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Marxism' in Studying the Work of Any Philosopher, We Writings

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Marxism' in Studying the Work of Any Philosopher, We Writings WHAT UNITY MEANS The groups opposed to the racist tyranny are more varied and widespread than ever before in our history. The most important task facing the libera­ tion movement is to effectively harness all these forces. Revolutionary strategy must always try to increase the forces on the side of the people and to divide the enemy. But some elements behave as if we actually grow stronger when we have fewer allies and a greater number of enemies. This happened in the run-up to the banned September Anti-Apartheid conference. The conference was organised to bring together all opponents of apartheid who ac­ cept majority rule but who do not necessarily agree on all aspects of strategy and tactics. It was to be a step towards getting the broadest possible range of forces to move together against the regime on specific immediate issues. Two themes were on the agenda 'Unity and organisation against repression' and 'One person one vote in a united South Africa'. Yet some voices were raised against the idea of wide participation. The Unity Move­ ment objected to organisations such as IDASA. Azaco, (a Black Consciousness fringe group), refused to sit with NDM whom they described as 'direct representatives of the ruling class'. They also dismissed Inyandza of KaNgwane as 'collaborationist'. This type of sectarianism is not new. It has kept some of these 'purist' groups permanently on the side-lines of the real struggle. They use revolutionary-sounding language to 'justify' policies which hold back revolutionary advance. And their confusion is greatest on the question of a broad front of struggle. What is a Broad Front of Struggle? A front struggle is, by definition, made up of political groups who do not agree on everything. If they did agree on everything there would be no need for a front at all; they would all be in one organisation. We cannot, therefore, make co-operation with us conditional on the acceptance of all our objectives and our strategy and tactics. The crucial question is whether an alliance or them back into the enemy's laager by using a joint platform on a specific issue will help to clumsy 'leftist' tactics. Talking to them or acting weaken the main enemy and advance the with them on specific issues does not mean that people's cause. We should also not confuse the we abandon our independent revolutionary different types of fronts and alliances which serve policies. different purposes. Those bosses who are prepared to stand with In our situation we can point to three specific the organised trade union movement against the categories: amended Labour Relations Act have a place on 1. The ANC-led liberation alliance. This alliance a campaign platform against it. We should not is made up of organisations who share com­ isolate those in the bantustans who, in their dai­ mon objectives in the National Democratic ly actions, oppose our country' fragmentation Revolution and who agree on all the key tac­ and do their best to make these fraudulent institu­ tics and strategy to achieve these objectives. tions unworkable. We must find ways of engag­ 2. The fraternal relationship between the ANC ing those in white politics who are beginning to and the key organisations of the Mass grope for changes in the direction of genuine Democratic Movement. This alliance con­ democracy. stitutes the organised mass core of the revolu­ We must have enough confidence in tionary forces even though some of its consti­ ourselves not to fear acting with other forces for tuents cannot proclaim all the objectives of the change on specific common issues or on an African National Congress. agreed anti-apartheid programme. Not every 3. The broader forces who support democratic such embrace leads to marriage. The involve­ change but who cannot be counted as part of ment is one of mutual benefit. The parties do not the revolutionary camp. abandon their independence, nor do they Our approach to the third category — the necessarily merge into a permanent relationship. broader forces for change — needs to be The way forward lies in the direction of the understood. broadest possible united action against racism. Mobilising such action will make an enormous Revolutionary Forces and contribution to ending the days of the crisis- Forces for Change. ridden racist regime. The search for a way out of the crisis daily gives birth to more and more forces who seek change in the direction of anti-racism and democracy. 'Only those who are not sure of themselves can These forces for change are not part of the fear to enter into temporary alliances even with revolutionary camp with whom they have various unreliable people, not a single political party can differences on strategy and tactics. exist without such alliances.' But we must do all within our power to increase (Lenin Selected Works, Volume 1, p 103.) the distance between these forces for change and the regime. We must, on no account, push 2 TAMBO ON 1989 TASKS In his January 8th speech, President OR • The building of underground political Tambo called on our entire national liberation structures remains one of the major tasks. This movement to make 1989 a year of militant mass requires greater professionalism, proper plan­ defiance. "The period ahead poses many great ning and the building of effective networks. challenges to all of use ... precisely because • Every effort must be made to ensure that it contains within it the seeds for major ad­ a lasting solution to the ugly situation in Natal vances. The issue of a new political order has is found. Peace among the oppressed, war on been placed on the agenda.' the common enemy must be our guiding light. In his speech, Comrade Tambo underlines • The uprisings of soldiers and rural masses that the racists have been unable to fundamen­ in Bophuthatswana and Venda last year tally reverse our gains. The regime's humilia­ demonstrate the militancy in our rural areas. ting defeat in Angola, the unprecedented But these uprisings also underlined our own three-day general strike in June, and our organisational weaknesses in the countryside. popular October boycott election victory last It is crucial that we raise these rural struggles year, all confirm this basic fact. to a higher level, placing before the rural The challenge before us is to build on the masses the perspective of the seizure of land. victories we have scored, to turn the • Despite the banning last year of the plann- favourable climate into a platform for inten­ ed Anti-Apartheid Conference, the sified struggle. This requires the consolidation preparatory work drew together a wide coali­ of our forces, especially in those areas where tion of forces. This work must continue, we are weak, and where the enemy has made building the broadest possible front of anti- some headway. apartheid forces. What are the main tasks that Comrade • The Labour Relations Amendment Act Tambo has set before the entire liberation represents the most concerted attack on the movement? labour movement for many years. The com­ • The perspective of people's power is the bined strength of workers, the entire central question on the agenda. Our suc­ democratic movement and all other anti- cessful mass boycott of the October elections apartheid forces — within South Africa and in­ provides one rallying point from which to ternationally — must act to defeat this law. render the regime's political structures un­ In taking up the challenge of these tasks, the workable. All the regime's structures — the entire national liberation movement finds itself Regional Services Councils, the bantustan ad­ in a situation that has fundamentally shifted. In ministrations, Provincial Executive Commit­ the course of the 1980s, the Decade of Libera­ tees, the National Council and the tricameral tion, we have succeeded in shifting the parliament — must feel the full weight of balance of forces in our favour. In the words popular rejection. of President Tambo, 1989 must see us 'take ad­ • We must build up a spirit mass defiance, vantage of this situation and intensify our of­ overcoming any tendency to limit our strug­ fensive for people's power.' gles entirely within the confines of the regime's regulations. We must carefully select areas where we can mobilise mass defiance — like Group Areas, anti-squatting laws, the provocative regulations of the Conservative Party in a number of towns, rents and service charges, conscription into the SADF, and restrictions on individuals and organisations. LONG LIVE THE YEAR OF MASS ACTION FOR PEOPLE'S POWER! READERS VOICE Umsebenzi is not a bible; it is a tool of struggle. Not every word we write or publish is holy and beyond criticism. We, of course, aim to speak for our Party on the important issues of the day. But we do not only want to teach. We also want to learn. And we believe that our readers, especially those in the frontline of struggle, have always got something to teach us. So please contribute to 'Readers Voice'. Give us your thoughts, but try to keep them short — not more than 300 words. UMSEBENZI READERS' CIRCLES Dear Umsebenzi, While going through Umsebenzi I thought that it may be a good idea if those who read it could establish Umsebenzi Readers Circles. This would be specially important for young people who would be able to discuss the articles, debate and learn through trial and error-type of discussions. The sort of Umsebenzi slot that we have in cell meetings is fairly hasty and only touches on articles. We need to discuss in greater detail. CONCERNING PEOPLE'S COMMITTEES In 'Reflections on People's Committees' organs of power.
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