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Agricultural Restructuring Southern Africa
AGRICULTURAL RESTRUCTURING IN SOUTHERN AFRICA Papers presented at an International Symposium held at Swakopmund, Namibia 24-27 July, 1990 Edited by Csaba Csaki Theodor Dams Diethelm Metzger Johan van Zyl International Association of Agricultural Economists in association with Association of Agricultural Economists in Namibia (AGRECONA) First published in 1992 by the Association of Agricultural Economists of Namibia P.O. Box 21554, Windhoek, Namibia. © International Association of Agricultural Economists. This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission. Enquiries should be made to the publisher. Printed in Namibia by Windhoek Printers & Publishers (Pty) Ltd, P.O. Box 1707, Windhoek, Namibia. Distributed by the Association of Agricultural Economists of Namibia, P.O. Box 21554, Windhoek, Namibia. ISBN 99916/30/10/4 49 AN ASSESSMENf OF FOOD SECURITY IN SOUTH AFRICA G K Coetzee and J van Zyl INTRODUCTION The economic disparity between white and black South Africa is most clearly observable in the agricultural sector (FI!nyes et al., 1988). The commercial farming sector is dominated by whites as regards ownership, while the subsistence sector consists mainly of black families on traditional communal holdings. Some authors refer to this phenomenon as a dual economic system, consisting of both first and third world economies (Groenewald, 1987). However, the South African economy (including agriculture) functions as an integrated system within a relatively small common market (Van Zyl & Groenewald, 1988). The existing distribution of access to resources, inputs and markets in agriculture between races is highly inequitable due to a number of barriers of a physical and institutional nature (Fen yes et al., 1988). -
Country Profile – South Africa
Country profile – South Africa Version 2016 Recommended citation: FAO. 2016. AQUASTAT Country Profile – South Africa. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). Rome, Italy The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. The views expressed in this information product are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of FAO. FAO encourages the use, reproduction and dissemination of material in this information product. Except where otherwise indicated, material may be copied, downloaded and printed for private study, research and teaching purposes, or for use in non-commercial products or services, provided that appropriate acknowledgement of FAO as the source and copyright holder is given and that FAO’s endorsement of users’ views, products or services is not implied in any way. All requests for translation and adaptation rights, and for resale and other commercial use rights should be made via www.fao.org/contact-us/licencerequest or addressed to [email protected]. FAO information products are available on the FAO website (www.fao.org/ publications) and can be purchased through [email protected]. -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
REFERENCES to COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, and IMPERIALISM South Africa Truth Commission
REFERENCES TO COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, AND IMPERIALISM South Africa Truth Commission Abstract A list of references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism in the South Africa Truth Commission. Chelsea Barranger Links to Data Visualization This section contains links to all data visualization for the South Africa report. Comparison Charts • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism chart • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism excel list Word Trees • Colonial • Colonialism • Imperialism References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism This section contains all references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism from the South Africa report. <Files\\Truth Commission Reports\\Africa\\SouthAfrica.TRC_.Report-FULL> - § 64 references coded [0.13% Coverage] Reference 1 - 0.01% Coverage 1834 (when slavery was abolished). b The many wars of dispossession and colonial conquest dating from the first war against the Khoisan in 1659, through several so-called frontier conflicts as white settlers penetrated northwards, to the Bambatha uprising of 1906, the last attempt at armed defence by an indigenous grouping. c The systematic hunting and Reference 2 - 0.01% Coverage violation of shocking proportions.2 f The genocidal war in the early years of this century directed by the German colonial administration in South West Africa at the Herero people, which took them to the brink of extinction. 8 It is also important Reference 3 - 0.01% Coverage trees are stripped and leafless. 16 But if this was an act of wholesale dispossession and discrimination, so too was the 1909 South Africa Act which was passed, not by a South African legislature, but by the British Parliament. In terms of the South Africa Act, Britain’s four South African colonies were merged into one nation and granted juridical independence under a constitutional arrangement that transferred power in perpetuity to a minority of white voters. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa. -
This Is an Authorized Facsimile, Made from the Microfilm This Is
This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm master copy of the original dissertation or master thesis published by UMI. The bibliographic information for this thesis is contained in UMI's Dissertation Abstracts database, the only central source for accessing almost every doctoral dissertation accepted in North America since 1861. UMI Dissertation Services A Bell & Howell Company 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 1-800-521-0600 313-761-4700 Printed in 1996 by xerographic process on acid-free paper DPGT The African National Congress in Exile: Strategy and Tactics 1960-1993 by Dale Thomas McKinley A Dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 1995 Approved by: r n2 Advisor ____ Reader Iw'iwC "Reader U4I Number: 9538444 324.268 083 MCKI 01 1 0 II I 01 651 021 UNI Microform 9538444 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, HI 48103 Kf IP INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The qualty of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. -
The Church As a Peace Broker: the Case of the Natal Church Leaders' Group and Political Violence in Kwazulu-Natal (1990-1994)1
The Church as a peace broker: the case of the Natal Church Leaders’ Group and political violence in KwaZulu-Natal (1990-1994)1 Michael Mbona 2 School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Abstract Moves by the state to reform the political landscape in South Africa at the beginning of 1990 led to increased tension between the Inkatha Freedom Party and the African National Congress in the province of Natal and the KwaZulu homeland. Earlier efforts by the Natal Church Leaders’ Group to end hostilities through mediation had yielded minimal results. Hopes of holding the first general democratic election in April 1994 were almost dashed due to Inkatha’s standoff position until the eleventh hour. This article traces the role played by church leaders in seeking to end the bloody clashes taking place at that time by engaging with the state and the rival political parties between 1990 and 1994. Despite the adoption of new strategies, challenges such as internal divisions, blunders at mediation, and the fact that the church leaders were also “political sympathisers”, hampered progress in achieving peace. While paying tribute to the contribution of other team players, this article argues that an ecumenical initiative was responsible for ending the politically motivated brutal killings in KwaZulu-Natal in the early years of 1990. Introduction The announcement in 1990 by State President FW de Klerk about the release of political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, and the unbanning of all political parties was a crucial milestone on the journey towards reforming the South African political landscape.3 While these reforms were acclaimed by progressive thinkers within and outside South Africa, tension between 1 This article follows on, as part two, from a previous article by the same author. -
Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework
INTERGOVERNMENTAL AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1 POLICY : INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK Item CL 285/2002 PROPOSED INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK MC 05.12.2002 RESOLVED: 1. That the report of the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services regarding a proposed framework to ensure sound intergovernmental relations between the EMM, National and Provincial Government, neighbouring municipalities, the S A Cities Network, organised local government and bulk service providers, BE NOTED AND ACCEPTED. 2. That all Departments/Portfolios of the EMM USE the Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework to develop and implement mechanisms, processes and procedures to ensure sound intergovernmental relations and TO SUBMIT a policy and programme in this regard to the Speaker for purposes of co-ordination and approval by the Mayoral Committee. 3. That the Director: Communications and Marketing DEVELOP a policy on how to deal with intergovernmental delegations visiting the Metro, with specific reference to intergovernmental relations and to submit same to the Mayoral Committee for consideration. 4. That intergovernmental relations BE INCORPORATED as a key activity in the lOP Business Plans of all Departments of the EMM. 5. That the Ekurhuleni Intergovernmental Multipurpose Centre Steering Committee INCORPORATE the principles contained in the Intergovernmental Relations Framework as part of the policy on multipurpose centres to be formulated as contemplated in Mayoral Committee Resolution (Item LED 21-2002) of 3 October 2002. 6. That the City Manager, in consultation with the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services, FINALISE AND APPROVE the officials to represent the EMM at the Technical Working Groups of the S A Cities Network. 7. That the Strategic Executive Director: City Development SUBMIT a further report to the Mayoral Committee regarding the necessity of participation of the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality and its Portfolios/Departments on public bodies, institutions and organisations. -
Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director. -
African Communist, No.124
African Communist, No.124 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.0001.9976.000.124.1991 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org African Communist, No.124 Alternative title African Communist Author/Creator South African Communist Party Publisher South African Communist Party (Johannesburg) Date 1991 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, Iraq Coverage (temporal) 1991 Description Editorial Notes; The Nature of Socialism; Perestroika in the Soviet Union; A Reply to Harry Gwala; -
Property, Housing and Neo- Apartheid Segregation in Hout Bay
Chapter Three Selling the Mountain: property, housing and neo- apartheid segregation in Hout Bay Figure 3.1. The global property market comes to the fishing village In July 2009, an article in the Sunday Times, the leading national newspaper, claimed that the Sentinel Mountain in Hout Bay was on the property market by auction, and that enquiries had been made by ‘talk show host Oprah Winfrey, hotel magnate Sol Kerzner, Donald Trump jnr as well as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation’. In addition, the article continued, ‘the new owners could, if they wished ... name the peak after themselves as the Sentinel was not a registered trademark. Auctioneers had reportedly turned down two offers, including one for R15 1 million’ (News24 2009). Not surprisingly, alarm spread through Hangberg, the major settlement on the Sentinel Mountain. On 16 July 2009, the morning of the auction, a crowd of 300 protesters from Hangberg gathered outside the site of the sale, the Chapman’s Peak Hotel, led by the Hout Bay Civic. According to Isaac James, a Hout Bay Civic leader, they wanted to ‘sit down with the auctioneers' to convince the owners to halt plans to sell the prized real estate (News24 2009). However, once it was clear that the auction was proceeding, the protest became confrontational. Some protesters began to throw stones, and the police opened fire on the crowd, showering them with rubber bullets and teargas. This confrontation quickly brought the auction to a halt. In the aftermath of this event, it transpired that it was not the whole of the Sentinel Mountain for sale, which would have included Hangberg on its lower reaches.