An Inscription of the Equites Singulares Imperatoris from Gerasa Author(S): G

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Inscription of the Equites Singulares Imperatoris from Gerasa Author(S): G An Inscription of the Equites Singulares Imperatoris from Gerasa Author(s): G. L. Cheesman Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 4, Part 1 (1914), pp. 13-16 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/295921 . Accessed: 08/05/2014 19:51 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 19:51:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AN INSCRIPTION OF THE EQUITES SINGULARES IMPERATORIS FROM GERASA. By G. L. CHEESMAN. The following inscription has been kindly communicatedto me, at the suggestion of Mr. D. G. Hogarth, by Mr. Henry Reitlinger, to whom I am very much indebted for permissionto publish it in the Journal of RomanStudies. Mr. Reitlinger informs me that the inscription, which was en- graved upon one side of a block of grey limestone, apparently an altar, about two feet high by one foot six inches broad,was discovered by some Circassianpeasants among the ruins of Gerasa,in the Syrian Decapolis, two days before he himself arrivedon the site at the end of November, I9I3. The altar,which was still in its originalposition, stood about 67 yards north-east of the propylaea,which gives access from the main street to the great temple of the Sun. The stone, it may be hoped, is still in existence, since it was given into the charge of the Turkishcommandant, who promised to do his best to save it from being used as building material. The text supplied by Mr. Reitlinger reads, unspaced, as follows: PROSALVTE IMP * CAES ? I * RAIAN HADRIANI * AVG * P * P DEANIAE * AVG EQVITES ? SING ? EIVS ? QVI 5 HIBERNATI * SVNT ANTIOCH AE * AD * CHRYSORHOANQVAE ET GERASA HI IRA ET ASYLOETAV TONOMOE QVORVM CVRAAAGII M * CAI ? VENETVS VIAAOR > LEGVM IO CEDONICAE * TVRMAE V-- FLAVI 11II STATILI ROMA- VAL * BASSI ? CANI AVGVST- III PATERNI * VI I * FESTI VIPI VICTORIS VIPI AGRIPPINI- I5 V S * L M HONORIS ET PIETATIS CAVSA- Illegible letters are indicated by vertical lines, which show roughly the number of letters to be supplied. The horizontal strokes at This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 19:51:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I4 AN INSCRIPTION OF THE the end of lines II, 12, 13, 15 and 17 indicate that the edge of the stone was broken, so that two or three letters may be missing in each case. The text, as a whole, presents few difficulties and may be restored as follows: PRO SALVTE IMP(eratoris) CAEs(aris) [N(ostri)] TRAIAN(i) HADRIANI AVG(usti) P(atris) P(atriae) DEANIAEAVG(ustae) EQVITES SING(ulares) EIVS QVI 5 HIBERNATI SVNT ANTIOCH[i] AE AD CHRYSORHOAN QVAE ET GERASA H[IE]RA ET ASYLO(S) ET AV TONOMOZ QVORVM CVRAM AGIT M CAL(purnius) VENETVSVIATOR > LEG(ionis) V M[A] IO CEDONICAE . TVRMAE v[III] FLAVI [TITI ?] STATILI ROMA[NI] VAL(eri) BASSI CANI AVGVST[INI ?] [ . ] PATERNI VLPI FESTI VLPI VICTORIS VLPI AGRIPPINI I5 v(otum) s(olvit) L(ibens) M(erito) HONORIS ET PIETATIS CAVSA. 1. 2. I can make nothing of the illegible letter following CAESin Mr. Reitlinger's copy, except by supposing it to have been an N as suggestedabove-unless we read the TR of TRAIAN as two letters. 1. 6. The I of Antiochia may, of course, have escaped Mr. Reitlinger's notice or have been ligatured with the H. The title of Antiochia ad Chrysorhoanis given to Gerasain severalinscriptions of the imperial period. In a text dated A.D. I30, for example, we get the formula: '7 rro'd 'AvrLOXEcwvTrOv Trpbo TrOXpvo[op6]a rT)v TrpOTEpovrEpacpYvWt[v].1 The Chrysorhoas is presumably the stream on which the city stands, the modern Wadi Kerawan. The name of the centurion in line 10 presents little difficulty. The letters given by Mr. Reitlinger as CAImust conceal an abbreviated ' nomen,' probably the Calpurniusgiven in the text. The second ' cognomen I take to be Viator, disregardingthe appearanceof a reversedand ligatured E, which may be due to a crack in the stone. The M of Macedonica in the same line seems to have been read with difficulty, and may have contained a ligatured A, since this letter can hardly have been omitted. I restore v[III] at the end of line II, makingthe inscription run " the eight turmae of Flavius x," etc. It is, however, equally 1 I.G.R.R. iii, 1347: cf. I357. This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 19:51:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions EQUITES SINGULARES IMPERATORIS FROM GERASA. I5 possible to read the last word of line i as V[LPI], and to take FLAVI as the beginning of some cognomen such as Flavianus. The general sense is the same in either case, since it is clear that the names in lines 12-15 are those of decurions commanding ' turmae,' and there are eight of them. In considering and restoring the names of these various decurions we may naturally turn for assistance to the inscriptions erected by the Equites Singulares at Rome, particularly the numerous and complete lists of men discharged from this corps at the end of the reign of Hadrian and the beginning of that of his successor.1 Thus we have every ground for identifying a Valerius Bassus men- tioned in connexion with the discharge-list for I39 as a ' centurio exercitator '2 with the third decurion on our list. The cognomen Bassus of common but the in is, course, enough, ' appearance inscriptions of the Equites Singulares of any nomen gentilicium' except that of an emperor is rare, and among the 360 names given by the discharge-lists there is only one other Valerius.3 Add to this the probable closeness in date of the two inscriptions (for which see below), and the coincidence becomes too remarkable to be ignored. The eighth officer may be identified on a different ground, the rareness of the cognomen, with a decurion bearing the same name who is mentioned on an altar which probably also belongs to this period.4 The name of the sixth decurion, Ulpius Festus, appears on another altar,5 but here we are on less sure ground, for both nomen and cognomen are common.6 The same is the case with Ulpius Victor, which appears on almost every discharge-list,7 while Paternus also occurs twice on the list for I34.8 To warrant the restorations made in lines I I and 12 we can point to the appearance 9 of Titus as a cognomen in the list for I35, and of Romanus on the lists for I39, I42, I43,10 with the variant Romanius on a sepulchral inscription.11 The name Augustinus occurs on the list for I39,12 or we may accept as an alternative the Augustalis of the list for I43. 13 Such coincidences are worth pointing out, even when no identification is suggested, since the members of this corps usually only acquired the ' tria nomina ' on enrolment, and it is obvious from the inscrip- tions that certain popular names tend to be constantly repeated. It remains to discover, if possible, the circumstances which caused no less than eight troops of the Cavalry of the Guard, who were normally stationed in the capital, to spend a winter at Gerasa. 1 The lists cover the years 132-I43 and I45, and 5 ibid. 31174. contain 360 names: C.I.L. vi, 3II40-31152. 6 ibid. 3287, 3298, 31145. 2ibid. 31147. 7ibid. 31141, 3II43, 31145- 8 3 Used as a nomen. Curiously enough it seems ibid. 31142. to have beeni popular as a cognomen: cf. C.I.L. vi, 9 ibid. 31143. 31I50, 31151. l?ibid. 3II47, 31150, 31151. 4 C.I.L. vi, 3II73. The name of the dedicant, 11 ibid. 3144. P. Aelius Celsus, shows that the inscriptioncannot 12 ibid. 31147. 1 be earlier than Hadrian. 3ibid. 31151. This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 19:51:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I6 AN INSCRIPTION OF THE EQUITES SINGULARES IMPERATORIS. The fact that the corps was attached to the person of the emperor makes it fairly certain that this can only have occurred when Hadrian himself was in Syria, and we have, in fact, the choice between three occasions. (I) Hadrian seems to have remained in the east immediately after Trajan's death, during the winter of II7-II8, when some hostilities were probably still in progress in connexion with the end of the Jewish revolt. Weber has, however, given reasons for supposing that Hadrian went westwards, at any rate as far as Bithynia, before the winter set and that his were rather before than behind in, troops ' him.1 Moreover, although the title pater patriae' was offered to Hadrian by the senate at his accession, and appears on a few coins of 117, it was rejected by the emperor, and only accepted ten years later.2 It is unlikely, therefore, that it should have been used by his own bodyguard in an official dedication at so early a period.
Recommended publications
  • Rome Vs Rome Ing Late Romans Come from the Cover of the Roman Empire in the Middle of the Fourth
    THE BATTLE OF MURSA MAJOR THEME Left-handed warriors? Yes, the image has been mirrored. These charg- Rome vs Rome ing Late Romans come from the cover of The Roman Empire in the middle of the fourth Ancient Warfare VI-5. V century found itself in crisis. It had been split by Constantine the Great between his three surviving sons, Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans. However, soon the brothers were at each other’s throats vying for power. By David Davies onstantine II was defeated by the forces of Constans in AD 340, leav- ingC him in control of the western half of the Roman Empire. Howev- er in AD 350, he in turn was usurped by one of his own generals, Mag- nentius, who took the title Emperor of the West- ern Empire. Constans fled but was ambushed and killed by a troop of light cavalry while his party at- tempted to cross the Pyrenees. Magnentius quickly wooed support from the provinces in Britannia, Gaul, and Hispania with his lax approach to pagan- ism. Other provinces remained hesitant and many remained loyal to the Constan- tinian dynasty. The new Western Roman Emperor tried to exert his control directly by appointing his own men to command provinces and legions, ex- ecuting commanders loyal to the old regime, and by moving his forces into poten- tial rebel territories. When Nepotianus (a nephew of Constantine the Great) stormed Rome with a band of gladiators and pro- claimed himself em- peror, the revolt was swiftly dealt with. It became clear to 1 Wargames, soldiers & strategy 95 Cataphracts from the Eastern and Western Roman Empires square off.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMAN POLITICS DURING the JUGURTHINE WAR by PATRICIA EPPERSON WINGATE Bachelor of Arts in Education Northeastern Oklahoma State
    ROMAN POLITICS DURING THE JUGURTHINE WAR By PATRICIA EPPERSON ,WINGATE Bachelor of Arts in Education Northeastern Oklahoma State University Tahlequah, Oklahoma 1971 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS May, 1975 SEP Ji ·J75 ROMAN POLITICS DURING THE JUGURTHINE WAR Thesis Approved: . Dean of the Graduate College 91648 ~31 ii PREFACE The Jugurthine War occurred within the transitional period of Roman politics between the Gracchi and the rise of military dictators~ The era of the Numidian conflict is significant, for during that inter­ val the equites gained political strength, and the Roman army was transformed into a personal, professional army which no longer served the state, but dedicated itself to its commander. The primary o~jec­ tive of this study is to illustrate the role that political events in Rome during the Jugurthine War played in transforming the Republic into the Principate. I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Neil Hackett, for his patient guidance and scholarly assistance, and to also acknowledge the aid of the other members of my counnittee, Dr. George Jewsbury and Dr. Michael Smith, in preparing my final draft. Important financial aid to my degree came from the Dr. Courtney W. Shropshire Memorial Scholarship. The Muskogee Civitan Club offered my name to the Civitan International Scholarship Selection Committee, and I am grateful for their ass.istance. A note of thanks is given to the staff of the Oklahoma State Uni­ versity Library, especially Ms. Vicki Withers, for their overall assis­ tance, particularly in securing material from other libraries.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Rome
    Ancient Rome William E. Dunstan ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK ................. 17856$ $$FM 09-09-10 09:17:21 PS PAGE iii Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright ᭧ 2011 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All maps by Bill Nelson. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. The cover image shows a marble bust of the nymph Clytie; for more information, see figure 22.17 on p. 370. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dunstan, William E. Ancient Rome / William E. Dunstan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6832-7 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6833-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6834-1 (electronic) 1. Rome—Civilization. 2. Rome—History—Empire, 30 B.C.–476 A.D. 3. Rome—Politics and government—30 B.C.–476 A.D. I. Title. DG77.D86 2010 937Ј.06—dc22 2010016225 ⅜ϱ ீThe paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/ NISO Z39.48–1992. Printed in the United States of America ................
    [Show full text]
  • The Late Republic – Crises and Civil Wars a Society Falls Apart in Italy
    The Late Republic – Crises and Civil Wars A Society Falls Apart In Italy, much had changed after Rome rose to a world power. In the long wars, many peasants and their sons had died. Others had not been able to properly cultivate their farms for years. More and more small farmers left the countryside. In their place, many large farms arose, because large landowners had bought up the land of indebted peasants, forcibly driven some farmers out, and laid claim to large portions of state-owned land for themselves. Their standard of living rose, because they specialized themselves in certain products. They grew wine-grapes and olives on a grand scale, or reorganized themselves toward livestock. Around the cities, there were large landowners who obtained high profits by raising poultry and fish. Such large landowners usually owned several farms, which were managed by administrators, while they themselves pursued political business in Rome. On their estates, slaves worked, who were obtained either as prisoners of war or on the slave markets. According to careful analysis, in the time between 200 B.C. and 150 B.C., approximately 250,000 prisoners of war were brought to Italy as slaves. In the following 100 years, more than 500,000 slaves – mainly from Asia Minor – came to Rome. Especially the small farmers suffered in this situation. Earlier, they had gotten for themselves additional income as daily workers on the estates, but now they were needed there, at most, only for harvest. So many had to give up their farms, and moved with their families to Rome.
    [Show full text]
  • Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, C.319–50 BC
    Ex senatu eiecti sunt: Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, c.319–50 BC Lee Christopher MOORE University College London (UCL) PhD, 2013 1 Declaration I, Lee Christopher MOORE, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Thesis abstract One of the major duties performed by the censors of the Roman Republic was that of the lectio senatus, the enrolment of the Senate. As part of this process they were able to expel from that body anyone whom they deemed unequal to the honour of continued membership. Those expelled were termed ‘praeteriti’. While various aspects of this important and at-times controversial process have attracted scholarly attention, a detailed survey has never been attempted. The work is divided into two major parts. Part I comprises four chapters relating to various aspects of the lectio. Chapter 1 sees a close analysis of the term ‘praeteritus’, shedding fresh light on senatorial demographics and turnover – primarily a demonstration of the correctness of the (minority) view that as early as the third century the quaestorship conveyed automatic membership of the Senate to those who held it. It was not a Sullan innovation. In Ch.2 we calculate that during the period under investigation, c.350 members were expelled. When factoring for life expectancy, this translates to a significant mean lifetime risk of expulsion: c.10%. Also, that mean risk was front-loaded, with praetorians and consulars significantly less likely to be expelled than subpraetorian members.
    [Show full text]
  • THE TALE of SAINT ABEBCIUS. the Chief Authority for the Life of This
    THE TALE OF SAINT ABERCIUS. 339 THE TALE OF SAINT ABEBCIUS. THE chief authority for the life of this saint is the biography by Symeon Metaphrastes, written about 900-50 A.D. It quotes the epitaph on the saint's tomb, and the question whether this epitaph is an original document of the second century A.D., or a later forgery, is one of the utmost importance for the early history of the Christian church, and of many literary points connected with it. The document is not very easily accessible, so that it may be well to quote it as it is given in the Life by Metaphrastes; the criticism of the text has been to a certain extent advanced by the metrical restorations proposed by Pitra and others.1 'E/icXe/eTr;? iroXeas •jroXirrj^ TO'8' eirouqaa ^a>i>, Xv e%co iecupq> <TU>f*aTO<; ivddSe Bicnp, TOVVO/M A/8ep«tos d we /AadrjTT]? Hoifievo'i dyvov, os {36<rK€t, irpofSaTdtv dyeXa<s ovpeai TreStcu? Te" 6<f>6aX- fiov; os e\ei fieydXow} iravra KaOopotovra1;. OVTOS yap f-e eSiSalje ypdfifiara TriaTa' ets 'VwfirjV os eire/M'yfrev ifie a9p7Jtraf ica\ fBaol~kL<T<rav IBeiv ^pvcrocrToXo ^ Xaov 8' elSof eicei Xafiirpav a<bpayi§a e^ovra' ical 2U/SM;S X(*>Pa<> «oW Kal aarea irdvTa, Nt'crt/3tv Ev^pdrrjv Sta/3d<;' irdv- 7as 8' eaj(pv avvofirjyvpovi YlavXov e<ra>0ev. IL'ffTts 8e iravrl irporjye Kal irape6r}Ke Tpo<f)r)v, l%8vv airo •mjyr)'; ira/xfieyiOr] KaOapbv ov iBpd^aro Tlapdevos dyvtj, Kal TOVTOV eVeSaJKe <f>i\ot,<: iadieiv hiairavTO';- oivov ^prjarbv ej(pu<ra Kepao-pa ScBovaa //.«••?•' aprov.
    [Show full text]
  • Me:'J-At-Arms Series 247 Romano-Byzantine Armies 4Th-9Th Centuries
    Gm:m MIUTARY ME:'J-AT-ARMS SERIES 247 ROMANO-BYZANTINE ARMIES 4TH-9TH CENTURIES [) \\lD "'COLI,f. PIID\"eiCS \IcBRIDf. EDITOR: MARTlN WINDROW ~ 247 ROMANO-BYZANTINE ARMIES 4TH-9TH CENTURIES Text by DAVID NICOLLE PHD Colour plates by ANGUS McBRIDE ~t1tj ....."" Dod,ctI'H>n .... , .. t JIM F... <.ii... lludl JOt<;o..._-.~,..-.,.0\ l(;opo........~'q' j .... 1I.Jy. ..,./f.q! fl.-t<'<t ~1"'7·I.J"'II '"""""­ ....... _ ....\jooft_.. 6oio.s..:.., .... (It~f-f_·._ha ......._.....,,--~ '"' .. ...._j _ .."'-P!.... l:Irooop: "-'I<&. I....... C.utf; ................ ""bIO<oo__• lot .... O"'.".r in"..."....UIN _ ·....-.... b ) . G,.,~J ",,,in{tI. 'lIa/y-' ., 001 d«tn>W.<lo<1riboI, <-.al. -.:lo.-.I ..,......-..,.,iup-........., ... (Rober, 1I.....'n'~' ............ ~_,""pnorP'" "'_ ""'~... !Io ..._. ~.....",rirt oJooolJ "" ~"' ~,'OIhIO<O- ,h'ist's '\IOle R""I0'" m.y ,,,rc to nO," {~" (~" orig;n.ll"'in,ing< ISI<r> , IU.l""" f",m ,,~'C~ I~" ""I"", pl.,,,, in l~", I,,,o~ "'n" p,,,poml ... .-,.il.ble ror Pli....u"le. All fOPlod"'UOfl c<>pyriJht .. ho~""'Ill.........d It) the publ..h.... All enquiries "'DUld bo: .ddrastd t(" PO 80.0: "IS, """"'lholtlwn, f Su..., 8:-.. ..; .>51- Thc~rq .... 1hat tMJ""-" _ .....to .... ~nceuporl IM"",tla r............... houaL; t, _boo!"","" \1.... J*- oo: ",. "~n \I........ G-o...... c.taloo,;o>t ~mftOt. ~ blltohi'" 1...1. \hebd;n , Fulhom Jr. ...d. I_S\\J'1l1l ROMANO-BYZANTINE ARMIES INTRODUCTION gorri",m dUlies dccline<l;n qu.l,,). Mun.. hil" 10le Roman Empcrors gcnc....lIy o,,"cd ,heir l"""ion !O lh. orm)'; power ofien 10)' ;n lhe h.nd.
    [Show full text]
  • PRINCIPES and the CRUSADING NOBILITY As with Their Vocabulary
    CHAPTER SEVEN PRINCIPES AND THE CRUSADING NOBILITY As with their vocabulary for the lower social orders, the early Latin historians for the First Crusade differed from one another in the terms they employed for the upper layers of society. Principes, optimates, seniores, maiores, proceres and so forth had, in the classical era, held very distinct social or legal meanings.1 By the early twelfth century, however, there was much less appreciation of their former nuances. Furthermore, the usage of such terms was still evolving, as can be seen by the various ways in which these historians made use of them. One fairly consistent feature of the works examined here was their notion of nobility. By the early twelfth century the concept of nobilitas had come a long way from its origins as a term for the consular families (descendents of men who had held the consulship) of the Late Roman Republic.2 As discussed in Chapter Five, on the whole the evidence of the sources for the First Crusade shows that they considered nobility to a be a honoured social status possessed not only by the very uppermost members of the expedition, but also for the far more numerous milites, the knights. The most important examples in this regard comes from Guibert of Nogent. He described the relatively lowly knight Matthew as being of ‘noble birth’ ( genere nobilis) and the entire body of knights on the crusade as the ‘Á ower of the nobility’ ( Á os nobilitatis) of the Franks.3 In one of his—rare—substantial additions to the Gesta Francorum, Peter Tudebode described an incident in which the knight Rainald Porchet, himself a miles nobilis,4 was displayed to the Christians on the walls of Antioch by the besiegers before being executed.
    [Show full text]
  • THE Meaning and Derivation of the Form Xptunavoc; Seem Hardly to Have Been So Carefully Discussed As the Import­ Ance of the Word Demands
    456 THE NAME XPI~TIANOt. THE meaning and derivation of the form Xptunavoc; seem hardly to have been so carefully discussed as the import­ ance of the word demands. The aim of the following observations is to show that the new name carried with it certain associations which would account for its origin and give a point to the witticism from which it is supposed to have sprung. We assume for the present that the name was given to the disciples of Christ by the pagan population of Antioch. The name so far recognised in the early Church had been the brethren (aoeA.cpot), the disciples (p,cL8rJml), those of the way (o£ Tf}c; oooii), the believers (o£ 71"£UT€UOVTf!c;), the called (oi KA.1JTol), the saints (o£ &.'Ytot), and, perhaps, we may add, as a designation bearing on the present dis­ cussion, those who are Christ's, or the men of Christ (ol XptuToii (1 Cor. v. 23). None of these names, however, was destined to be the permanent and distinguishing title of the community founded by Christ. St. Luke narrates the origin of the new name as follows : " They therefore that were scat­ tered abroad upon the tribulation that arose about Stephen travelled as far as Phamicia, and Cyprus, and Antioch, speaking the word to none save only to Jews. But there were some of them, men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they were come to Antioch, spake unto the Greeks also, preaching the Lord Jesus. And the hand of the Lord was with them : and a great multitude that believed turned unto the Lord.
    [Show full text]
  • The Equites Legionis and the Roman Cavalry
    THE EQUITES LEGIONIS AND THE ROMAN CAVALRY Abstract: A view on the Roman cavalry forces, especially the equites legionis. The article describes a possible organizational chart of the legionary cavalry formation in imperial times. By analysing primary sources the organization, command and manpower of the equites legionis will be described in a new manner. There is also given a view on auxiliary cavalry organization and command to demonstrate differences between auxiliary cavalry, legionary horsemen and Stefan Zehetner equites singulares Augusti. Independent researcher As primary sources often times contradict each other and epigraphy or [email protected] papyrology only can give snapshots of situations, it is not an easy work to look on the legionary cavalry in Roman imperial times. However, combining all sources gives a proper view on the subject and so this article will give a new examination. Because of the discrepancies, which already are given by primary sources the article only can be a try to open more discussions in this special subject. DOI: 10.14795/j.v2i3.121 Keywords: Roman military history, Equites legionis, Legion, Roman cavalry, SSN 2360 – 266X Roman military personnel ISSN–L 2360 – 266X SOURCES t is a bold venture to examine the organizational chart of the equites legionis in Roman times. The sources contradict each other and give no Iclear view on the Roman legionary cavalry formation. A first organizational chart is given by Polybios, who informs about a legionary cavalry formation of some 300 men.1 This formation is broken up into ten squadrons called turmae with three decuriones commanding each turma.2 A turma in this case was alike an infantry manipulus, which was divided into two centuriae each commanded by a centurio.
    [Show full text]
  • Class 11 History Revision Notes Chapter 3: an Empire Across Three Continents
    Class 11 History Revision Notes Chapter 3: An Empire Across Three Continents Sources: There is a rich collection of sources to study Roman history, like - texts, documents and material remains. 1. Archaeological : a) Amphitheater, b) Amphorae, c) Colosseum, d) Statues, e) Aqueducts 2. (Literary) Written: (A) Texts - Histories written by Contemporary Historians (B) Documents 3. Aerial Photographs Documentary sources include mainly inscriptions and papyri. Inscriptions were usually cuton stone, so a large number survive, in both Greek and Latin. The ‘papyrus’ was a reed-like plant that grew along the banks of the Nile in Egypt and was processed to produce a writing material that was very widely used in everyday life. Thousands of contracts, accounts, letters and official documents survive ‘on papyrus’ and have been published by scholars who are called ‘papyrologists. Boundaries of Roman Empire The ancient Roman empire which was spread across the three continents namely - Europe, Asia and Africa. To the North, the boundaries of the empire were formed by two great rivers - the Rhine and the Danube. To the South, by the huge expanse of desert called the Sahara. To the East river Euphrates and to the West Atlantic Ocean. This vast stretch of territory was the Roman Empire. That is why Roman Empire is called an Empire across Three Continents. The Mediterranean Sea is called the heart of Rome’s empire. Division of Roman Empire: The Roman Empire can broadly be divided into two phases, ‘early’ and‘late’, divided by the third century as a sort of historical watershed between them. In other words, the whole period from the beginning of Roman Empire to the main part of the third century can be called the ‘early empire’, and the period from the third century to the end called the ‘late empire’ or 'late antiquity'.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emperor's Guard
    THE EMPEROR’S GUARD: A LOOK INTO THE NECESSITY OF THE PRAETORIAN AND GERMAN BODYGUARDS by ANTHONY DAMIANO a dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in World History written under the direction of Professor Gary D. Farney and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ Newark, New Jersey May 2018 Copyright Page: © 2018 Anthony Damiano ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION THE EMPEROR’S GUARD: A LOOK INTO THE NECESSITY OF THE PRAETORIAN AND GERMAN BODYGUARDS By Anthony Damiano Dissertation Director: Professor Gary D. Farney The purpose of this text is to compare the praetorian guard to the German bodyguard (consisting of both the Equites Singulares Augusti and the Germani Corpores Custodes). These forces existed around the same time period, the first three centuries CE, and had a very similar role. This paper looks to answer the questions: why were two guards needed inside of Rome? what were their functions? and how did they affect the empire? The conclusion is made that two guards were not needed inside of Rome; it was simply a helpful luxury to keep a German bodyguard as well. The praetorians on the other hand were a necessary force that was essential to overseeing the life and death of the emperor. ii Preface I have always been fascinated by ancient history and ancient military forces. Going into the planning stages for this piece I knew that I wanted to focus on an aspect of an ancient military force.
    [Show full text]