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The Limits Upon Adiaphoristic Freedom: Luther and Melanchthon1 Bernard J

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The Limits Upon Adiaphoristic Freedom: Luther and Melanchthon1 Bernard J THE LIMITS UPON ADIAPHORISTIC FREEDOM: LUTHER AND MELANCHTHON1 BERNARD J. VERKAMP Vincennes University, Indiana HEN LUTHER and his principal spokesman, Philip Melanchthon, Wlaunched their attack against the many ecclesiastical laws and regulations which had cropped up over the centuries, it was not so much a matter of attacking the traditions in themselves as it was an attempt to restore the doctrine of solafideism, which in their opinion the traditions had severely jeopardized. Once that doctrine was fully appreciated, Luther wrote, the Christian would "easily and safely find his way through those myriad mandates and precepts of popes, bishops, monas­ teries, churches, princes, and magistrates."2 As it turned out, that way, according to both Luther and Melanchthon, was an adiaphoristic via media. But whether such a path was as "easily and safely" to be discerned as Luther thought, may be doubted; for, as a matter of fact, the adiaphoristic freedom championed by the two Wittenberg Reformers was closely circumscribed by "limits" from without and within, which, because of their subtlety and complexity, could be and not infrequently were overlooked. In what follows, it will be my intention to show exactly what those limits are. I will begin by trying to establish the outer boundaries, or, in other words, the precise locus of the adiaphorism proffered by Luther and Melanchthon. At its sixth session the Council of Trent declared: "Si quis dixerit, nihil praeceptum esse in Evangelio praeter fidem, cetera esse indifferentia, ñeque praecepta, ñeque prohibita, sed libera, aut decern praecepta nihil pertinere ad Christianos: anathema sit."3 In commenting on this *By "adiaphoristic freedom" is to be understood that liberty which one enjoys m the realm of adiaphora Etymologically, the latter term is derived from the Greek verb diapherem, "to differ," and is used therefore in a very general sense to designate those matters which "make no difference" or are "indifferent " The specific sense in which it was employed by Christian theologians, the Reformers in particular, will become clear in the course of the subsequent discussion 2 Tractatus de libértate Christiana (WA 7, 68) The following abbreviations will be used in citing the German and English editions of Luther's works WA Luthers Werke, Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimar, 1883 ff ), LW Luther's Works (Philadelphia and St Louis, 1955 ff ) 3 Concila Tridentini actorum, ed S Ehses, 5 (Freiburg, 1911) 799, canon 19 This canon was finally approved along with the whole Decree on Justification on Jan 13, 1547 It had first been presented for consideration to the Council fathers on Oct 31, 1546 Ehses notes that the phrase "cetera esse indifferentia" was added by Cardinal de Monte (ibid., ρ 516) 52 LIMITS UPON ADIAPHORISTIC FREEDOM 53 Tridentine canon about a century and a half ago, C. C. E. Schmid remarked that Luther's emphasis upon the Pauline doctrine of justifica­ tion by faith alone was so strong that he was unable to escape the suspicion of teaching that everything but faith is indifferent.4 Apparently the Tridentine Fathers shared that suspicion; for, while Schmid was inclined to think that the above canon was probably directed against some "careless followers" of Luther's evangelical doctrine and not against Luther himself,5 the fact that the decree as a whole does have Luther and Melanchthon very much in mind would suggest that the latter were also the target of canon 19.β This is further substantiated by the fact that already some fifteen years earlier, in his 404 Articles and the Confutatio pontificia, John Eck had accused the Lutherans of subscrib­ ing to the notion that "faith alone is necessary; all other things are entirely free and neither commanded nor prohibited."7 Some scholars in more recent times have also left the impression that the Tridentine Fathers would not have been altogether wrong had they indeed intended the canon as a condemnation of the two Wittenberg Reformers. T. W. Street, in an unpublished study of John Calvin's adiaphorism, has attempted to establish a distinction between Calvin's understanding of adiaphora and that of Luther and Melanchthon, on the grounds that the latter locate the indifference of external acts in their not being "sources of justification."8 C. L. Manschreck suggested much the same when, in introducing a discussion of Melanchthon's role in the adiapho- ristic controversy of 1549, he wrote that "external observances are adiaphora so far as righteousness is concerned; they are not necessary to justification."9 But if that were the case, then Luther and Melanchthon both would have had to have said that all things outside of faith were adiaphora, since, according to both, man is justified by faith alone. 4C C E Schmid, Adiaphora, wissenschaftlich und historisch untersucht (Leipzig, 1809) ρ 617 5 Ibid β During the long discussion that continued from October 1546 to January 1547 on the justification decree, canon 19 received almost no attention at all The conciliar secretary simply reports that it received no comment (Ehses, op cit, pp 761, 517-789) The final form in which it was approved was exactly the same as it was when presented on Oct 31 This lack of discussion of the canon makes it impossible to determine exactly against whom the canon was directed 7 See The Augsburg Confession A Collection of Sources, ed J M Reu (St Louis, 1966) pp 108, 338 8Τ W Street, "John Calvin on Adiaphora An Exposition," unpublished PhD dissertation, Union Theological Seminary (NYC), 1954, pp 255-56 eC L Manschreck, "The Role of Melanchthon m the Adiaphora Controversy," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 49 (1957) 165, hereafter cited as Manschreck, "Controversy " 54 THEOLOGICAL STUDIES Manschreck implied that that is precisely what Luther and Melanchthon had had in mind; for he writes that "if one insists that justification is by faith alone, everything else is adiaphoristic.,nu To judge from such remarks, Luther and Melanchthon did indeed teach what the Tridentine canon condemned. But was that actually the case? It would seem not.11 From its position in the Tridentine text, it is clear that the aforementioned canon had reference not to the Reformers' doctrine about "original justification" (the alien righteousness imputed to man) but to their notion of "sanctification" (the "new being" which comes with the appropriation of Christ's righteousness). The same must probably be assumed also of the remarks by Street and Manschreck, since both Luther and Melanchthon were so clear in teaching that in the process of original justification every human action apart from faith ushered coram Deo not only is of no value (notwithstanding its "natural" goodness) but is positively sinful, and therefore not to be conceived of as indifferent. Like the Tridentine canon, therefore, Street and Mans­ chreck probably had in mind only to suggest that according to Luther and Melanchthon everything but faith is indifferent for the Christian insofar as he is a "new man." But can one make even such an assertion? By reason of his faith in Christ, Melanchthon wrote, the Christian is no longer a slave of the law; the law has been abrogated in his regard, and not only the judicial and ceremonial laws but the moral law as well.12 He becomes, in the words of Luther, "the free lord of all, subject to none."13 No longer does he have to prove himself worthy under the law. Although he remains a sinner, he need not despair. The accusations of the law, of the devil, of the pope, of the self, or of anyone else, can no longer overwhelm him. By faith the righteousness of Christ is now his righteousness. His sin will no longer be held against him. He has been accepted as he is. Having recognized God, he can forget himself. His is a share in the lordship of Christ, and he finds that now "everything is free 10 Ibid. "It may be noted that Schmid drew the same conclusion, but made little effort to substantiate it, being more concerned with the philosophical dimensions of adiaphorism. His preoccupation with the latter may be explained in part by the fact that his contemporaries, Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Schleiermacher, were also airing their opinions on the theory at about the same time. See I. Kant, Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft, ed. K. Vorländer (Hamburg, 1956) p. 21; F. Schleiermacher, "Grundlinien einer Kritik der bisherigen Sittenlehre," Werke 1 (Leipzig, 1910) 135-38; Schleiermacher, "Über den Begriff des Erlaubten," Werke 1, 417-44. 12 Melanchthons Werke in Auswahl, ed. R. Stupperich, H. Engelland, et al., 2/1 (Gütersloh, 1952) 125-32; this edition of Melanchthon's works hereafter cited as M W. ™De lib. christ. (WA 7, 49). See, in general, M. E. Marty, "Luther on Ethics: Man Free and Slave," Accents in Luther's Theology, ed. Η. O. Kadai (St. Louis, 1967) pp. 199-227. LIMITS UPON ADIAPHORISTIC FREEDOM 55 and nothing necessary."14 Such, according to Luther and Melanchthon, is the radical freedom enjoyed by every Christian. But is it of an adiaphoristic sort? In its original conception among the ancient Cynic and Stoic philoso­ phers, the term adiaphoron had been used to designate a thing which, when considered in itself, was never of such decisive value or disvalue as not to be able to be rendered either good or evil in the concrete by the human intention.16 Such an understanding of the term was introduced into Christian thought by the Alexandrians Clement and Origen,16 and received some attention from other early Church Fathers like John Chrysostom, John Cassian, and Augustine.17 During the High Middle Ages it figured considerably in the long debate over the intrinsic morality of human actions that was started by Abelard and reached a conclusion of sorts with Thomas Aquinas.18 By the late Middle Ages, however, most of the discussion of adiaphora had shifted to the more specifically theological line of adiaphoristic thought, which had also been under development since apostolic times.19 Along this latter line the emphasis "Epist.
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