Unit 7: the Role of the Opposition
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'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte
‘Opposition-Craft’: An Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds, School of Politics and International Studies May, 2020 1 Intellectual Property and Publications Statements The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2020 The University of Leeds and Edward Henry Lack The right of Edward Henry Lack to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 2 Acknowledgements Page I would like to thank Dr Victoria Honeyman and Dr Timothy Heppell of the School of Politics and International Studies, The University of Leeds, for their support and guidance in the production of this work. I would also like to thank my partner, Dr Ben Ramm and my parents, David and Linden Lack, for their encouragement and belief in my efforts to undertake this project. Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who took part in the research for this PhD thesis: Lord David Steel, Lord David Owen, Lord Chris Smith, Lord Andrew Adonis, Lord David Blunkett and Dame Caroline Spelman. 3 Abstract This thesis offers a distinctive and innovative framework for the study of effective official opposition politics in the United Kingdom. -
Chapter One: the Background and Roles of Shadow Cabinet
Chapter one: the background and roles of Shadow Cabinet As with most other components of the Australian political system, Shadow Cabinet evolved from an informal process in the British Parliament. From the mid-nineteenth century in Britain, a distinct and organised opposition began to emerge; a leadership group to coordinate its strategy soon followed.1 In the latter half of that century, the Shadow Cabinet became a recognised entity within British politics, though British academic D.R. Turner notes that ‘its use was still limited and its full potential unrecognised’.2 Over time, the Shadow Cabinet slowly solidified its position in the British system, marked most notably in 1937, when the position of Leader of the Opposition began to carry a salary.3 This same development, however, had already taken place in Australia, 17 years earlier, following an initiative of Prime Minister Billy Hughes.4 As academic, Ian Ward notes, this remains the only formal recognition of Shadow Cabinet in Australia; shadow ministers’ salaries are set at the same rate as backbenchers, but they are usually given an allowance—around one-fifth of that allocated to ministers—for researchers and other staff.5 In this chapter, I briefly examine the evolution of the British Shadow Cabinet and how that has impacted the Australian equivalent. I then examine the three roles most commonly ascribed to the British Shadow Cabinet and discuss the extent to which they are evident in the modern Australian Shadow Cabinet. These roles are: organising the Opposition, providing an alternative government and serving as a training ground for future ministers. -
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION the CURRENT: What Does the Gantz
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION THE CURRENT: What does the Gantz-Netanyahu coalition government mean for Israel? April 21, 2020 PARTICIPANTS Host: Adrianna Pita, Office of Communications, Brookings Guest: Natan Sachs, Fellow and Director, Center for Middle East Policy, Brookings (MUSIC) PITA: You’re listening to The Current, part of the Brookings Podcast Network. I’m your host, Adrianna Pita. Israel has been in a prolonged political crisis for the last year, as three successive elections each failed at producing either a conclusive majority or a coalition government. On Monday, Benjamin Netanyahu and his chief rival, Benny Gantz, came to an agreement on a coalition deal, after weeks of talks following the last round of elections in March. With us to discuss what this means for Israel is Natan Sachs, fellow and director of our Center for Middle East Policy here at Brookings. Natan, thanks for talking to us today. SACHS: Thanks so much, Adrianna, it’s my pleasure. PITA: During the last election, Benny Gantz ran pretty strongly on in fact refusing to serve with Netanyahu because of the criminal charges against him. So, how did this wind up coming about? SACHS: Yes, this is a major shift for Gantz. He ran very explicitly on the idea that he would not serve under a prime minister who has been indicted and will serve will stand trial very shortly for corruption charges, including bribery. But Gantz really weighed the options, and I think two things led to this decision. One, he thought of the alternatives. He had managed to block Netanyahu forming a government three times now, in these three elections within 12 months, but he had also failed to form a government himself. -
The Relationship Between the Government and the Opposition Or Minority Parties in Selected Places
RP01/02-03 The Relationship between the Government and the Opposition or Minority Parties in Selected Places 13 November 2002 Prepared by CHAU Pak Kwan Research and Library Services Division Legislative Council Secretariat 5th Floor, Citibank Tower, 3 Garden Road, Central, Hong Kong Telephone : (852) 2869 9593 Facsimile : (852) 2509 9268 Website : http://www.legco.gov.hk E-mail : [email protected] C O N T E N T S Page Executive Summary Part 1 - Introduction 1 Background 1 Scope of Research 1 Methodology 1 Part 2 - The United Kingdom 2 Background 2 Recognition of Opposition Parties 2 Leadership of Opposition Parties 3 Financial Assistance to Opposition Parties 4 Parliamentary Rules Relating to Opposition Parties 5 Membership in Committee System 5 Allocation of Time to Opposition Business 7 Non-Government Bills 8 Vote of Confidence 9 Shadow Cabinet System 9 Formation and Operation 9 Relationship with the Government 10 Part 3 - New Zealand 11 Background 11 Recognition of Opposition Parties 11 Leadership of Opposition Parties 12 Financial Assistance to Opposition Parties 13 Parliamentary Rules relating to Opposition Parties 14 Membership in Committee System 14 Allocation of Time to Opposition Business 14 Non-Government Bills 16 Vote of Confidence 16 Shadow Cabinet System 16 Formation and Operation 16 Relationship with the Government 17 Part 4 - The United States 18 Background 18 Recognition of Minority Party 18 Leadership of the Minority Party 18 Financial Assistance to Minority Party 19 Parliamentary Rules Relating to the Minority Party -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas. -
Progressive Consensus.Qxd
The Progressive Consensus in Perspective Iain McLean and Guy Lodge FEBRUARY 2007 © ippr 2007 Institute for Public Policy Research www.ippr.org The Institute for Public Policy Research (ippr) is the UK’s leading progressive think tank and was established in 1988. Its role is to bridge the political divide between the social democratic and liberal traditions, the intellectual divide between academia and the policy making establishment and the cultural divide between government and civil society. It is first and foremost a research institute, aiming to provide innovative and credible policy solutions. Its work, the questions its research poses, and the methods it uses are driven by the belief that the journey to a good society is one that places social justice, democratic participation, economic and environmental sustainability at its core. This paper was first published in February 2007. © ippr 2007 30-32 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7RA Tel: 020 7470 6100 Fax: 020 7470 6111 www.ippr.org Registered Charity No. 800065 About the authors Iain McLean is Professor of Politics and Director of the Public Policy Unit, Oxford University. He has published widely in political science and 20th-century British history, including Rational Choice and British Politics (OUP, 2001) and, with Jennifer Nou, ‘Why should we be beggars with the ballot in our hand? Veto players and the failure of land value taxation in the UK, 1909-14’, British Journal of Political Science, 2006. Guy Lodge is a Research Fellow in the democracy team at ippr. He specialises in governance and constitutional reform and has published widely in this area. -
The United Kingdom and U.S.-UK Relations
The United Kingdom and U.S.-UK Relations Derek E. Mix Analyst in European Affairs December 20, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33105 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The United Kingdom and U.S.-UK Relations Summary Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, including a sense of shared history, values, and culture, as well as extensive and long-established bilateral cooperation on a wide range of foreign policy and security issues. In the minds of many Americans, the UK’s strong role in Iraq and Afghanistan during the past decade reinforced an impression of closeness and solidarity. The 2010 UK election resulted in the country’s first coalition government since the Second World War. The Conservative Party won the most votes in the election, and Conservative leader David Cameron became the UK’s prime minister. The Conservatives partnered with the Liberal Democrats, who came in third place, with Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg named deputy prime minister. The Labour Party, now under the leadership of Ed Miliband, moved into opposition after leading the UK government since 1997. Economic and fiscal issues have been the central domestic challenge facing the coalition thus far. Seeking to reduce the country’s budget deficit and national debt, the coalition adopted a five-year austerity program early in its tenure. With the UK entering a double-dip recession in 2012, the government has been maintaining its austerity strategy under considerable pressure and criticism. -
Open PDF 146KB
Select Committee on the Constitution Corrected oral evidence: Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 Wednesday 4 September 2019 10.30 am Watch the meeting Members present: Baroness Taylor of Bolton (The Chairman); Lord Beith; Baroness Corston; Baroness Drake; Baroness Fookes; Lord Wallace of Tankerness. Evidence Session No. 1 Heard in Public Questions 1 - 8 Witnesses I: Professor the Lord Norton of Louth; Dr Ruth Fox. USE OF THE TRANSCRIPT 1. This is a corrected transcript of evidence taken in public and webcast on www.parliamentlive.tv. 1 Examination of witnesses Lord Norton of Louth and Dr Ruth Fox. Q1 The Chairman: Welcome. You are both very familiar with this Committee and, indeed, with this particular issue, having written, spoken and done quite a lot on it. This review that we are doing was started some time ago because the Act itself is due for review next year. It has, of course, become rather more topical than we perhaps envisaged when we started this inquiry. We will try to separate the actual workings of the Act from current situations, but it might be difficult at times to do so. Perhaps the best thing to do is to start with your overall view of the Act itself, what its advantages and disadvantages are, and whether it has led to any meaningful transfer of power from the Prime Minister to Parliament. As I say, it is difficult to separate it from current circumstances but, as that was the specific intention of the Act, perhaps that is a good starting point. Lord Norton of Louth: It depends on the criteria for what you assess as achievements. -
Opposition in South Africa's New Democracy
Opposition in South Africa’s New Democracy 28–30 June 2000 Kariega Game Reserve Eastern Cape Table of Contents Introduction 5 Prof. Roger Southall, Professor of Political Studies, Rhodes University Opening Remarks 7 Dr Michael Lange, Resident Representative, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Johannesburg Opposition in South Africa: Issues and Problems 11 Prof. Roger Southall, Professor of Political Studies, Rhodes University The Realities of Opposition in South Africa: Legitimacy, Strategies and Consequences 27 Prof. Robert Schrire, Professor of Political Studies, University of Cape Town Dominant Party Rule, Opposition Parties and Minorities in South Africa 37 Prof. Hermann Giliomee, Formerly Professor in Political Studies, University of Cape Town Mr James Myburgh, Parliamentary Researcher, Democratic Party Prof. Lawrence Schlemmer, formerly Director of the Centre for Policy Studies, Graduate School of Business Administration, University of the Witwatersrand Political Alliances and Parliamentary Opposition in Post-Apartheid South Africa 51 Prof. Adam Habib, Associate Professor of Political Studies, University of Durban Westville Rupert Taylor, Associate Professor of Political Studies, Wits University Democracy, Power and Patronage: Debate and Opposition within the ANC and the 65 Tripartite Alliance since 1994 Dr Dale McKinley, Freelance Journalist, Independent Writer and Researcher The Alliance Under Stress: Governing in a Globalising World 81 Prof. Eddie Webster, Professor of Sociology, Wits University ‘White’ Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in South Africa 95 Dr Eddie Maloka, Director, Africa Institute of South Africa 3 Table of Contents Opposition in the New South African Parliament 103 Ms. Lia Nijzink, Senior Researcher, Institute for a Democratic South Africa The Potential Constituency of the DA: What Dowries do the DP and the NNP Bring 113 to the Marriage? Prof. -
Chapter 4: House, Government and Opposition
A knowledge of the structure of the House of Representatives is important to an understanding of its mode of operation. The components or groups which make up the House and which are described in the text that follows are common to most parliamentary systems based on the Westminster model. The relationship and interaction between these components is at the heart of parliamentary activity. The nature of the relationships between the groups largely determines the operational effectiveness of the Parliament, particularly in relation to the Executive Government. The relationship between the groups is governed by a combination of constitutional provisions, convention and political reality, which can be simplified as follows: • Members are individually elected to represent constituents within each electoral Division and collectively form the House of Representatives.' ® In most cases Members belong to and support a particular political party.2 • The party (or parties'') having the support of the majority of Members becomes the • The party or the parties opposed to the party supporting the government form the • The party having the support of the majority of Members elects one of its members as leader, who is commissioned by the Governor-General as Prime Minister to form a Government. • The party supporting the Government may elect4, or the Prime Minister may appoint, a specified number of its members to be Ministers of State (the Ministry) who form the Federal Executive Council (the body which, in a formal sense, advises the Governor-General in the executive government of the Commonwealth) and who administer the Departments of State of the Commonwealth. © The full Ministry5, or a selected group from within the Ministry, becomes the principal policy and decision-making group of government which is commonly known as the Cabinet. -
Guide to New Zealand Parliament
GUIDE TO THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT The Parliament of New Zealand is based on the Westminster model. It has a constitutional monarch, a sovereign Parliament and the fundamental business of government is distributed among three separate bodies. This principle is known as the separation of powers. The separation of powers refers to the legislative, comprising of the House of Representatives; the executive, comprising of the Governor-General, Ministers of the Crown and government departments and agencies; and the judiciary, comprising the judges and courts, which are free from political decision. This separation exists to ensure that the fundamental principles of government are not concentrated in one entity. THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM General elections are held every three years. New Zealand’s electoral system is known as MMP (Mixed Member Proportional). Under MMP, members of Parliament are elected as either electorate members of Parliament (representing a geographical area and their party) or as list members of Parliament (representing their party only). New Zealand is divided into 63 general electorates and 7 Maori electorates i.e. specifically for Maori representation. There are more electorate members of Parliament than lists members. Under MMP, a voter is entitled to two votes – an electorate vote and a party vote. The party vote determines the number of seats each party gets in Parliament. The number of seats is proportional to the number of party votes the party obtains in the election. For example, if a party gets 45% of all party votes, that then translates to 45% of the seats in the House. A party must get a minimum of 5% of the party vote or win one electorate seat in order to secure a seat in Parliament. -
Choosing a Republican Head of State
Agenda, Volume 2, Number 2, 1995, pages 135-147 Choosing a Republican Head of State George Winterton ie most appropriate method for choosing the head of state of an Australian republic obviously depends upon the role to be performed by, and the -A. powers conferred on, the office. Thus, a head of state with substantial ex ecutive power requires the legitimacy and popular mandate conferred by popular election as, for example, in the United States, Latin America and France. Con versely, a head of state exercising few independent powers except, perhaps, that of ultimate constitutional guardianship, requires above all political neutrality and bi partisan acceptance, and should not possess an independent popular ‘mandate’ for anything other than constitutional guardianship. Hence, popular election would not be ideal for such an officer, although Ireland demonstrates that it is not incompati ble with a head of state with very limited powers. Since the method of removing the head of state will affect the independence and, therefore, the effective power and influence of the office, the method of select ing the head of state cannot be divorced from the method of removal. A head of state appointed by the Prime Minister but removable only by a two-thirds majority in Parliament, for example, would enjoy greater independence than one elected by a two-thirds parliamentary majority but removable at the whim of the Prime Minis ter. The various grounds and methods of removal warrant an article in them selves, but it is generally assumed that a republican head of state would enjoy greater security of tenure than the Governor-General (who effectively has none) and, as a bare minimum, would be removable by Parliament (by an absolute major ity of the members of each House or of both Houses jointly) only on the ground of unfitness for office.