AFRREV IJAH, Vol.1 (3) August, 2012
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Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia
‘Listen, Politics is not for Children:’ Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Henryatta Louise Ballah Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Drs. Ousman Kobo, Advisor Antoinette Errante Ahmad Sikianga i Copyright by Henryatta Louise Ballah 2012 ii Abstract This dissertation explores the historical causes of the Liberian civil war (1989- 2003), with a keen attention to the history of Liberian youth, since the beginning of the Republic in 1847. I carefully analyzed youth engagements in social and political change throughout the country’s history, including the ways by which the civil war impacted the youth and inspired them to create new social and economic spaces for themselves. As will be demonstrated in various chapters, despite their marginalization by the state, the youth have played a crucial role in the quest for democratization in the country, especially since the 1960s. I place my analysis of the youth in deep societal structures related to Liberia’s colonial past and neo-colonial status, as well as the impact of external factors, such as the financial and military support the regime of Samuel Doe received from the United States during the cold war and the influence of other African nations. I emphasize that the socio-economic and political policies implemented by the Americo- Liberians (freed slaves from the U.S.) who settled in the country beginning in 1822, helped lay the foundation for the civil war. -
TRC of Liberia Final Report Volum Ii
REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA FINAL REPORT VOLUME II: CONSOLIDATED FINAL REPORT This volume constitutes the final and complete report of the TRC of Liberia containing findings, determinations and recommendations to the government and people of Liberia Volume II: Consolidated Final Report Table of Contents List of Abbreviations <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<............. i Acknowledgements <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<... iii Final Statement from the Commission <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<............... v Quotations <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 1 1.0 Executive Summary <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< 2 1.1 Mandate of the TRC <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< 2 1.2 Background of the Founding of Liberia <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<... 3 1.3 History of the Conflict <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<................ 4 1.4 Findings and Determinations <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< 6 1.5 Recommendations <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<... 12 1.5.1 To the People of Liberia <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 12 1.5.2 To the Government of Liberia <<<<<<<<<<. <<<<<<. 12 1.5.3 To the International Community <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 13 2.0 Introduction <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 14 2.1 The Beginning <<................................................................................................... 14 2.2 Profile of Commissioners of the TRC of Liberia <<<<<<<<<<<<.. 14 2.3 Profile of International Technical Advisory Committee <<<<<<<<<. 18 2.4 Secretariat and Specialized Staff <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 20 2.5 Commissioners, Specialists, Senior Staff, and Administration <<<<<<.. 21 2.5.1 Commissioners <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<. 22 2.5.2 International Technical Advisory -
Bond, Ruth Clement
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Program Foreign Service Spouse Series RUTH CLEMENT BOND Interviewed by: Jewell Fenzi Initial interview date: November 12, 1992 TABLE OF CONTENTS Haiti was first post, with Good Neighbor Policy Max Bond, husband, was Chief of Party, team of 6 or 7, two were women, sent to teach languages, home ma(ing, science. Ruth Bond was "on the team" as volunteer, taught English. English was her field, she had previously taught at .entuc(y State. Max had found scholarship for a young Haitian to study in /S, however, the scholarship insufficient to support family, young man could not afford to give up his teaching job. Ruth taught his classes, gave the salary to the young Haitian, enabling him to study in /.S. Max Bond had scholarship to /niversity of Southern California Ruth had baby, began studying for her PhD Child care arrangement was disastrous Ruth felt child more important and decided to stay home, never found opportunity to pursue her degree Max went with T1A 2Tennessee 1alley Authority3 Ruth organi4ed wives of dam wor(ers, who had previously had no cash income, were wives of former sharecroppers, etc. Government built housing for families, Bonds lived in one of the cottages 2Max always encouraged Ruth to get involved3 Ruth began house beautification program, each cottage had its "T1A room5" Drapes from dyed flour sac(s from the commissary. Rugs woven by hand 6uilts stitched from Ruth7s designs Ruth designed and cut pattern for "Blac( Power" 8uilt, signifying economic power for women that resulted from T1A. -
Africa at LSE: Book Review: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf by Pamela Scully Page 1 of 3
Africa at LSE: Book Review: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf by Pamela Scully Page 1 of 3 Book Review: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf by Pamela Scully In scarcely 100 short pages, this excellent addition to the Ohio Short Histories of Africa series offers a valuable perspective on Liberia’s outgoing President, and Africa’s first elected female Head of State. With its small size yet wide scope, it sometimes reads less as a biography of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and more as a potted history of the Republic of Liberia from the American Colonization Society to the Ebola crisis. It is none the worse for that, writes Calum Fisher. Notwithstanding heady talk of a “biographical turn,” biographical methods and approaches remain marginal amongst professional historians and certainly social scientists. Pamela Scully’s book seems pitched to straddle the academic/popular divide and as such skilfully demonstrates not only the “accessibility” but also the scholarly value of biography. With the life of President Sirleaf serving as a thread throughout (albeit a near-vanishing one at times), the author surveys the modern history of Liberia with admirable economy and insight, and finds many of the dilemmas and contradictions of the country’s past and present embodied in her subject. Ellen Johnson was born, in 1938, deep within the elite social milieu and intersectional privileges of Americo-Liberian Monrovia. She grew up on the same street as the all- important US embassy; her father was active in politics and in the government of President William Tubman (1944-1971); her mother ran an elementary school, and was a preacher in the Presbyterian churches associated with elite society. -
Conflict, the Rise of Nations, and the Decay of States: The
Ethnopolitical Violence in the Liberian Civil War by Earl Conteh-Morgan and Shireen Kadivar Earl Conteh-Morgan is Associate Professor in the Department of Government and International Affairs, University of South Florida. Shireen E. Kadivar is a Ph.D. candidate at the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. INTRODUCTION Ethnic division is a source of both conflict and cooperation in all societies. Conflicts erupt and escalate when sparked by political power struggles and are underpinned by complicated political alliances in which ethnic identity and affili- ations are key variables. The post-Cold War international system is experiencing an increase in the scope and intensity of conflicts underlined by violent and internecine ethnic rivalries. The former Yugoslavia, Somalia, South Africa, and Liberia are the more recent and notable cases. To a greater or lesser extent, many of the interethnic conflict situations that have either subsided or are ongoing have antecedents involving colonial rule or a foreign group.1 While this historical legacy perhaps is a major contributory factor to many of the varied internal political, economic, and social issues, the roots of ongoing conflicts are often actions and policies established during colonial rule, even though the colonial power may no longer be directly involved in the conflict. Examples are power left in the hands of favored minorities; the divide and rule tactics of colonial administrators; and artificial borders that permanently separated members of the same ethnic group. Moreover, the "we- feeling" or communauté de conscience associated with each ethnic group, in times of crisis become further polarized and come into direct confrontation with that of other ethnic groups. -
Modern African Leaders
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 446 012 SO 032 175 AUTHOR Harris, Laurie Lanzen, Ed.; Abbey, CherieD., Ed. TITLE Biography Today: Profiles of People ofInterest to Young Readers. World Leaders Series: Modern AfricanLeaders. Volume 2. ISBN ISBN-0-7808-0015-X PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 223p. AVAILABLE FROM Omnigraphics, Inc., 615 Griswold, Detroit,MI 48226; Tel: 800-234-1340; Web site: http: / /www.omnigraphics.com /. PUB TYPE Collected Works General (020)-- Reference Materials - General (130) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC09 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS African History; Biographies; DevelopingNations; Foreign Countries; *Individual Characteristics;Information Sources; Intermediate Grades; *Leaders; Readability;Secondary Education IDENTIFIERS *Africans; *Biodata ABSTRACT This book provides biographical profilesof 16 leaders of modern Africa of interest to readersages 9 and above and was created to appeal to young readers in a format theycan enjoy reading and easily understand. Biographies were prepared afterextensive research, and this volume contains a name index, a general index, a place of birth index, anda birthday index. Each entry providesat least one picture of the individual profiled, and bold-faced rubrics lead thereader to information on birth, youth, early memories, education, firstjobs, marriage and family,career highlights, memorable experiences, hobbies,and honors and awards. All of the entries end with a list of highly accessiblesources designed to lead the student to further reading on the individual.African leaders featured in the book are: Mohammed Farah Aidid (Obituary)(1930?-1996); Idi Amin (1925?-); Hastings Kamuzu Banda (1898?-); HaileSelassie (1892-1975); Hassan II (1929-); Kenneth Kaunda (1924-); JomoKenyatta (1891?-1978); Winnie Mandela (1934-); Mobutu Sese Seko (1930-); RobertMugabe (1924-); Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972); Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922-);Anwar Sadat (1918-1981); Jonas Savimbi (1934-); Leopold Sedar Senghor(1906-); and William V. -
The Technopolitics of Swedish Iron Mining in Cold War Liberia, 1950–1990 T Karl Bruno
The Extractive Industries and Society 7 (2020) 39–49 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect The Extractive Industries and Society journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/exis Original article The technopolitics of Swedish iron mining in Cold War Liberia, 1950–1990 T Karl Bruno Division of History of Science, Technology and Environment, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Teknikringen 74D, SE-100 44, Stockholm, Sweden ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Earlier research on Cold War resource politics has not focused significantly on the interests of smaller, non- Cold War colonial industrialized states. This paper examines the iron mining company LAMCO in Liberia, dominated Iron mining strategically and operationally by Swedish actors and interests, between the mid-1950s and the late 1980s. It LAMCO argues that the creation of LAMCO must be understood in the context of the early Cold War and its international Liberia politics, and that the enterprise’s subsequent development was characterized by a specific technopolitical dy- Technopolitics namic resulting from the encounter between the Liberian government’s development strategy and the Swedish investors’ need to mitigate political risks both in Liberia and at home. The findings help clarify the conditions under which actors from an ostensibly non-aligned and non-colonial country could gain access to minerals in Africa. They also contribute to our understanding of iron mining in Liberian political history, showing how LAMCO developed in close association with particular developmental policies in Liberia that sought to promote national development while simultaneously increasing the power of the Liberian presidency. Though it initially served this purpose successfully, its operations also generated a string of unexpected outcomes that eventually made the company a serious problem for the Liberian government. -
Liberia: a Case Study
Liberia: A Case Study Prepared for the International Growth Center Workshop on Growth in Fragile States By * † ERIC WERKER AND JASMINA BEGANOVIC June 24, 2011 * Associate Professor, Harvard Business School; Fellow, Harvard Center for International Development; Economic Advisor to the President, Republic of Liberia. Corresponding author: [email protected]. † Liberia Research Fellow, Harvard Center for International Development. 1 Liberia has been a fragile state by most definitions since April 1979, when protests over a government decision to increase the price of rice resulted in widespread looting and a violent police crackdown in the capital, Monrovia. Within a year of the riots, Samuel Doe—a 28-year old master sergeant of the Liberian army—led a coup against the government of President William Tolbert, killing Tolbert in the Executive Mansion and publicly executing eleven members of his government. The subsequent decade under the leadership of Doe was marked by economic decline, instability, and increasing violence. In 1989 rebel warlord Charles Taylor mounted a counter-insurgency that dragged Liberia into intermittent, but widespread and brutal, conflict for the subsequent fourteen years. Since 2003, following U.S. and Nigerian intervention, Liberia has been a “post-conflict” fragile state, graduating from two years of transitional government to nearly six under the democratic reign of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, albeit with continued support from a force of more than 10,000 United Nations peacekeepers. The President’s many pro-growth and conflict-resolving reforms since the peace have put the country on a positive trajectory, but fundamental challenges continue to exist and the stability of the reform consensus remains fragile. -
Liberian Case Study POLI 120N: Contention and Conflict in Africa Professor Adida
POLI 120N: Contention and Conflict in Africa Professor Adida Liberian case study Final projects • Final week of class, 6 groups, 3 per class session, 20 minutes each • Structure • Background • Description of conflict • Explanation of conflict • Take-away • Graded on • depth of understanding of case • Ability to apply theories learned in class • Clarity (slides and delivery) • Originality (keep us engaged) Background • Colonized by the American Colonization Society • First Black Americans arrived in 1822 mappery.com Background • Colonized by the American Colonization Society • First freed American slaves arrived in 1822 • Liberia proclaimed Africa’s first independent republic in 1847 • Country’s motto: “The love of liberty brought us here” - applied only to settlers; native population brutalized • Source of settlers’ power: support from US and US corporations Domination of Americo- Liberians • Settlers, aka Americo-Liberians, monopolized political power • Indigenous peasants “eked out meager living” (Berkeley) Tubman, 1944-1971 • Graft and repression peaked under his rule: devoted more than 1% of national budget to the upkeep of presidential yacht • But also liberalized the system • Open-door policy • Unification policy Tolbert, 1971-1980 • Tried to liberalize the political machinery, but not enough • April 12, 1980: Samuel Doe, master sergeant in the Armed Forces of Liberia, led a coup; disemboweled Tolbert, executed his cabinet • People’s Redemption Council (PRC): brutal rule, repression, terrorization of population; stole $300 million • Ethnic favoritism: Doe progressively filled the top positions with family friends and loyal confidants, all who shared Doe’s Krahn ethnicity • Appointed Mandingos to positions in rural government and granted them preferential business opportunities Samuel Doe’s tyrannical rule • Populist policies • U.S. -
Download Download
VOLUME XXIV 1999 Number 2 LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL MONSERRADO MARGIBI Published by THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION, INC. PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL Editorial Policy The Liberian Studies Journal is dedicated to the publication of original research on social, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. Opinions of contributors to the Journal do not necessarily reflect the policy of the organizations they represent or the Liberian Studies Association, publishers of the Journal. Manuscript Requirements Manuscripts intended for consideration should not exceed 25 typewritten, double-spaced pages, with margins of one-and-a-half inches. The page limit includes graphs, references, tables and appendices. Authors must, in addition to their manuscripts, submit a computer disk of their work, preferably in WordPerfect 6.1 for Windows. Notes and references should be placed at the end of the text with headings, e.g., Notes; References. Notes, if any, should precede the references. The Journal is published in June and December. Deadline for the first issue is February, and for the second, August. Manuscripts should include a title page that provides the title of the text, author's name, address, phone number, and affiliation. All works will be reviewed by anonymous referees. Manuscripts are accepted in English and French. Manuscripts must conform to the editorial style of either the Chicago Manual of Style (the preferred style), or the American Psychological Association (APA) or Modern Language Association (MLA). All manuscripts intended for consideration should be mailed to: Amos J. -
Radio, Propaganda, and National Development in Samuel Doe's
Enemies of the Revolution: Radio, Propaganda, and National Development in Samuel Doe’s Liberia, 1980-19891 By Michael A. Innes When you read a work of history, always listen out for the buzzing. If you can detect none, either you are tone deaf or your historian is a dull dog. — E.H. Carr2 [I] will make no empty promises that I cannot keep. — Samuel Kanyon Doe3 In 1980, tensions between Liberia’s ruling class and its ethnically- heterogeneous African majority came to a head. The political elite, led by President William R. Tolbert, was deposed in a bloody coup staged by seventeen enlisted soldiers of the Armed Forces of Liberia. The new military government appropriated the populist rhetoric of Tolbert’s political opposition and co-opted its intellectual leadership. The new regime’s promise of democracy expressed long-standing rural frustration over the exclusion of Liberia’s hinterland population from the political life of the state by “Americo-Liberians”, descendants of Liberia’s ethnic settler class. Tolbert’s fall marked the end of that monopoly. For the next decade, Liberians endured the autocratic rule of Master Sergeant Samuel Kanyon Doe, one of the 1980 putschists and a member of the Krahn ethnic minority. Under Doe, revolutionary populism gave way to ethnic patronage, and by decade’s end, the promise of Liberian nationhood was splintered by episodes of inter-communal violence and persistent fears of revenge. In an ethnic landscape composed of over a dozen distinct groups, none of which constituted more than a small percentage of the total 1 Paper presented to the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, Concordia University, November 29, 2002. -
1 WARID: Liberia (NFPL) 1989-1996 STARDATE
WARID: Liberia (NFPL) 1989-1996 STARDATE: 29 December 1989 ENDDATE: 17 August 19961 Related cases: Liberia (LURD, MODEL) 2000-2003 Sierra Leone (RUF, AFRC) 1991-2000 Last update: 14 September 2016 Authors: Johanna Speyer, Christina Stobwasser Reviewer: Felix Gerdes Conflict overview The state of Liberia was founded by liberated slaves who were sent to a supposed ‘homeland’ by US-American organizations. Africa’s oldest republic modeled its political system on the example of the USA. The state has been dominated by Americo-Liberians who have marginalized the indigenous population. One-party rule was overthrown in a military coup led by Master-Sergeant Samuel Doe in 1980, who installed an ethnic dictatorship based on the Krahn and Mandingo ethnic groups and appointed himself president. A rebellion formed as repression increased and public support for his rule dwindled. Eventually, on Christmas Eve of 1989, Charles Taylor invaded Nimba County with his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), leading to the First Liberian Civil War. This war was essentially a struggle for political and military power as well as opportunities for personal enrichment. The NPFL aimed to overthrow the Doe regime but did not propose any national projects for Liberia’s future.2 Initially, the war pitted the NPFL against Doe’s Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL); however, due to splits and new actors joining the conflict, the situation soon became nebulous.3 The 1 As the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) only considers battle-related deaths for setting a war’s end date, it suggests that the first Liberian civil war ended on 10 September 1990 (see the UCDP Conflict Termination Dataset, http://www.pcr.uu.se/digitalAssets/124/124924_1ucdp_conflict_termination _2010_dyad.xls).