DOCSLIB.ORG

Pdf | 575.71 Kb

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

SOMALILAND: DEMOCRATISATION AND ITS DISCONTENTS 28 July 2003 Africa Report N°66 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................... 1 II. BRIEF HISTORY OF SOMALILAND........................................................................ 2 A. THE BRITISH SOMALILAND PROTECTORATE (1884 – 1960)...................................................2 B. THE STATE OF SOMALILAND (1960).....................................................................................4 C. INTERLUDE: DICTATORSHIP AND CIVIL WAR........................................................................5 D. THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND...........................................................................................6 III. GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRATISATION .......................................................... 8 A. FACTIONAL RULE (1991-1993).............................................................................................8 B. CLAN REPRESENTATION AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATION (1993-1997) ..................................10 C. TOWARDS CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY .........................................................................12 1. The May 2001 Constitutional Referendum .............................................................12 2. Constitutional Transition: The Death of Egal..........................................................13 IV. ELECTIONS: “THE OLD WAYS DIE HARD”....................................................... 14 V. LOCAL ELECTIONS: TOWARDS DECENTRALISATION................................ 15 A. POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS...................................................................................................16 B. THE ISSUES .........................................................................................................................16 C. THE POLL ...........................................................................................................................17 D. THE RESULTS......................................................................................................................18 VI. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS: THE COIN TOSS ................................................ 19 A. THE CHOICE........................................................................................................................19 1. UDUB......................................................................................................................19 2. Kulmiye ...................................................................................................................20 3. UCID........................................................................................................................21 B. THE CAMPAIGN...................................................................................................................21 C. THE POLL ...........................................................................................................................23 D. THE RESULTS......................................................................................................................24 E. RECRIMINATIONS................................................................................................................25 F. THE SUPREME COURT .........................................................................................................27 VII. SOOL AND EASTERN SANAAG REGIONS .......................................................... 28 A. SOMALILAND AND THE HARTI............................................................................................28 B. WHERE NEXT?....................................................................................................................30 VIII. COMPLETING THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION ........................................... 31 A. STRENGTHENING THE MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM ....................................................................32 B. THE CONSTITUTION ............................................................................................................32 C. HUMAN RIGHTS AND PRESS FREEDOM ...............................................................................33 IX. CONCLUSION: THE SOMALI PEACE PROCESS AND THE PROBLEM OF RECOGNITION ........................................................................................................... 34 APPENDICES A. MAJOR CLANS AND SUB CLANS OF SOMALILAND...............................................36 B. LOCAL AND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RESULTS..................................................................37 C. MAP OF SOMALIA ...............................................................................................................38 D. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP .......................................................................39 E. ICG REPORTS AND BRIEFING PAPERS.................................................................................40 F. ICG BOARD MEMBERS .......................................................................................................46 ICG Africa Report N°66 28 July 2003 SOMALILAND: DEMOCRATISATION AND ITS DISCONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS Recent developments have made the choice faced by The electoral process has met with widespread the international community considerably clearer: approval from domestic and international observers develop pragmatic responses to Somaliland’s demand alike, but has not been without problems. The for self-determination or continue to insist upon the enlistment of government resources and personnel in increasingly abstract notion of the unity and territorial support of the ruling party’s campaign, the integrity of the Somali Republic – a course of action disqualification of numerous ballot boxes due to almost certain to open a new chapter in the Somali procedural errors, reports of government harassment civil war. and intimidation of opposition supporters in the aftermath of the election, and the opposition’s initial Somaliland’s presidential election of 14 April 2003 refusal to accept defeat all marred an otherwise was a milestone in the self-declared, unrecognised promising democratic exercise. republic’s process of democratisation. Nearly half a million voters cast ballots in one of the closest polls The next phase of the democratic transition will be the ever conducted in the region: when the last votes most critical: until opposition parties are able to contest had been counted and the results announced on 19 parliamentary seats, Somaliland will function as a de April, the incumbent president, Dahir Rayale facto one party state. Somaliland’s international Kahin, had won by only 80 votes. partners can play a key role in assisting the National Electoral Commission to convene legislative elections A former British protectorate in the Horn of Africa, with the least possible delay, while ensuring a level Somaliland declared its independence from the rest playing field. Constitutional and judicial reforms may of the Somali Republic in May 1991, following the also be required to ensure the integrity of the collapse of the military regime in Mogadishu. democratic process over the long-term. Although unrecognised by any country, Somaliland has followed a very different trajectory from the Somaliland’s increasingly credible claims to rest of the “failed state” of Somalia, embarking on a statehood present the international community with a process of internally driven political, economic and thorny diplomatic dilemma at a time when southern social reconstruction. Somaliland’s democratic Somali leaders are meeting under the auspices of the transition began in May 2001 with a plebiscite on a Inter-Governmental Authority on Development new constitution that introduced a multiparty (IGAD) with the aim of establishing a new Somali electoral system, and continued in December 2002 government. Recognition of Somaliland, although with local elections that were widely described as under consideration by a growing number of African open and transparent. The final stage of the process and Western governments, is still vigorously resisted – legislative elections – is scheduled to take place by many members of both the African Union (AU) by early 2005. and the Arab League on the grounds that the unity and territorial integrity of member states is sacrosanct. Furthermore, the creation of a new Somali Somaliland: Democratisation and its Discontents ICG Africa Report N°66, 28 July 2003 Page ii government emerging from the IGAD process that 7. Undertake a comprehensive review of the claims jurisdiction over Somaliland threatens to open electoral law, based on lessons learned. a new phase in the Somali conflict. 8. Introduce legislation to strengthen the Diplomatic hopes for a negotiated settlement between electoral process, including penalties for Somaliland and a future Somali government, infractions of the electoral law. however, are unlikely to bear fruit. A hypothetical 9. Commission an independent judicial review, dialogue on Somali unity would have to overcome with a view to introducing reforms mutually exclusive preconditions for talks, divergent strengthening both the capacity of the visions of what a reunited Somali state might look judiciary and its independence from political like and incompatible institutional arrangements. influence. Failing a negotiated settlement, any attempt to coerce
Recommended publications
  • Briefing Paper

    Briefing Paper

    NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH Working Paper No. 65 Pastoral society and transnational refugees: population movements in Somaliland and eastern Ethiopia 1988 - 2000 Guido Ambroso UNHCR Brussels E-mail : [email protected] August 2002 Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees CP 2500, 1211 Geneva 2 Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] Web Site: www.unhcr.org These working papers provide a means for UNHCR staff, consultants, interns and associates to publish the preliminary results of their research on refugee-related issues. The papers do not represent the official views of UNHCR. They are also available online under ‘publications’ at <www.unhcr.org>. ISSN 1020-7473 Introduction The classical definition of refugee contained in the 1951 Refugee Convention was ill- suited to the majority of African refugees, who started fleeing in large numbers in the 1960s and 1970s. These refugees were by and large not the victims of state persecution, but of civil wars and the collapse of law and order. Hence the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention expanded the definition of “refugee” to include these reasons for flight. Furthermore, the refugee-dissidents of the 1950s fled mainly as individuals or in small family groups and underwent individual refugee status determination: in-depth interviews to determine their eligibility to refugee status according to the criteria set out in the Convention. The mass refugee movements that took place in Africa made this approach impractical. As a result, refugee status was granted on a prima facie basis, that is with only a very summary interview or often simply with registration - in its most basic form just the name of the head of family and the family size.1 In the Somali context the implementation of this approach has proved problematic.
  • Georgia: What Now?

    Georgia: What Now?

    GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE
  • Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State

    Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State

    Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s.
  • Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances

    Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances

    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa.
  • Somaliland – a Walk on Thin Ice 1

    Somaliland – a Walk on Thin Ice 1

    7|2011 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 79 SOMALILAND – A WALK ON THIN ICE 1 Harriet Gorka “Northerners can in no way claim that the 1960 merger with the South was a shotgun wedding – by all accounts unification was wildly popular. Northerners could argue, however, that they asked for an annulment of the union prior to the honeymoon and that their request was unjustly denied.”2 This statement by a legal scholar reflects the prevailing balancing act of the conflict in Somaliland, which some might say started with the voluntary unification of Harriet Gorka worked Somaliland and the Italian Trust Territory of Somalia. Yet from February to April 2011 at the Konrad- the conflict goes deeper and is more far reaching than Adenauer-Stiftung in “just” the desire to secede from the Somali state. It is Windhoek, Namibia. an ongoing debate whether the right to self-determination should prevail over the notions of territorial integrity and sovereignty. May 2011 marked the 20-year anniversary of Somaliland’s proclamation of independence. However, its status has not officially been recognised by any state, even though it has a working constitutional government, an army, a national flag and its own currency, which should make Somaliland a stand out example for other entities seeking independence. The territory also sets itself apart from the rest of Somalia because it is stable and peaceful, which has been achieved by integrating clan culture into its government. The accom- plishments of the past two decades are impressive, despite 1 | The opinion expressed by the author is not in all points similar to the opinion of the editors.
  • Aw As Adjunct to Custom?

    Aw As Adjunct to Custom?

    LAW AS ADJUNCT TO CUSTOM? Abkhaz custom and law in today’s state-building and ‘modernisation’ - (Studied through dispute resolution) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND CONSERVATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF KENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 12 FEBRUARY 2015 By Michael Costello Examiners: Professor Michael Fischer Associate Professor Jacob Rigi Supervisor: Lecturer Glenn Bowman 1 LAW AS ADJUNCT TO CUSTOM? The relationship between Abkhaz custom and law in today’s state-building and ‘modernisation’ - (Studied through dispute resolution) Abstract The setting for research is Abkhazia a small country south of the Caucasus Mountains and bordering Europe and the Near East. The Abkhaz hold onto custom – apswara – to make of state law an adjunct to custom as the state strives to strengthen its powers to ‘modernise’ along capitalist lines. This institution of a parallel-cum-interwoven and oppositional existence of practices and the laws questions the relationship of the two in a novel way. The bases of apswara are its concepts of communality and fairness. Profound transformations have followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the breakaway from and subsequent war with Georgia, none of which have brought the bright prospects that were hoped-for with independence. The element of hope in post-Soviet nostalgia provides pointers to what the Abkhaz seek to enact for their future, to decide the course of change that entertains the possibility of a non-capitalist modernisation route and a customary state. Apswara is founded on the direct participatory democracy of non-state regulation. It draws members of all ethnicities into the generation of nationalist self-awareness that transcends ethnicity and religions, and forms around sacred shrines and decisions taken by popular assemblies.
  • The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia

    The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia

    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/256191703 The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia Chapter · January 2013 DOI: 10.13140/2.1.4025.1843 CITATIONS READS 0 665 1 author: Valeria Saggiomo Università degli Studi di Napoli L'Orientale 11 PUBLICATIONS 9 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: decentralized cooperation and local governance in Senegal and Burkina Faso (2014) View project All content following this page was uploaded by Valeria Saggiomo on 08 March 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. NOVA COLLECTANEA AFRICANA COLLANA DEL CENTRO DI STUDI AFRICANI IN SARDEGNA 2 Editor in Chief Bianca Maria Carcangiu Università degli Studi di Cagliari Editorial Board Catherine Coquer-Vidrovitch Université Paris Diderot — Paris 7, France Federico Cresti Università degli Studi di Catania, Italy Joan Haig University of Edinburgh, UK Habib Kazdaghli Université de Tunis-Manouba, Tunisia Nicola Melis Università di Cagliari, Italy Jean-Louis Triaud CEMAf — Université de Provence, France For information and contributions: http: // www.csas.it/ | [email protected] http: //affrica.org/ | [email protected] Work published with the contribution of: Provincia di Cagliari — Provincia de Casteddu, Ufficio di Presidenza Politics and Minorities in Africa Edited by Marisa Fois Alessandro Pes Contributors Gado Alzouma, Richard Goodridge, Henry Gyang Mang Mohamed Haji Ingiriis, Akin Iwilade, Giuseppe Maimone Alessia Melcangi, Sabelo J. Ndlovu--Gatsheni, Iwebunor Okwechime Yoon Jung Park, Mauro Piras, Valeria Saggiomo Elisabetta Spano, Bianca Maria Carcangiu Copyright © MMXIII ARACNE editrice S.r.l. www.aracneeditrice.it [email protected] via Raffaele Garofalo, 133/A–B 00173 Roma (06) 93781065 isbn 978–88–548–5700–1 No part of this book may be reproduced by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche, or any other means, without publisher’s authorization.
  • Clanship, Conflict and Refugees: an Introduction to Somalis in the Horn of Africa

    Clanship, Conflict and Refugees: an Introduction to Somalis in the Horn of Africa

    CLANSHIP, CONFLICT AND REFUGEES: AN INTRODUCTION TO SOMALIS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA Guido Ambroso TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I: THE CLAN SYSTEM p. 2 The People, Language and Religion p. 2 The Economic and Socials Systems p. 3 The Dir p. 5 The Darod p. 8 The Hawiye p. 10 Non-Pastoral Clans p. 11 PART II: A HISTORICAL SUMMARY FROM COLONIALISM TO DISINTEGRATION p. 14 The Colonial Scramble for the Horn of Africa and the Darwish Reaction (1880-1935) p. 14 The Boundaries Question p. 16 From the Italian East Africa Empire to Independence (1936-60) p. 18 Democracy and Dictatorship (1960-77) p. 20 The Ogaden War and the Decline of Siyad Barre’s Regime (1977-87) p. 22 Civil War and the Disintegration of Somalia (1988-91) p. 24 From Hope to Despair (1992-99) p. 27 Conflict and Progress in Somaliland (1991-99) p. 31 Eastern Ethiopia from Menelik’s Conquest to Ethnic Federalism (1887-1995) p. 35 The Impact of the Arta Conference and of September the 11th p. 37 PART III: REFUGEES AND RETURNEES IN EASTERN ETHIOPIA AND SOMALILAND p. 42 Refugee Influxes and Camps p. 41 Patterns of Repatriation (1991-99) p. 46 Patterns of Reintegration in the Waqoyi Galbeed and Awdal Regions of Somaliland p. 52 Bibliography p. 62 ANNEXES: CLAN GENEALOGICAL CHARTS Samaal (General/Overview) A. 1 Dir A. 2 Issa A. 2.1 Gadabursi A. 2.2 Isaq A. 2.3 Habar Awal / Isaq A.2.3.1 Garhajis / Isaq A. 2.3.2 Darod (General/ Simplified) A. 3 Ogaden and Marrahan Darod A.
  • OVERLAPPING CLAIMS by SOMALILAND and PUNTLAND: the CASE of SOOL and SANAAG Search for Peace in Sool and Sanaag Members

    OVERLAPPING CLAIMS by SOMALILAND and PUNTLAND: the CASE of SOOL and SANAAG Search for Peace in Sool and Sanaag Members

    Overlapping claims by Somaliland and Puntland The case of Sool and Sanaag Omar S Mahmood Over the past two years, tensions over competing claims to the Sool and Sanaag regions by the self-declared entity of Somaliland and the autonomous Puntland State of Somalia have escalated. Local, regional and national contestations, combined with a failure to make progress at each level, hinders resolution. This report assesses the situation in Sool and Sanaag, focusing on the dynamics driving recent developments and options for the future. EAST AFRICA REPORT 27 | NOVEMBER 2019 Key findings The absence of a resolution on the status clash in Tukaraq in Sool. In 2019, the Sanaag of Sool and Sanaag hinders the future region saw increased militarisation as a result progress of the regions and the development of local dynamics and government responses. of Somaliland, Puntland and Somalia as The Intergovernmental Authority on a whole. Development and the United Nations have The differing legitimacies underpinning been able to institute an informal ceasefire that the formation of both Somaliland and has prevented further violence around Sool, Puntland bring about divergent visions over but it is unclear if this will lead to something administration of the Sool and Sanaag regions, more permanent. depending on a view of whether their status Part of the challenge with regards to Sool and should be determined by history or clan ties. Sanaag is that the dispute plays out across Internal dynamics in both Somaliland and a number of different layers, including local, Puntland, combined with leadership visits to regional and national. Each layer contains its the region, likely played a role in hardening own internal contradictions that complicate positions in the leadup to the January 2018 resolution efforts.
  • Somaliland: the Strains of Success

    Somaliland: the Strains of Success

    Somaliland: The Strains of Success Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°113 Nairobi/Brussels, 5 October 2015 I. Overview Somaliland’s hybrid system of tri-party democracy and traditional clan-based gov- ernance has enabled the consolidation of state-like authority, social and economic recovery and, above all, relative peace and security but now needs reform. Success has brought greater resources, including a special funding status with donors – especially the UK, Denmark and the European Union (EU) – as well as investment from and diplomatic ties with Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), though not inter- national recognition. It is increasingly part of the regional system; ties are especially strong with Ethiopia and Djibouti. Given the continued fragility of the Somalia Federal Government (SFG), which still rejects its former northern region’s independence claims, and civil war across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, Somaliland’s continued stabil- ity is vital. This in turn requires political reforms aimed at greater inclusion, respect for mediating institutions (especially the professional judiciary and parliament) and a regional and wider internationally backed framework for external cooperation and engagement. Successful state building has, nevertheless, raised the stakes of holding – and los- ing – power. While Somaliland has remained largely committed to democratic gov- ernment, elections are increasingly fraught. Fear of a return to bitter internal conflict is pushing more conservative politics: repression of the media and opposition, as well as resistance to reforming the increasingly unsustainable status quo. Recurrent po- litical crises and delayed elections (now set for March 2017) risk postponing much needed internal debate. The political elites have a limited window to decide on steps necessary to rebuild the decaying consensus, reduce social tensions and set an agenda for political and institutional reform.
  • State-Making in Somalia and Somaliland

    State-Making in Somalia and Somaliland

    The London School of Economics and Political Science STATE -MAKING IN SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND Understanding War, Nationalism and State Trajectories as Processes of Institutional and Socio-Cognitive Standardization Mogadishu ● Dominik Balthasar A thesis submitted to the Department of International Development of the London School of Economics (LSE) for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 105,510. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Sue Redgrave. Cover illustration: Map source, URL: http://tinyurl.com/97ao5ug, accessed, 15 September 2012, adapted by the author. 2 Abstract Although the conundrums of why states falter, how they are reconstituted, and under what conditions war may be constitutive of state-making have received much scholarly attention, they are still hotly debated by academics and policy analysts. Advancing a novel conceptual framework and analysing diverse Somali state trajectories between 1960 and 2010, this thesis adds to those debates both theoretically and empirically.
  • Party Somaliland:Peace-Building

    Party Somaliland:Peace-Building

    PARTY SOMALILAND:PEACE-BUILDING 1 SECESSION AND CESSATION On 26 June 1960, Somaliland obtained independence from Britain. Six days later, on 1 July, under the premiership of Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, Somaliland united with the former Italian Somalia to form the sovereign Somali Republic. In May 1991, following the overthrow of Siad Barre, the Somali National Movement (SNM) declared the secession of the northern regions to form the independent 'Republic of Somaliland', the territory of which corresponds to that of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. In May 1993, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal was elected President of Somaliland. The people of Somaliland are of the Issaq, Gadabursi and Ciise (Dir), and Dolbahunte and Warsengeli clan-families. The latter two belong to the Darod confederation of clans. The Issaq, which formed the backbone of the SNM, are the most populous clan in Somaliland. The declaration of Somaliland secession went against the previously stated pohcies of the SNM, who had insisted that they sought only to change the Barre regime. The decision to declare independence at the Grand Shir ('gathering') of northern clans in Burco, in May 1991, resulted from a popular expression of opposition to further rule from Mogadishu. This was an understandable reaction to the suffering inflicted on the Issaq people by the Barre regime during three years of war, and to the manner in which Ali Mahadi's USC assumed power in Mogadishu. Reinforcing this decision may have been a realisation that the original goal which led Somaliland into unity with the south was no longer tenable. The decision in 1960 to unite with Somalia was driven by nationalistic aspirations to join all the five Somali territories into a Greater Somalia.