formed to prosecute in that I am “high church” because I teach worship and know civil court the “catholic innovations.” Five Anglo-Catholic how to fire up a censer. On occasion I hear acquaintances priests were jailed following the 1874 enactment of the mutter vituperatively about “low church” types, apparently Public Worship Regulation Act for refusing to abide by civil ecclesiological life forms not far removed from amoebae. court injunctions regarding liturgical practices. Such prac- On the other hand, a history of the South Carolina Synod tices included the use of altar crosses, candlesticks, stoles included a passing remark about liturgical matters which with embroidered crosses, bowing, genuflecting, or the use historically had been looked upon in the region with no lit- of the sign of the cross in blessing their congregations.2 tle suspicion. It was feared upon my appointment, I sense, For readers whose ecclesiological sense is formed by that my supposed “high churchmanship” would distract notions about the separation of church and state, such the seminarians from the rigors of pastoral ministry into prosecution seems mind-boggling, if not ludicrous. -
Competing Views of Original Sin and Associated Arguments and Meanings
CHAPTER TWO COMPETING VIEWS OF ORIGINAL SIN AND ASSOCIATED ARGUMENTS AND MEANINGS The dispute over the definition of original sin, or more precisely, Matthias Flacius Illyricus’s1 controversial explanation of this doctrine, originated at the University of Jena in 1560 among the highest levels of the Lutheran academic world. It did not enter the territory of Mansfeld until a decade later. There it first claimed the attention of those clerics who operated in intellectual circles that went beyond the territory’s borders. But divisions within this ecclesiastical leadership soon spread throughout the territory’s entire pastorate. It may seem strange to begin a discussion of lay religiosity with elite theologians debating abstract points of doctrine in ivory towers. But in order to understand why the laity of Mansfeld became deeply involved in the controversy, it is important to start at the beginning with the central intellectual premise, and work outward to the various meanings and connotations it came to encompass. Only then can the laity’s association with one side or the other begin to make sense. The assumption here is that a purely intellectual weighing of the validity of the two definitions of original sin was not the only aspect of the debate 1 Matthias Flacius Illyricus (1520–1575) was born in Croatia, but studied in Venice, Basel, and Tübingen, before matriculating in Wittenberg in 1541. He eventu- ally became a professor of Hebrew there, where he was influenced by both Luther and Melanchthon, the former particularly with regard to pastoral care, the latter with regard to theology. After Emperor Charles V’s defeat of the Lutheran princes in the Schmalkald War (1547), as Melanchthon was urging a conciliatory policy, Flacius took up the banner of complete resistance. -
The Book of Concord FAQ God's Word
would be no objective way to make sure that there is faithful teaching and preaching of The Book of Concord FAQ God's Word. Everything would depend on each pastor's private opinions, subjective Confessional Lutherans for Christ’s Commission interpretations, and personal feelings, rather than on objective truth as set forth in the By permission of Rev. Paul T. McCain Lutheran Confessions. What is the Book of Concord? Do all Lutheran churches have the same view of the Book of Concord? The Book of Concord is a book published in 1580 that contains the Lutheran No. Many Lutheran churches in the world today have been thoroughly influenced by the Confessions. liberal theology that has taken over most so-called "mainline" Protestant denominations in North America and the large Protestant state churches in Europe, Scandinavia, and elsewhere. The foundation of much of modern theology is the view that the words of What are the Lutheran Confessions? the Bible are not actually God's words but merely human opinions and reflections of the The Lutheran Confessions are ten statements of faith that Lutherans use as official ex- personal feelings of those who wrote the words. Consequently, confessions that claim planations and summaries of what they believe, teach, and confess. They remain to this to be true explanations of God's Word are now regarded more as historically day the definitive standard of what Lutheranism is. conditioned human opinions, rather than as objective statements of truth. This would explain why some Lutheran churches enter into fellowship arrangements with What does Concord mean? non-Lutheran churches teaching things in direct conflict with the Holy Scriptures and the Concord means "harmony." The word is derived from two Latin words and is translated Lutheran Confessions. -
The Case of the Lost Luther Reference
1 CONCORDIA 1 THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY I Volume 43 Number 4 OCTOBER I979 .4nnouncement: -1 hird Annual Sq.mposium on the Lutheran Confessions ........................................... 271 Rabbinical LVritings of the Earl! Christian Centuries and Keu. Testament interpretation ....... Ravmond F. Surbi~rg273 I God's h,linisters. Their Calls. and Their Relationship to Each Other ................ Vetnon H. Harley 286 qar-ne W. Teigen 295 i The Case of the Lost Luther Reference ... The State of Evangelibrn in the i l,ut heran Church-Missouri SJ nod ............ E~Rin J. Kolb 3 10 I An .Application of Case Grammar to Two I New Testament Passages ..................... Theodore Mueller 330 A Reformation Hymn ............................... Douglas Judisch 326 > 3 Opinion of the Department of' Systematic Theolog~............ >2I Homiletical Studies .............................................................. 338 Book Reviews ........................................................................ 773 The Case of the Lost Luther Reference Bjarne W. Teigen The authors of the Formula of Concord appeal especially to Luther to cast further light on what they are expounding. They speak of him as "This highly enlightened man" (SD VII, 28), and call him the "chief teacher of the Augsburg Confession" (SD VII, 34). They particularly appeal to his writings on the Sacrament of the Altar in connection with Article VII and VIII of the Solid Declaration. A careful reading of the Formula of Concord shows that the confessors wanted to confess compIetely the doctrine -
Melanchthon Versus Luther: the Contemporary Struggle
CONCORDIA THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Volume 44, Numbers 2-3 --- - - - JULY 1980 Can the Lutheran Confessions Have Any Meaning 450 Years Later?.................... Robert D. Preus 104 Augustana VII and the Eclipse of Ecumenism ....................................... Sieg bert W. Becker 108 Melancht hon versus Luther: The Contemporary Struggle ......................... Bengt Hagglund 123 In-. Response to Bengt Hagglund: The importance of Epistemology for Luther's and Melanchthon's Theology .............. Wilbert H. Rosin 134 Did Luther and Melanchthon Agree on the Real Presence?.. ....................................... David P. Scaer 14 1 Luther and Melanchthon in America ................................................ C. George Fry 148 Luther's Contribution to the Augsburg Confession .............................................. Eugene F. Klug 155 Fanaticism as a Theological Category in the Lutheran Confessions ............................... Paul L. Maier 173 Homiletical Studies 182 Melanchthon versus Luther: the Contemporary Struggle Bengt Hagglund Luther and Melanchthon in Modern Research In many churches in Scandinavia or in Germany one will find two oil paintings of the same size and datingfrom the same time, representing Martin Luther and Philip Melanchthon, the two prime reformers of the Church. From the point of view of modern research it may seem strange that Melanchthon is placed on the same level as Luther, side by side with him, equal in importance and equally worth remembering as he. Their common achieve- ment was, above all, the renewal of the preaching of the Gospel, and therefore it is deserving t hat their portraits often are placed in the neighborhood of the pulpit. Such pairs of pictures were typical of the nineteenth-century view of Melanchthon and Luther as harmonious co-workers in the Reformation. These pic- tures were widely displayed not only in the churches, but also in many private homes in areas where the Reformation tradition was strong. -
Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of His Polish Contemporaries
ODRODZENIE I REFORMACJA W POLSCE ■ SI 2017 ■ PL ISSN 0029-8514 Janusz Tazbir Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of his Polish Contemporaries Over thirty years ago Oskar Bartel, a distinguished scholar of the history of the Polish Reformation, bemoaned how little was known about the relations between preceptor Germaniae and the movement. In an article about the familiarity with Melanchthon, both as person and his oeuvre, in Poland, Bartel wrote: “wir besitzen einige Werke, meist Broschüren über Luther, Calvin, sogar Hus und Zwingli, aber ich habe keine über Melanchton gefunden”.1 Bartel’s article provided a recapitulation, if somewhat incomplete, of the state of research at the time, and essentially stopped at the death of the Reformer. There- fore, in this study I would like to point to the results of the last thirty years of research, on the one hand, and highlight the post-mortem impact of Melanchthon’s writings and the reflection of his person in the memories of the next generations, on the other. The new information about the contacts Melanchthon had with Poland that has come to light since the 1960s is scattered across a number of articles or monographs; there is to date no separate study devoted to the German Reformer. Only a handful of contributions have been published. No wonder therefore that twenty years after the publication of Bartel’s article, Roman Nir begins his study of corre- spondence between Melanchthon and Krzycki thus: “Relatively little 1 O. Bartel, “Luther und Melanchton in Polen,” in: Luther und Melanchton. Refe rate und Berichte des Zweiten Internationalen Kongress für Lutherforschung, Münster, 8.–13. -
Confession (Book of Concord, Pp. 476-80)
May: [Note to the readers. With this installment, our series Learning Luther ceases for the summer months to resume in September. Church leaders! If you have enjoyed and profited from these studies, permit me to exhort you to share the experience in an age appropriate way by supporting our new program, TforTeens ("Theology for Teens") at Roanoke College this summer. Please identify those young people in your midst who would benefit from this week with Prof. Ned Wisnefske, Chaplain Chris Bowen, our Synod Youth Minister Dave Delaney and myself. We will be pouring over the story of Creation and Fall in Genesis 1-3 with help from Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Martin Luther. The cost is virtually free. Invest with us in cultivating future leaders of the church! -- Dr. Paul Hinlicky] Confession (Book of Concord, pp. 476-80) Introduction By Paul R. Hinlicky, Tise Professor of Lutheran Studies, Roanoke College & Docent, Evanjelicka Bohoslovecka Fakulta, Univerzita Komenskeho, Bratislava, Slovakia. Confession is not a sacrament as such but a sacramental practice that negotiates between baptism into Christ and reception of His supper. It consists in contrite confession of sin and pronunciation of divine forgiveness. It may be public and general, as is customary in many Lutheran churches. It may also be private and particular. The latter Luther not only allows but emphatically endorses, indeed, he exhorts Christians to it in this concluding part of his Large Catechism. As we heard last time, Luther refused to make a legalistic rule about frequency of communion, as had been done previously. Confession to the priest had been made a precondition to worthy reception; it was extorted with a checklist of prohibited thoughts, words and deeds. -
Defending Faith
Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation Studies in the Late Middle Ages, Humanism and the Reformation herausgegeben von Volker Leppin (Tübingen) in Verbindung mit Amy Nelson Burnett (Lincoln, NE), Berndt Hamm (Erlangen) Johannes Helmrath (Berlin), Matthias Pohlig (Münster) Eva Schlotheuber (Düsseldorf) 65 Timothy J. Wengert Defending Faith Lutheran Responses to Andreas Osiander’s Doctrine of Justification, 1551– 1559 Mohr Siebeck Timothy J. Wengert, born 1950; studied at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor), Luther Seminary (St. Paul, MN), Duke University; 1984 received Ph. D. in Religion; since 1989 professor of Church History at The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. ISBN 978-3-16-151798-3 ISSN 1865-2840 (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2012 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher’s written permission. This applies particularly to reproduc- tions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was typeset by Martin Fischer in Tübingen using Minion typeface, printed by Gulde- Druck in Tübingen on non-aging paper and bound Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier. Printed in Germany. Acknowledgements Thanks is due especially to Bernd Hamm for accepting this manuscript into the series, “Spätmittelalter, Humanismus und Reformation.” A special debt of grati- tude is also owed to Robert Kolb, my dear friend and colleague, whose advice and corrections to the manuscript have made every aspect of it better and also to my doctoral student and Flacius expert, Luka Ilic, for help in tracking down every last publication by Matthias Flacius. -
Abuses Under Indictment at the Diet of Augsburg 1530 Jared Wicks, S.J
ABUSES UNDER INDICTMENT AT THE DIET OF AUGSBURG 1530 JARED WICKS, S.J. Gregorian University, Rome HE MOST recent historical scholarship on the religious dimensions of Tthe Diet of Augsburg in 1530 has heightened our awareness and understanding of the momentous negotiations toward unity conducted at the Diet.1 Beginning August 16, 1530, Lutheran and Catholic represent atives worked energetically, and with some substantial successes, to overcome the divergence between the Augsburg Confession, which had been presented on June 25, and the Confutation which was read on behalf of Emperor Charles V on August 3. Negotiations on doctrine, especially on August 16-17, narrowed the differences on sin, justification, good works, and repentance, but from this point on the discussions became more difficult and an impasse was reached by August 21 which further exchanges only confirmed. The Emperor's draft recess of September 22 declared that the Lutheran confession had been refuted and that its signers had six months to consider acceptance of the articles proposed to them at the point of impasse in late August. Also, no further doctrinal innovations nor any more changes in religious practice were to be intro duced in their domains.2 When the adherents of the Reformation dis sented from this recess, it became unmistakably clear that the religious unity of the German Empire and of Western Christendom was on the way to dissolution. But why did it come to this? Why was Charles V so severely frustrated in realizing the aims set for the Diet in his conciliatory summons of January 21, 1530? The Diet was to be a forum for a respectful hearing of the views and positions of the estates and for considerations on those steps that would lead to agreement and unity in one church under Christ.3 1 The most recent stage of research began with Gerhard Müller, "Johann Eck und die Confessio Augustana/' Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Biblio theken 38 (1958) 205-42, and continued in works by Eugène Honèe and Vinzenz Pfhür, with further contributions of G.