Historijsko-Geografske I Geopolitičke Konstante Jadrana I Jadranskog

historijsko-geografske abstract i geopolitičke U radu se razmatra doprinos Braudelova djela Sredoze- mlje i sredozemni svijet u doba Filipa II. razumijevanju konstante jadrana i i tumačenju temeljnih obilježja jadranske geopolitike tijekom povijesti. Težište je pritom stavljeno na historij- jadranskog prostora u sko-geografsku i geostratešku valorizaciju povijesne uloge ključnih nadzornih točki u kontroli i zaštiti glavnih kontekstu braudelove longitudinalnih i transverzalnih jadranskih pomorskih koridora, kao i na geostratešku analizu odnosa Jadrana vizije sredozemlja spram ostatka Sredozemlja te napose spram njegovih bli- žih i daljih kontinentalnih zaleđa.

historical- Ključne riječi: F. Braudel, povijest dugog trajanja, prirodno-geografska osnova, Sredozemlje, Jadran, geographical and kontinentalno zaleđe, historijska geografija, geopolitika geopolitical constants of the adriatic and abstract adriatic region This work deals with the contribution of the Braudel’s work The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the context of in the age of Philip II to understanding and interpretation of the basic characteristics of the Adriatic geopoliti- braudel’s vision of the cs through history. The focus is on the historical - geographical and geostrategical valorization of the historical mediterranean role of crucial vantage points in control and protection of main longitudinal and transversal Adriatic maritime corridors as well as on the geostrategical analysis of relations of the Adriatic with the rest of the Mediterranean and particularly with its closer and more distant continental hinterlands.

Key words: F. Braudel, longue durée, natural-geograph- Petar Elez ical basis, Mediterranean, Adriatic, continental hinterland, historical geography, geopolitics

Državni arhiv u Vukovaru / State Archive Vukovar Županijska 5 HR - 32000 Vukovar [email protected]

UDK / UDC: 930.2(497.5)(210.5)”15” 911.3:94(497.5)(210.5)”15” 911.3:32(497.5)(210.5)”15” Pregledni rad / Review article Primljeno / Received: 18. 11. 2015.

85 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

1. 1. Uvod Introduction

Sredozemno je more oduvijek, kao geografska po- As a geographical connection between three con- veznica triju kontinenata (Europe, Azije i Afrike), tinents (Europe, Asia and Africa) and therefore a pa samim time i kao jedinstveno područje konta- unique area of contacts, influences and interaction kata, utjecaja i prožimanja pojedinih kultura, vjera, of cultures, religions, economic and political struc- ekonomskih i političkih struktura, entiteta i pro- tures, the Mediterranean Sea has always been in the cesa, bilo u žarištu interesa povijesne znanosti te s center of interest of the historical science and related njom povezane historijske geografije kao zasebne historical geography as a separate geographic sci- geografske znanstvene discipline.1 Pri tome treba entifc discipline.1 It is worth mentioning that many istaknuti da je mediteranski prostor za brojne po- historians, starting from Herodotus, saw the Medi- vjesničare, počevši od Herodota, dugo predstavljao terranean area as the main stage of historical events glavnu pozornicu povijesnih događaja koje su opisi- which they described and interpreted. In that proc- vali i tumačili, pri čemu se veća ili manja (ali uvijek ess more or less (but regularly not enough) attention nedostatna) pažnja poklanjala analizi geografskih, was paid to analysis of geographical, sociological, socioloških, društveno-gospodarskih i drugih, na socio-economic and other factors, hidden at first prvi pogled skrivenih čimbenika koji su međutim sight, which affected significantly (if not decisively) značajno (ako ne i presudno) utjecali na tijek povi- the course of historical events and related processes. jesnih zbivanja i procese s njima povezane. Radical changes in the selection of historical Do radikalnih promjena u izboru povijesnih themes and methodology happened only during the tema i metodologije dolazi tijekom 20. stoljeća. 20th century. That was when some of the capital Tada nastaju neka od kapitalnih djela moderne eu- works of the modern European historiography were ropske historiografije. Novi, interdisciplinarni pri- written. New interdisciplinary approach was often stupi njihovih autora nerijetko se primjenjuju upra- used in the context of research of various view- vo u kontekstu istraživanja raznih motrišta sredo- points of the Mediterranaen past by their authors. zemne prošlosti. The work of the French historian Fernand Brau- Prekretničku i vjerojatno najutjecajniju povi- del La méditerranée et le monde méditeranéen à l’ jesnu studiju u tom smislu predstavlja djelo fran- époque de Philippe II (The Mediterranean and the cuskog povjesničara Fernanda Braudela La médi- Mediterranean World in the age of Philip II) pub- terranée et le monde méditeranéen à l’ époque de lished in 1949 represents a milestone and probably Philippe II (Sredozemlje i sredozemni svijet u doba most influential historical study in that sense. In Filipa II.) iz 1949. Ono je u duhu francuske škole accordance with the principles of the French An- Anala (eponimni časopis Annales d’histoire écono- nales School (eponymous journal Annales d’histoire mique et sociale kontinuirano se objavljuje još od économique et sociale has been published continu- 1929.), odnosno u društvenim i humanističkim zna- ously from 1929), i.e. in social and humanistic sci- nostima široko prihvaćenog modela strukturalizma, ences following the broadly accepted structuralist predstavljalo ne samo oglednu studiju multidiscipli- approach, it represented not only a model of multi- narnoga povijesnog istraživanja nego i odmak od disciplinary historical research but also detachment tzv. velike povijesti čiji su nositelji istaknuti poje- from the so-called “big history” whose main repre- dinci (npr. španjolski kralj Filip II.), a referentne sentatives were prominent individuals (e.g. Spanish točke pojedini “presudni” događaji (npr. Bitka kod king Philip II), and referential points were certain Lepanta 1571.). “crucial” events (e.g. Battle of Lepanto in 1571). Djelo međutim, osim napredne povijesne meto- In addition to advanced historical methodology dologije i radikalnog preusmjerenja interesa istraži- and radical shift of the researcher’s interest from vača s događajne povijesti prema povijesnim pro- history based on events to historical processes and cesima i rekonstrukciji svakodnevice “anonimnog” reconstruction of everyday life of an “anonymous”

1 Radovi Veljka Rogića, Monike Komušanac i Stjepana Šterca 1 Works by Veljko Rogić, Monika Komušanac, Stjepan Šterc te Josipa i Nede Roglić mogu poslužiti kao dobro polazište and Josip and Neda Roglić can be used as good starting u istraživanju pojedinih historijsko-geografskih tema. (V. point in research of certain historical-geographical themes ROGIĆ 1982; M. KOMUŠANAC – S. ŠTERC 2010; J. RO- (V. ROGIĆ, 1982; M. KOMUŠANAC – S. ŠTERC, 2010; J. GLIĆ – N. ROGLIĆ 1967). ROGLIĆ – N. ROGLIĆ, 1967).

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pojedinca, donosi i naglašava nove, štoviše revoluci- individual, this work brings and emphasizes new onarne poglede na temeljne odrednice povijesti, a to and even revolutionary views on basic determinants su prostor, vrijeme te čovjek u prostoru i vremenu. of history: time, space and man in time and space. Golem utjecaj Braudelova djela ogleda se ne samo u Huge influence of the Braudel’s work is reflected not širokoj recepciji i implementaciji strukturalističkog only in wide reception and implementation of struc- modela u djelima brojnih njegovih nasljedovatelja turalist model in works of his many successors from od 1949. do danas nego i u ulozi koju je imalo u 1949 to the present day, but also in importance it oblikovanju novih motrišta i tumačenja prošlosti, had in forming new viewpoints and interpretations napose prošlosti Sredozemlja. of the past, particularly past of the Mediterranean.

2. 2. Braudelovo Sredozemlje – svijet za Braudel’s Mediterranean – a world sebe i veliko poput svijeta in itself and as big as the world

Nemjerljiv doprinos Braudelova djela vidljiv je pri- Exceptional contribution of the Braudel’s work is je svega u spoznaji da određeni zemaljski prostor evident primarily in the recognition that a certain svojim prirodno-geografskim obilježjima presudno area with its natural and geographic characteristics utječe na društveno-politički, ekonomski, kulturni, affects decisively socio-political, economic, cultural, vjerski i demografski razvoj ljudskih zajednica koje religious and demographic development of human ga nastanjuju. S tim u skladu, Braudel u prvom di- communities inhabiting that area. In accordance jelu svoje studije nazvanom “Udio sredine” povijest with this idea in the first part of the study (“The Role Sredozemlja promatra u svjetlu njegovih prirodno- of the Environment”) Braudel observed the history geografskih datosti (npr. suha ljetna te vlažna i ne- of the Mediterranean in light of its natural character- stabilna zimska klima, morska površina obrubljena istics (e. g. dry summer climate, humid and unstable specifičnim reljefnim formacijama – visoki planin- winters, sea bordered with specific relief formations ski lanci, pustinje, relativno velike riječne delte itd.) – high mountain ranges, deserts, relatively large river te razvoja pojedinih, njima uvjetovanih civilizacij- deltas, etc.) and development of certain civilization skih fenomena, tekovina i tradicija (npr. pojava gor- phenomena, achievements and traditions condi- štačkih zajednica u izoliranim i rubnim planinskim tioned by these factors (e. g. appearance of highland predjelima “gdje su nedostatnost ljudskog mate- communities in isolated and peripheral mountain re- rijala, njegova rijetkost i raspršenost onemogućili gions “where lack of human activity, its rarity and uspostavljanje države, dominantnih jezika i velikih dispersion prevented establishing a state, dominant civilizacija”, odnosno utjecali na nastanak “konti- languages and great civilizations”, that is affected nentalnih otoka”; blagotvoran utjecaj riječnih do- formation of the “continental islands”; favourable lina uz obale Sredozemnog mora, ali i potencijalna influence of river valleys along the coasts of the opasnost od gladi i malarije uslijed iznenadnih po- Mediterranean Sea, but also potentially threatening plava ili stvaranja močvara što u konačnici utječe i hunger or malaria due to sudden floods or swamp na pozicioniranje naselja; utjecaj bonifikacije mo- formation which finally influenced positioning of the čvarnog terena mletačke terraferme ili pak utjecaj settlement; impact of swamp land drainage of the planinskog stočarstva i nomadskog života na razvoj Venetian terraferma or influence of transhumance specifičnih socijalno-ekonomskih odnosa unutar and nomadic life to development of specific social pojedinih društveno-političkih zajednica, kao i iz- and economic relations within specific social and po- među pojedinih, u geografskom smislu suprotstav- litical communities and between geographically con- ljenih reljefnih cjelina – visoki predjeli i nizine itd.) trasting relief units – highlands and lowlands, etc.) (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: 35, 57, 69, 75). (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: 35, 57, 69, 75). Uloga prirodno-geografske osnove aktualizira The role of natural and geographical basis is actu- se i u poglavlju posvećenom Sredozemnom moru alized in the chapter dealing with the Mediterranean kao takvom, a koje Braudel naziva “srcem Sredo- sea referred to as “the heart of the Mediterranean” zemlja”. U njemu analizira utjecaj prirodnogeo- by Braudel. In it he analyzes influence of natural, grafskih i maritimnih svojstva sredozemnih obala i geographic and maritime characteristics of the Medi- mora (reljef, klima, morske struje itd.) na usposta- terranean coasts and sea (relief, climate, sea currents,

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vu glavnih plovidbenih ruta i luka (još od antike) etc.) on establishing main navigation routes and ports i uopće na specifičan način plovljenja od luke do (from antiquity onwards) and on specific way of sail- luke (“tapkanje plovidbe”). U tom smislu zaklju- ing from port to port. In that regard he concludes: čuje: “Kao i po kopnenim putovima – koje je Rim “As on the land roads, made by Rome in western trasirao u zapadnim zemljama – dnevni odmori countries, daily rests resulted with village cores with urodili su zamecima sela impresivne pravilnosti; impressive regularity; similarly, on maritime routes isto tako, na vodenim priobalnim putovima, luke near the coast, ports were situated at one-day sailing su jedna od druge udaljene jedan dan plovidbe.” distance.” (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 114-115). He also (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 114-115). Ne propušta emphasizes that mentioned characteristics had crucial također naglasiti da su spomenuta svojstva imala influence on perception and use of the Mediterrane- presudan utjecaj i na percepciju i korištenje sredo- an area in context of protection of geostrategic and zemnog prostora u kontekstu zaštite geostrateš- economic interests of the leading maritime forces in kih i ekonomskih interesa vodećih pomorskih sila certain phases of their historical development. They u pojedinim fazama njegova povijesnog razvitka. were primarily related to possibilities of exploitation Oni su u prvom redu bili povezani s mogućnostima of the sea resources such as fish and salt, and finally to eksploatacije morskih resursa poput ribe i soli, a u the development of important economic sectors such konačnici i s razvojem važnih gospodarskih sekto- as trade and shipping. In that context we need to em- ra poput trgovine i brodarstva. U tom su kontekstu phasize the importance of analyses of geostrategical izuzetno dragocjene i vrijedne analize geostrateš- potentials of certain “control points on the Adriatic” kog potencijala pojedinih “kontrolnih točaka Ja- such as the Bay of Kotor and Otranto (“key of the drana” poput Kotorskog zaljeva i Otrantskih vrata Adriatic”), i.e. Corfu (“key of Otranto”) (F. BRAU- (“ključ Jadrana”), odnosno Krfa (“ključ Otranta”) DEL, 1997, I: 131-154). (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 131-154). Although fully aware that the Mediterranean area Premda je itekako svjestan toga da je sredozemni is “broken” into a series of natural and geographic prostor “razbijen” na čitav niz prirodno-geograf- wholes (e. g. eastern and western Mediterranean, skih podcjelina (npr. istočno i zapadno Sredozemlje, Adriatic, Tyrrhenian Sea, Aegean islands, etc.) which Jadran, Tirensko more, Egejski otoci i dr.), koje su often represent worlds in themselves in historical u povijesnom (i civilizacijskom) smislu često i same (and civilizational) sense, Braudel never loses sight of svjetovi za sebe, Braudel ipak iz vida ne gubi sre- the Mediterranean as a whole. His perception of the dozemnu cjelinu. Njegova je percepcija Sredozemlja Mediterranean is therefore “mosaic” and “monolith- stoga podjednako “mozaična” i “monolitna”, a u ic” at the same time, and in relation to “atomization” odnosu na “atomizaciju” sredozemnog prostora of the Mediterranean region proposed by certain con- kakvu zagovaraju pojedini suvremeni znanstvenici, temporary scholars, probably also more comprehen- vjerojatno i sveobuhvatnija, preglednija i logičnija.2 sive, logical and better laid out.2

2 U novije su vrijeme objavljene povijesne studije čiji autori 2 Historical studies have been recently published whose au- u odnosu na Braudelovo poimanje Sredozemlja kao manje- thors have entirely different view of the Mediterranean in više jedinstvenoga morskog i primorskog prostora po tom relation to Braudel’s perspective of more or less unified mari- pitanju imaju posve drugačije poglede. Britanski povjesni- time and coastal area. British historians Peregrine Horden čari Peregrine Horden i Nicholas Purcell tako polaze od and Nicholas Purcell start from an assumption that the Med- pretpostavke da se Sredozemlje zapravo sastoji od mnoštva iterranean actually consists of many microregions (microw- mikroregija (mikrosvjetova) koje se, napose s obzirom na orlds) which differ in many aspects, particularly regarding reljefna i klimatska obilježja, međusobno znatno razlikuju. their relief and climate characteristics. Therefore we cannot Stoga se se ni u kojem slučaju ne može govoriti o Sredo- consider the Mediterranean to be a unified natural and geo- zemlju kao jedinstvenom prirodno-geografskom prostoru, graphic area but only as areas covered and connected with nego isključivo o prostorima premreženim i povezanim many social and economic relations established by members brojnim socijalno-ekonomskim vezama koje međusobno of certain Mediterranean communities and cultures. Horden uspostavljaju pripadnici pojedinih sredozemnih zajednica and Purcell believe that the main impulse for such connec- i kultura. Kao glavni impuls uspostavljanju takvih veza i tions and relations was risk factor, i.e. permanent existen- odnosa Horden i Purcell navode činitelj rizika, odnosno tial danger and man’s battle for survival in frequently hostile permanentne egzistencijalne ugroze i čovjekove borbe za Mediterranean environment (P. HORDEN – N. PURCELL, opstanak u često negostoljubivom sredozemnom okolišu 2004). British historian David Abulafia promotes idea of (P. HORDEN – N. PURCELL, 2004). Britanski povjesni- the Mediterranean as the sea and narrow coastal region sur- čar David Abulafia promovira pak ideju o Sredozemlju kao rounding it; in that regard Abulafia’s history of the Mediter- prostoru mora i uskoga obalnog područja koje ga okružuje; ranean happens only at the sea and by the sea (D. ABULA- u tom se smislu Abulafijina povijest Sredozemlja odvija is- FIA, 2011). ključivo na moru i uz more (D. ABULAFIA, 2011).

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Braudelov doprinos dotadašnjoj valorizaciji Finally Braudel’s contribution to previous valori- povijesne uloge Sredozemlja temelji se naposljet- zation of the historical role of the Mediterranean is ku i na činjenici da je osim dubinskoj historijsko- based on the fact that he paid almost equal atten- geografskoj analizi sredozemnog prostora, goto- tion to deep historical-geographical analysis of the vo podjednaku pažnju posvetio i sagledavanju Mediterranean area and to observing its position, njegova položaja, odnosa i prožimanja s ostat- relations and interaction with the rest of Europe kom Europe i svijeta. Drugim riječima, odsječak and world. In other words, segment of “horizontal “horizontalne sredozemne prošlosti” (“kratak Mediterranean past” (“brief moment of the Medi- trenutak Sredozemnog života između 1550. i terranean life between 1550 and 1600” – age of the 1600.” – doba vladavine Filipa II.)3 on promatra reign of Philip II)3 is observed and analyzed in wide i analizira u širokom prostornom okviru u čijem spatial framework with Mediterranean as its center, je središtu doduše Sredozemlje, međutim Sredo- but it is the Mediterranean breathing in rhythm of zemlje koje diše u ritmu konjunkturnih oscilacija conjunctural oscillations of the European, African europskoga, afričkoga i azijskoga kontinentalnog and Asian continental hinterland. In that sense Brau- zaleđa. Braudel je u tom smislu ispravno i daleko- del concluded correctly and farsightedly that history vidno zaključio da je povijest Sredozemlja teško of the Mediterranean can hardly be comprehended razumljiva bez poznavanja temeljnih odrednica without understanding basic determinants of his- povijesnog razvoja na globalnoj (svjetskoj) razini. torical development on the global (world) scale. Al- Premda se u odnosu na “novi svijet” i nove po- though in comparison to the “new world” and new morske rute koje do njega vode pomorstvo i eko- maritime routes leading to it, seafaring and economy nomija Sredozemlja u 16. stoljeću nalaze na pra- of the Mediterranean in the 16th century underwent gu svojevrsne stagnacije, ono i dalje predstavlja a kind of stagnation, it still bursted with lively eco- prostor živahnih gospodarskih i kulturnih konta- nomic and cultural contacts, but there were also kata, ali i sukoba koji ih s vremena na vrijeme, u conflicts which occasionally blocked these contacts manjoj ili većoj mjeri, blokiraju, ali nikada posve more or less, but never paralyzing them completely. paraliziraju. I u jednom i u drugom slučaju riječ je In both cases these were events and processes with o događajima i procesima s dalekosežnim poslje- far-reaching consequences for the world destiny. In dicama za sudbinu svijeta, odnosno o blistavim other words these were shiny flares of the European proplamsajima europske povijesti, čiji se izvori history whose sources are often thousands of kil- nerijetko nalaze tisućama kilometara daleko od ometers distant from the Mediterranean historical sredozemne povijesne pozornice. Razlog tome po- stage. Reasons therein can primarily be associated najprije leži u činjenici da Sredozemlje poput neke with the fact that the Mediterranean was like a kind vrste “geografske kopče”, unatoč relativno maloj of “geographical link” despite relatively small area površini (mora i priobalja) u odnosu na ostatak (sea and coastal area) in relation to the rest of the svijeta, kontinente staroga svijeta povezuje u je- world, which connects continents of the old world dinstvenu cjelinu. Drugim riječima, ono je os oko into a whole. In other words it is a rotation axis koje se okreću svijet i njegova povijest s njime. of the world and its history. Perception of the con- Predodžba suvremenika Filipa II. o Sredozemlju temporaries of Philip II about the Mediterranean kao o prostoru enormnih dimenzija samo poja- as enormous space only accentuates this impres- čava takav dojam (“Sredozemlje 16. stoljeća još sion (“Mediterranean of the 16th century still had uvijek ima grosso modo rimske dimenzije, prem- Roman dimensions grosso modo, although more da je prošlo više od jednog tisućljeća. Ili, bolje than a millennium had passed by. More precisely, rečeno, samo Sredozemlje 16. stoljeća odgovara, Mediterranean of the 16th century mutas mutandis mutas mutandis, cijelome svijetu 1939.”). Uo- corresponds to the entire world in 1939.”). After stalom, Braudel svoju studiju započinje citatom all Braudel starts his study with a citation from the

3 Braudelov se pristup utemeljen na proučavanju “hori- 3 Braudel’s approach based on the study of “horizontal his- zontalne povijesti” razlikuje od pristupa utemeljenih na tory” differs from the approaches based on the study of proučavanju “vertikalne povijesti” koji podrazumijevaju “vertical past” which imply the study of past of a certain proučavanje prošlosti određenog prostora u “vremenskom region in “the temporal total” – from the earliest periods to totalu” – od najstarijih vremena do danas. Jedna od uspjeli- the present day. Mentioned work by David Abulafia is one of jih studija “vertikalne sredozemene prošlosti”, rasterećena more successful studies of the “vertical Mediterranean past”, balasta “puke povijesne događajnice”, spomenuto je djelo free of ballast of “mere historical event-book” (D. ABULA- Davida Abulafie (D. ABULAFIA 2011: xxvi). FIA, 2011, xxvi).

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preuzetim iz djela Joséa de Acoste, isusovačkog work by José de Acosta, Jesuit missionary and theol- misionara i teologa iz 16. stoljeća: “Sve do danas, ogist from the 16th century: “To the present day, no u Novome svijetu nije otkriveno ni jedno Sredo- Mediterranean as the one in Europe, Africa and Asia zemlje kao što postoji u Europi, Aziji i Africi”. has been discovered in the New World.” No matter Bilo da se “prelijeva u svijet”, preko granica koje is it “overflowing into the world” over the bounda- su zadali zemljopisci, a prema kojima ono “ide ries set by the geographers who state that it “spreads od sjeverne granice maslinika do granice velikih from the northern border of the olive-groves to the nasada palmi na jugu”, bilo da se svijet “prelijeva border of large palm plantations in the south”, or u njega”, Braudelovo je “Sredozemlje” nepresta- the world “overflows into it”, Braudel’s Mediterra- no “uzburkano” i oduvijek pulsira u ritmu velikih nean is constanly “rough” and always pulsing in the povijesnih gibanja i mijena (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: rhythm of big historical movements and changes (F. 115-142, 183, 406). BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 115-142, 183, 406).

3. 3. Povijest Sredozemlja – povijest History of the Mediterranean – dugog i kratkog trajanja history of long and short duration Braudelovo inovativno tumačenje utjecaja prirodno-geografske osnove na događaje i procese sre- Braudel’s innovative interpretation of the influence dozemne povijesti u velikoj mjeri interferira s po- of natural and geographical basis on events and djednako inovativnim poimanjem i tumačenjem processes of the Mediterranean history interferes to dimenzije vremena. U tom smislu on razlikuje a significant degree with equally innovative percep- tri vremenske kategorije: povijest dugog trajanja tion and interpretation of the dimension of time. In (longue durée), povijest pojedinih društvenih i that sense he distinguishes three temporal catego- ekonomskih procesa i trendova srednjeg trajanja ries: long duration history (longue durée), history (konjunkture) i događajnu povijest (povijest tre- of certain social and economic processes and trends nutaka i jedinki). Sukladno navedenim vremen- of medium duration (conjunctures) and event his- skim kategorijama gradi i tripartitnu strukturu tory (history of moments and individuals). In ac- svoga djela. cordance with the mentioned temporal categories Gore spomenuta isprepletenost i preklapanje he builds tripartite structure of his work. vremenske i prostorne dimenzije povijesti do izra- Previously mentioned interweaving and overlap- žaja dolazi upravo u kontekstu tzv. povijesti du- ping of the temporal and spatial dimension of his- gog trajanja. Prema Braudelu tu je riječ o “povije- tory is particularly pronounced in the context of the sti izvan vremena..., o jednoj gotovo nepomičnoj “longue durée”. According to Braudel this is “his- povijesti, povijesti čovjeka u njegovim odnosima tory out of time..., almost motionless history, his- s okolinom koja ga okružuje; jednom polaganom tory of a man in his relations with the environment; povijesti koja teče, koja se transformira, sastavlje- one slow history which flows, and transforms itself, nom često od upornih povrataka, ciklusa koji se composed often from persistent returns, cycles con- bez prestanka ponavljaju”. Ta povijest, koja na- stantly repeating.” This history, resulting from the staje interakcijom čovjeka i geografskog prostora interaction of man and geographic space in which u kojem djeluje, a koja je zapravo povijest (dugo) he functions, and which is actually history of long- trajnih struktura ili tzv. geohistorija, postaje refe- term (or even permanent) structures or the so- rentni okvir ostalih dviju vremenskih kategorija called geohistory, becomes a referential framework – konjunktura i događaja, obrađenih u drugom of two other temporal categories – conjunctures i trećem dijelu njegove studije. Horden i Purcell and events, analyzed in the second and third parts u tom smislu ispravno primjećuju da je “Braude- of his study. Horden and Purcell notice correctly lov koncept dugog trajanja, pored svih ostalih, that “Braudel’s concept of long duration is exactly upravo onaj koji njegovo djelo prožima u cijelo- the concept marking his entire study, in addition sti” (P. HORDEN – N. PURCELL, 2004, 36-37). to all others” (P. HORDEN – N. PURCELL, 2004, Iz njegove perspektive dugo je trajanje zapravo 36-37). In his opinion long duration is actually a struktura koja podrazumijeva temelj i nosivi stup structure functioning as basis and pillar of every svake povijesti, pa tako i povijesti Sredozemlja, history including the history of the Mediterranean

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i o njemu najbolje svjedoči sam Braudel: “Tako which is attested best by Braudel himself: “I am al- sam pred nekim čovjekom uvijek u iskušenju da ways tempted to see every man enclosed in a des- ga vidim zatvorenog u sudbinu koju on jedva tiny he barely creates, in a world which delineates stvara, u jedan svijet koji iza njega ili ispred njega endless perspectives of long duration behind and in zacrtava beskrajne perspektive dugog trajanja. U front of him. In the historical explanation the way povijesnom objašnjenju onako kako ga ja vidim, I see it, at my own risk, long time always prevails uz moj rizik i opasnost, uvijek na kraju prevlada at the end. Time as denier of many events, all those dugo vrijeme. Vrijeme poricatelj mnoštva događa- which cannot be drawn into its current and which ja, svih onih koje ne može uvući u svoju vlastitu are mercilessly rejected, it limits human freedom struju i koje nemilosrdno odbacuje, ograničava and share of coincidence...” (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, slobodu ljudi i udjel same slučajnosti...” (F. BRA- I: 17, II: 619). UDEL 1997, I: 17, II: 619). As opposed to long duration which is perceived Nasuprot dugom trajanju koje zbog svoje per- as “out of time” due to its permanent presence, his- manentne nazočnosti nosi pečat “izvanvremeno- tory of conjunctures is somewhat more dynamic. In sti”, povijest konjunktura donekle je dinamičnija. that sense this temporal category becomes relevant U tom smislu ova vremenska kategorija dotiče lju- usually through dramatic “escalation of events” de najčešće putem, u manjoj ili većoj mjeri, dra- (wars, battles, financial crises and recoveries etc.), matičnih “događajnih eskalacija” (ratovi, bitke, and through processes which bring changes gradu- slomovi i oporavci financijskog sektora i sl.), kao ally. Actually these are economic and social proc- i putem procesa koji postupno donose promjene. esses which mix and alternate on the historical To su zapravo ekonomski i društveni procesi koji scene in the rhythms of duration of some fifty to se prožimaju i izmjenjuju na povijesnoj pozornici hundred years such as the era of the reign of Philip u ritmovima trajanja od nekih pedeset do stotinu II which represents horizontal chronological frame- godina, kakvo je npr. razdoblje vladavine Filipa work of the Braudel’s work. The history of con- II., koje predstavlja horizontalni vremenski okvir junctures in that sense represents “a kind of social Braudelova djela. Povijest konjunktura u tom smi- history, history of groups and small groups”, i.e. slu predstavlja “jednu socijalnu povijest, povijest “history of a more individualized rhythm rather grupa i grupica”, odnosno “povijest individuali- than long duration: history of groups, of joint des- ziranijeg ritma više nego dugo trajanje: povijest tiny and of overall movements”. Braudel accepted skupina, zajedničkih sudbina i sveukupnih kre- the term conjuncture from economy. It indicates to tanja”. Termin konjunktura Braudel preuzima iz periods of deep social changes with great economic ekonomske znanosti i on već sam po sebi upućuje processes and changes in the background. Howev- na razdoblja korjenitih društvenih mijena u poza- er, consistently devoted to his “structuralistic sen- dini kojih se odvijaju veliki ekonomski procesi i timent” he finds its counterpart in the expression mijene. Ipak, dosljedan svom “strukturalističkom “social structure” (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 17, 393). sentimentu” do kraja on mu pronalazi pandan u The last temporal category – traditional, event izrazu “društvena struktura” (F. BRAUDEL 1997, history (which was “retold” after all by Braudel in I: 17, 393). an untraditional way), refers to “history of short, Posljednja vremenska kategorija – tradicio- swift and nervous oscillations”, i.e. to short-term nalna, događajna povijest (koju je Braudel ipak segments of the Mediterranean history in the sea “prepričao” na netradicionalan način), odnosi of time. Actually these are “selected” life spans se na “povijest kratkih, brzih i nervoznih oscila- and bits of everyday life, surface waves initiated by cija”, odnosno na kratkotrajne odsječke sredo- movements and changes of conjunctural high and zemne povijesti u moru vremena. To su zapravo low tides above static structures in the depths of the “probrani” životni vjekovi i djelići ljudske sva- Mediterranean past (BRAUDEL, 1997, I, 17-18 ). kodnevice, površinski valovi inicirani gibanjem i smjenama konjunkturnih plima i oseka ponad sta- tičnih struktura u dubinama sredozemne prošlosti (BRAUDEL 1997, I: 17-18).

91 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

4. 4. Braudelov Jadran – otisci povijesti Braudel’s Adriatic – imprints of u “okamenjenim” jadranskim history in the “petrified” Adriatic strukturama structures

Sukladno predodžbi Sredozemlja kao “niza tekućih In accordance with the concept of the Mediteranean ravnica koje između sebe saobraćaju više ili manje as a “series of flowing plains which interact through širokim vratima”, odnosno zaključku da se “unutar more or less wide door”, i.e. conclusion that “be- dvaju velikih bazena Sredozemlja, zapadnog i istoč- tween two big basins of the Mediterranean, western nog, i između različitih izbočenih dijelova kontinen- and eastern, and between various protruding seg- talnih masa, individualizira čitav niz uskih mora, ments of continental masses, a series of narrow seas narow-seas”, od kojih “svaki taj svijet ima svoja is individualized”, of which “each such world has obilježja, svoje tipove brodova, svoje običaje i vla- its characteristics, its ship types, its customs and his- stite povijesne zakone; a najuži su svjetovi, općeni- torical laws; and the narrowest worlds are generally to, najbogatiji značenjem i povijesnom vrijednošću, the richest in meaning and historical importance, as kao da se čovjek prvo domogao Sredozemljâ skuče- if a man first reached the Mediterraneans with lim- nih dimenzija”, Braudel posebnu pažnju posvećuje ited dimensions”, Braudel pays special attention to Jadranu. On je po njemu “možda najpovezanije po- the Adriatic. In his opinion “it may be the most uni- morsko područje” koje “analogijom, postavlja sve fied of all the regions of the sea” which per“ analo- probleme koje obuhvaća studija o čitavome Sredo- giam, provides material for all the problems implied zemlju” (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: 115, 131). in a study of the Mediterranean as a whole.” (F. Riječ je dakle o tipičnom i prepoznatljivom eu- BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 115, 131). ropskom sredozemnom prostoru, koji se sastoji od This a typical and recognizable European Medi- relativno uske i izdužene morske površine i njezina terranean area which consists of relatively narrow neposrednog priobalja, okruženih i omeđenih viso- and elongated sea with its immediate hinterland, kim planinskim lancima – Apeninima na zapadu te surrounded and bordered with high mountain dinarskim ekstenzijama Alpa na istoku. Budući da ranges – the Apennines in the west and Dinaric ex- je Jadransko more s ostatkom Sredozemlja poveza- tensions of the Alps in the east. Since the Adriatic no tek “uskim otrantskim grlom”, Braudel ispravno Sea is connected with the rest of the Mediterranean zaključuje da je upravo “ta suženost na jugu osnov- with a “narrow strait of Otranto”, Braudel con- no obilježje bazena: ona mu daje jedinstvo” te da cludes correctly that this “narrowing at the south- “svladati taj tijesni prolaz znači svladati Jadran”. ern end is the essential characteristic of the basin: Budući da se “izlaz iz Jadrana ne može dohvatiti it gives it unity” and that “control of that narrow s talijanske obale” jer je “Poluotok na tom mjestu passage amounted to control of the Adriatic”. Since ‘više od polovice uronjen u more’”, uloga apulskih “the gateway to the Adriatic could not be control- luka Brindisija, Taranta i Barija u tom je smislu mi- led from the Italian side” because “the Peninsula norna. Ključnu je ulogu u geostrateškom pozicio- is here more than waist-deep in the sea”, role of niranju najvažnijih kontrolnih točaka Jadranskog the Apulian ports Brindisi, Taranto and Bari was mora prema tome oduvijek imala istočna, a ne minor in that sense. Crucial role in geostrategical zapadna jadranska obala (“Balkanska je obala ta positioning of the most important control point of koja upravlja Jadranom”). Mlečani su stoga, s ci- the Adriatic Sea had always belonged to the east- ljem osiguranja kontrole nad Otrantom i Jadranom, ern, not western Adriatic coast (“it was the Balkan osobitu pažnju usmjeravali prema Krfu, pa i Kotor- coast that commanded the Adriatic”). Therefore skom zaljevu kao jednom od “ključeva Jadrana” (F. the Venetians paid special attention to Corfu and BRAUDEL 1997, I: 132-134; Povijest Venecije, sv. the Bay of Kotor as one of “keys of the Adriatic” 1, 2007: 266). with the aim of ensuring control over Otranto and O presudnom utjecaju pojedinih prirodno-ge- Adriatic (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 132-134; Povijest ografskih činitelja (geografski položaj, reljef, kli- Venecije, sv. 1, 2007: 266). ma i dr.) na istaknutu ulogu Jadrana u kontekstu Segments of the Braudel’s study dealing with sredozemne geopolitike tijekom 16. stoljeća, po- battles of the Republic of Venice and the Ottoman sredno svjedoče i oni dijelovi Braudelove studije Empire for dominance over Levant and other parts koji prate borbe Mletačke Republike i Osmanskog of the Mediterranean testify indirectly to crucial

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Carstva za dominaciju nad Levantom, ali i nad impact of certain natural and geographic factors drugim dijelovima Sredozemlja. Istočna jadranska (geographic position, relief, climate, etc.). In that obala u tom je smislu bila dio važnoga pomorskog context eastern Adriatic coast was an important koridora između Europe, Azije i Afrike, dok je Ve- corridor between Europe, Asia and Africa while necija, koja je njime gospodarila i to gospodstvo Venice which ruled this corridor and attempted to po svaku cijenu nastojala zadržati, u odnosu na retain this rule at all costs, was its link with the Eu- Levant bila njegova spojnica s europskim konti- ropean continent in relation to the Levant. Its eco- nentom. Njezina je ekonomska, pa onda i politič- nomic and consequently political power came out ka moć proizlazila iz mudro osmišljene geopolitike of wisely conceived geopolitics based on synchro- koja se temeljila na sinkroniziranoj geostrateškoj nized geostrategic exploitation of the Mediterrane- eksploataciji Sredozemnog mora i srednjeeurop- an Sea and central European continental hinterland skoga kontinentalnog zaleđa (F. BRAUDEL 1997, (F. BRAUDEL, 1997, II: 435-442, 463-476). II: 435-442, 463-476). Value of the mentioned Braudel’s historical-geo- Vrijednost spomenute Braudelove historijsko- graphical analysis of the Adriatic in the second half geografske analize Jadrana u drugoj polovici 16. of the 16th century lies primarily on the fact that stoljeća temelji se u prvom redu na činjenici da ona it can be used as a geopolitical and geostrategical u velikoj mjeri može poslužiti kao geopolitička i matrix applicable in the study, interpretation and geostrateška matrica primjenjiva u proučavanju, understanding of logics of historical events, as well tumačenju i razumijevanju logike povijesnih doga- as of social and economic processes on the Adri- đaja, kao i društveno-gospodarskih procesa na Ja- atic in any period of its historical development. In dranu u bilo kojem razdoblju njegova povijesnog that regard it is useful and advisable to remeber the razvoja. U tom je smislu korisno i uputno prisjetiti fact that the Adriatic maritime routes were defined se činjenice da su jadranski pomorski putovi trasi- long before the “establishment” and development rani davno prije “osnutka” i razvoja Venecije. Je- of Venice. One of them is longitudinal maritime ex- dan od njih je longitudinalna morska ekstenzija tzv. tension of the “amber road” which connected the jantarnog puta koji je povezivao Baltik sa sjevernim Baltics with the northern Adriatic (later region of Jadranom (kasnija tršćansko-akvilejska regija). On Trieste and Aquileia) which had not changed signifi- se u bitnome nije mijenjao sve do revolucionarnih cantly until revolutionary changes in cartography, promjena u kartografiji, navigaciji i brodarstvu u navigation and shipping in the 19th century. In that 19. stoljeću. Braudel tako naglašava da “udaljena way Braudel emphasizes that “distant Venice must Venecija mora biti povezana preko Brugesa, drugog be connected via Bruges, the other pole ... with the pola ... sa samim krajem vodenih puteva koji vode very end of water ways leading northwards, all the prema sjeveru, sve do Baltika i sjevernog mora, do way to the Baltics and northern sea, to hinterland of Hinterlanda sjeverozapadne Njemačke i još dalje, north-western Germany and further still, opposite nasuprot Engleskoj”. Venecija je dakle osim “sret- England”. In addition to “fortunate” historical cir- nih” povijesnih okolnosti (višestoljetni pomorski i cumstances (maritime and economic development gospodarski razvoj pod političkim patronatom “da- lasting for centuries under the political patronage lekog” Bizanta) baštinila i brojne blagodati Braude- of “distant” Byzantium) Venice also inherited many lovih struktura dugog trajanja (F. BRAUDEL 1997, benefits of Braudel’s long duration structures (F. I: 421; cf. M. KOZLIČIĆ 1990: 47; M. KOZLIČIĆ BRAUDEL, 1997, I: 421; cf. M. KOZLIČIĆ, 1990: 2013: 259). 47; M. KOZLIČIĆ, 2013: 259). U kontekstu gospodarskog i kulturnog pove- Daily transversal routes also played an important zivanja Jadrana s ostatkom svijeta važnu su ulo- role in the context of the economic and cultural con- gu imale i drevne transverzalne rute. Njihovo je nections of the Adriatic with the rest of the world. trasiranje također u velikoj mjeri bilo uvjetovano Their spreading was also closely related to the geo- geografskim čimbenicima poput postojanja “je- graphical factors such as the existence of “unique dinstvenog jadranskog mosta” Tremiti – Pianosa Adriatic bridge” Tremiti – Pianosa – Palagruža – Palagruža – Sušac – Sveti Andrija – Vis – Hvar – Sušac – Sveti Andrija – Vis – Hvar, Brač – Šolta – Brač – Šolta između Monte Gargana na zapadnoj between Monte Gargano on the western Adriatic te Solinskog zaljeva, rta Ploča (u antici znanog kao coast and the Bay of Solin, cape Ploča (known as promunturium Diomedis), odnosno doline Nere- promunturium Diomedis in antiquity) and Neretva tve na istočnoj jadranskoj obali, kao i pomorske valley on the eastern Adriatic coast, as well as the rute Brindisi – Drač na koju se nastavljao također maritime route Brindisi – Durrës which was a con-

93 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

drevni kopneni put, u rimsko doba uređen kao Via tinuation of an ancient land road, defined in the Ro- Egnatia: Dyrrachium – Lychnidos – Thessaloniki man period as Via Egnatia: Dyrrachium – Lychni- – Byzantium. Početci grčke kolonizacije Jadrana dos – Thessaloniki – Byzantium. The beginnings of povezani su upravo s nastojanjem Kniđana, Eube- the Greek colonization of the Adriatic are related to jaca, Korinćana i ostalih Grka da putem osnivanja the attempts of the Knidians, Euboeans, Corinthians kolonija Kérkyre (Krfa) 734./733. pr. Kr., Epida- and other Greeks to ensure control over the “east- mnosa/Dyrrachiuma (Drača) 627. pr. Kr. i Apolo- ern pillar” of the Strait of Otranto and southern nije (Pojani u Albaniji) 588. pr. Kr. i dr. osiguraju Adriatic by founding colonies of Kérkyra (Corfu) in kontrolu “istočnog dovratnika” Otrantskih vrata 734/733 BC, Epidamnos / Dyrrachium (Durrës) in i južnog Jadrana. Kolonizacije poduzete u vrijeme 627 BC and Apollonia (Pojani in Albania) in 588 BC sirakuškog tiranina Dionizija Starijeg (408. – 354. etc. Colonisation from the period of the Syracuse ty- pr. Kr.) bile su pak uvertira u grčku vojno-gospo- rant Dionysius the Elder (408 – 354 BC) was only an darsku infiltraciju na srednji (i sjeverni) Jadran te overture for a Greek military and economic infiltra- uspostavu nadzora nad ključnim transverzalnim tion in the central (and northern) Adriatic and sei- rutama u tim dijelovima njegova akvatorija. U zure of control over the crucial transversal routes in tom kontekstu treba sagledavati i osnivanje kolo- these parts of its maritime zone. Foundation of the nija Ise (Issa, Vis na Visu) i Farosa (Pharos, Stari colonies of Issa (Vis on the island of Vis) and Pharos Grad na Hvaru), kao i Dionizijevih “pomorskih (Stari Grad on Hvar) as well as Dionysius’ “naval baza” u Adriji, Ankoni i Numani. O istaknutom bases” in Adria, Ancona and Numana should be ob- geostrateškom značaju spomenutih jadranskih served in the same context. Exceptional geostrate- točki svjedoči, između ostaloga, i činjenica da grč- gic importance of the mentioned Adriatic points is ko “ukotvljavanje” na Jadranu nije teklo posve attested by the fact that the Greek “anchoring” on glatko, nego je, štoviše, nailazilo na velik otpor the Adriatic did not go smoothly but it was strongly dotadašnjih jadranskih talasokrata – Liburna (do resisted by the previous Adriatic thalassocrats Libur- 2. pol. 8. st. pr. Kr. oni su gospodari Krfa!), kao i nians (until the second half of the 8th century BC ostalih “ilirskih” naroda na spomenutom prosto- they ruled Corfu!) as well as other “Illyrian” popu- ru (S. FORENBAHER – T. KAISER 1997: 24; M. lations in the mentioned region (S. FORENBAHER KOZLIČIĆ – J. FARIČIĆ 2004: 34-38; B. KIRI- – T. KAISER 1997: 24; M. KOZLIČIĆ – J. FARIČIĆ GIN – A. JOHNSTON – M. VUČETIĆ – Z. LU- 2004: 34-38; B. KIRIGIN – A. JOHNSTON – M. ŠIĆ 2009: 139-143; S. ČAČE – L. ŠEŠELJ, 2005; VUČETIĆ – Z. LUŠIĆ 2009: 139-143; S. ČAČE – L. R. MATIJAŠIĆ 2009: 51-56, 69-84). ŠEŠELJ, 2005; R. MATIJAŠIĆ 2009: 51-56, 69-84). U tom su smislu simptomatični događaji pove- Events related to the First Illyrian war in 229 BC zani s Prvim ilirskim ratom (prvim u povijesnim (the first war on the Adriatic recorded in the histori- izvorima zabilježenim ratom na Jadranu) 229. pr. cal sources) are symptomatic in that context. In that Kr. Njime je istočna jadranska obala po prvi puta way the eastern Adriatic coast entered the interest ušla u interesnu sferu Rimske Republike. Politički sphere of the Roman Republic for the first time. Po- i vojni, a napose pomorski uspon Ilirskog (Ardi- litical and military, and particularly naval rise of the jejskog) Kraljevstva (uspješne kopnene i pomorske Illyrian (Ardiaean) kingdom (successful land and na- vojne ekspedicije ilirskih trupa u doba vladavi- val military expeditions of the Illyrian troops during ne kralja Agrona i nakon njegove smrti regentice the reign of king Agron and, after his death, regent Teute daleko izvan matičnog područja Ilirskog Teuta, which were conducted at large distances from Kraljevstva – Mesenija, Epir, Otok Vis i dr., kao the original area of the Illyrian kingdom – Messenia, i savezništvo sklopljeno s Makedonskim Kraljev- Epirus, island of Vis etc., as well as alliance with the stvom (koje je na širem grčkom području i dalje Macedonian kingdom which was still an influential figuriralo kao utjecajna vojno-politička sila) izne- military and political force in the wider Greek re- nada su se našli u geopolitičkom fokusu Rimske gion) were suddenly in geopolitical focus of the Ro- Republike. Budući da ona i sama, nakon uspjeha man Republic. After the success in the First Punic ostvarenih u Prvom punskom ratu (264. – 241. pr. war (264 – 241 BC) the Roman Republic gradually Kr.), postupno prerasta iz dominantne apeninske u grew from the dominant Apennine to first-class eco- prvorazrednu gospodarsku, političku i vojnu sre- nomic, political and military Mediterranean force, dozemnu silu, skori je sukob oko dominacije nad and consequently, conflict for the dominance over Jadranom (istočnim bokom Apeninskog poluotoka the Adriatic (as the eastern side of the Apennine Pe- i u to vrijeme već vrlo frekventnim sredozemnim ninsula and frequently used Mediterranean trade

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trgovačkim koridorom) postao neizbježan. Svepri- corridor) became inevitable. Omnipresent Illyrian sutno ilirsko gusarenje koje je ugrožavalo trgovač- piracy which jeopardized trade interests of Rome ke interese Rima i njegovih jadranskih saveznika and its Adriatic allies (Issa) could have been used (Issa) moglo je pritom poslužiti kao više nego dobra as an excellent basis for the formal casus belli. His- osnova formalnog povoda za rat. Iz dostupnih se torical sources reveal that Roman military mission povijesnih vrela može saznati da rimski vojni pohod started with the conquest of Kerkyra (Corfu) which započinje osvajanjem Kerkyre (Krfa) koja potom s then became a Roman protectorate together with Epidamnom (Dyrrachijem, Dračem) i Apolonijom Epidamnos (Dyrrachium, Durrës) and Apollonia. postaje rimskim protektoratom. Pod rimski protek- Issa also fell under the Roman protectorate, but as torat, ali u svojstvu odanog saveznika tom prilikom a loyal ally, and so did the dominium of Demetrios dolazi Isa, kao i dominij Demetrija Farskog sa sjedi- of Pharos with its center in Pharos on the island štem u tadašnjem Farosu na Hvaru. Tako je rimski of Hvar. In that way Roman “penetration” to the “proboj” na zapadnu obalu Jadrana (npr. osnutak west coast of the Adriatic (e.g. foundation of the latinske kolonije Brundizij 244. pr. Kr.) Prvim ilir- Latin colony Brindisium in 244 BC) got its logical skim ratom dobio svoj logičan nastavak i bio prvi continuation in the First Illyrian war and was the korak ne samo u ovladavanju južnim dijelom istoč- first step in mastering not only the southern part ne jadranske obale i Otranta (jedan od uvjeta mi- of the eastern Adriatic coast and Otranto (one of rovnog ugovora iz 228. pr. Kr. bio je taj da Teutini conditions in the peace treaty from 228 BC was that Iliri od tada nisu smjeli ploviti južnije od Lissosa s Teuta’s Illyrians were forbidden to sail south of Lis- više od dvije nenaoružane lađe!) nego i u procesu sos with more than two unarmed ships!) but also postupne geopolitičke infiltracije Rima u Grčku i in the process of gradual geopolitical infiltration of istočno Sredozemlje. Energičnu rimsku intervenciju Rome into Greece and eastern Mediterranean. En- vjerojatno su potakla i negativna iskustva Rimljana ergetic Roman intervention was probably incited by s južnoitalskom i sicilskom vojnom ekspedicijom their negative experience with southern Italic and epirskog kralja Pira (280. – 275. pr. Kr.), kao i sve Sicilian military expeditions against the king Pyr- očevidnije pripreme Kartage za novi (i konačan) rhus of Epirus (280 – 275 BC) as well as by evident sraz s Rimom u zapadnom sredozemnom sektoru. preparations of Carthage for new (and final) clash U tom su smislu rimske vojne kampanje poduze- with Rome in the western Mediterranean sector. te protiv Ilirskog Kraljevstva i dominija Demetrija In that regard Roman military campaigns under- Hvarskog tijekom Prvoga i Drugoga ilirskog rata taken against the Illyrian Kingdom and dominion (229. i 219. pr. Kr.) u velikoj mjeri onemogućile Ha- of Demetrius of Pharos during the First and Sec- nibala i njegove saveznike (Filipa V. Makedonskog i ond Illyrian wars (229 and 219 BC) prevented to Demetrija Hvarskog) u nastojanju da tijekom Dru- a significant degree Hannibal and his allies (Philip goga Punskog rata (218. – 201. pr. Kr.) presudnije V of Macedon and Demetrios of Pharos) in an at- ugroze rimske pozicije na Jadranu (M. ŠAŠEL KOS tempt to jeopardize Roman position on the Adriatic 2005: 252-281; A. COPPOLA 1993; M. ZANINO- during the Second Punic War (218 – 201 BC) (M. VIĆ 1998: 90-93). ŠAŠEL KOS, 2005: 252-281; A. COPPOLA, 1993; Geostrateška uloga Otranta i Jadrana nije se M. ZANINOVIĆ, 1998: 90-93). značajnije promijenila ni stoljećima poslije, kada Geostrategic role of Otranto and Adriatic did not je mletačka geopolitika u određenoj mjeri bašti- change significantly for centuries later when the Vene- nila geopolitiku Bizanta pod čijim je patronatom tian geopolitics inherited geopolitics of Byzantium postupno stasala u pomorsku i trgovačku sredo- to a certain degree under whose patronage it gradu- zemnu silu. Braudelov se “mletački limes” u tom ally became a maritime and merchant Mediterra- smislu manje više podudara s onim bizantskim nean force. Braudel’s “limes of Venice” corresponds ustanovljenim nakon Gotskih ratova, odnosno u more or less to the Byzantine limes established after vrijeme vladavine cara Justinijana (1. pol. 6. sto- the Gothic Wars i.e. in the period of the reign of the ljeća, ako ne i ranije). Premda teži obnovi Rimskog Emperor Justinian (first half of the 6th century, if Carstva, Justinijanova rekonkvista ipak nema ši- not earlier). Although aspiring to renew the Roman rok kontinentalni zamah. Njezin je maksimum do- Empire, Justinian’s reconquest did not have a wide segnut uništenjem Istočnogotskog Kraljevstva na continental spread. Its maximum was reached when Apeninskom poluotoku čemu su prethodili dugo- the Ostrogothic Kingdom was destroyed on the Ap- trajni i iscrpljujući ratovi. Čini se da je Justinijan ennine Peninsula which was preceded by lengthy u svom restauracijskom pothvatu ipak bio svjestan and exhausting wars. It seems that Justinian in his

95 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

toga da je obnova Rimskog Carstva na zapadu u restoration project was aware that the renewal of the opsegu koji je ono nekoć imalo, a u kontekstu no- Roman Empire in the west in its former scope was vonastalih geopolitičkih okolnosti, posve iluzor- quite illusory in the context of new geopolitical cir- na. U tom se smislu u manje-više uspješnom poku- cumstances. In this more or less successful attempt of šaju uspostave bizantske sredozemne talasokracije establishing the Byzantine Mediterranean thalassoc- zadovoljio osvajanjem i utvrđivanjem dubokoga racy, he was satisfied with conquering and fortifying sredozemnog alpsko-podunavskog zaleđa obu- deep Mediterranean Alpine - Danubian hinterland hvaćenog prefekturom Ilirik i Apeninskog poluo- encompassed by the prefecture of Illyricum and the toka, kao kopnene osi sustava dužobalnih limesa, Apennine Peninsula as a land axis of the system of pa tako i onoga jadranskog. Vrijeme će pokazati coastal limites including the Adriatic one. The time da spomenuti pothvat koji je od samog početka will tell that the mentioned project, which included isključivao kontrolu većeg dijela europskoga sre- control of the big part of the Mediterranean hinter- dozemnog zaleđa nije mogao biti trajno rješenje. land, could not be a permanent solution. However Ipak, egejsko-jonsko-jadranski pomorski koridor Aegean - Ionic - Adriatic maritime corridor leading koji je prema Apeninskom poluotoku, odnosno towards the Apennine Penisula, that is Venice and Veneciji i Raveni vodio kroz Otrantska vrata Ravenna, led through the Strait of Otranto and re- ostao je još dugo žila kucavica istočnog Meditera- mained for long a lifeblood of the eastern Mediter- na i pupčana vrpca koja je bizantsku Italiju i po- ranean and an umbilical cord which connected the tom Mletačku Republiku povezivala s ostatkom Byzantine Italy and later the Venetian Republic with svijeta i kojom su u Veneciju i Europu pristizala the rest of the world and which brought “treasures of “blaga Orijenta”4 (I. GOLDSTEIN 2005: 23-33; the Orient” to Venice and Europe4 (I. GOLDSTEIN S. CIGLENEČKI 2009; M. SUIĆ 1997: 136-137; 2005: 23-33; S. CIGLENEČKI 2009; M. SUIĆ 1997: M. ANČIĆ 1998: 11). 136-137; M. ANČIĆ 1998: 11). Osvajanje, kontrola i zaštita Otranta i posjeda Therefore conquest, control and protection of na istočnoj jadranskoj obali (kao ključne dionice Otranto and dominions on the eastern Adriatic coast spomenute rute) zbog toga su postali osnova i im- (as crucial segment of the mentioned route) became perativ mletačke pomorske doktrine i vanjske poli- the basis and an imperative of the Venetian maritime tike. Braudel na to jasno upućuje svojom maestral- doctrine and of foreign affairs. This is indicated clear- nom analizom Bitke kod Lepanta 1571. U pripre- ly by the Braudel’s outstanding analysis of the Battle mama za ključni pomorski obračun s Osmanskim of Lepanto in 1571. In the preparations for the crucial Carstvom Venecija, Španjolska i ostale članice naval battle with the Ottoman Empire, Venice, Spain Svete Lige glavninu flote koncentriraju na Siciliji i and other members of the Holy League concentrated Kreti odakle prema prethodno utanačenom spo- major part of the fleet on Sicily and Crete wherefrom razumu kreću prema Otrantu! Osmanska se flota they headed towards Otranto as previously agreed. s druge strane plaši duljeg zadržavanja u Jadranu The Ottoman fleet on the other hand feared to stay (čije obale istovremeno nemilice pljačka) dok se longer in the Adriatic (whose coasts it plundered konačno ne rasplete situacija povezana s nadmeta- mercilessly) while the situation concerning fight for njem za dominaciju nad Otrantom i Krfom (GOL- dominance over Otranto and Corfu was not resolved DSTEIN 2005: 27; Povijest Venecije, sv. 1, 2007: (GOLDSTEIN 2005: 27; Povijest Venecije, sv. 1, 91-92, 112, 142-144, 155-158, 177-178, 238-239, 2007: 91-92, 112, 142-144, 155-158, 177-178, 238- 262-263, 266; BRAUDEL 1997, II: 471-476). 239, 262-263, 266; BRAUDEL 1997, II: 471-476).

4 Čini se da do prvog prekida prostornog kontinuiteta bi- 4 It seems that the first break of the spatial continuity of the zantskoga jadranskog limesa dolazi uslijed uspostave te Byzantine Adriatic limes happened due to formation and po- političkog, vojnog i pomorskog jačanja Hrvatske Kneževi- litical, military and maritime ascent of the Duchy of Croatia ne i Neretvanske sklavinije na području sjeverne i srednje and Sclavinia Pagania in the region of northern and central Dalmacije početkom 9. stoljeća. Premda je tijekom druge Dalmatia at the beginning of the 9th century. Although dur- polovice 9. st. kontinuitet bio ponovno uspostavljen, a pri- ing the second half of the 9th century continuity was restored, obalna Dalmacija u administrativno-teritorijalnom smislu and coastal Dalmatia was organized in administrative-terri- organizirana u zasebnu temu sa strategom na čelu, općenito torial terms into a separate theme with strategos at the head, se može ustanoviti da bizantska moć i gospodstvo na Jadra- we can state generally that the Byzantine power and control nu, unatoč povremenim proplamsajima, od tada postupno on the Adriatic, despite occasional successes, gradually dete- opadaju, odnosno da se na jadranskom obzoru pojavljuju riorated from that period, i.e. that new local forces - Venice nove lokalne sile – Venecija i Hrvatska (M. ANČIĆ, 1998: and Croatia - started to emerge on the Adriatic horizon (M. 4, 10-13, 17-19). ANČIĆ, 1998: 4, 10-13, 17-19).

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Spomenuta vojno-pomorska doktrina nije izgu- Mentioned military and maritime doctrine re- bila na važnosti ni nakon propasti Mletačke Repu- tained its importance even after the fall of the Re- blike 1797. Unatoč činjenici da je Napoleon nakon public of Venice in 1797. Despite the fact that Na- sklapanja Tilsitskog mira 1807. i Schönbrunnskog poleon controlled Corfu and other Ionic islands mira 1809. pod svojom vlašću imao Krf i ostale jon- after the Treaties of Tilsit and Schönbrunn, as well ske otoke, kao i praktički čitavu istočnu i zapadnu as almost entire eastern and western Adriatic coast, jadransku obalu, Jadransko je more u velikoj mjeri the Adriatic Sea was largely controlled by the Brit- kontrolirala britanska flota koja je 1807. zaposjela ish fleet which occupied Vis in 1807, and in 1809 Vis, a 1809. i Krf. Prilike su se po Francuze dodatno also Corfu. Situation grew even worse for the French pogoršale nakon što je francuska mornarica u Bitci when the French navy was defeated in the Battle of kod Visa 1811. doživjela poraz od kojega se na Ja- Vis in 1811 after which they never recovered on the dranu više nikada nije oporavila. Gotovo identična Adriatic. Almost identical situation (though with situacija (premda s novim protagonistima) ponovi- new protagonists) repeated during the Third Italian la se tijekom Trećega talijanskog rata za ujedinje- War of Independence when victory of the Austrian nje, kada su pobjedom Austrijske ratne mornarice Navy in the Battle of Vis in 1866 subdued Italian u Bitci kod Visa 1866. talijanske hegemonističke hegemonistic tendencies for the following half cen- težnje na Jadranu obuzdane za narednih pola sto- tury. In the first and second case it became clear ljeća. I u prvom i u drugom slučaju postalo je posve that “possession” of the Adriatic coasts in itself was jasno da “posjedovanje” jadranskih obala samo po not a guarantee of dominance over the Adriatic if sebi nije jamstvo dominacije nad Jadranom ako se certain strategic points were not controlled in or- pritom ne “zaposjednu” pojedine strateške točke der to monitor longitudinal and transversal Adri- s kojih se mogu uspješno nadzirati longitudinalne atic routes. Control over Vis and the Bay of Kotor i transverzalne jadranske rute. Posjedovanje Visa i proved to be crucial factor in the process of Austria’s Kotorskog zaljeva pokazalo se kao ključan čimbe- (later Austria-Hungary) development into a regional nik u procesu izrastanja Austrije (poslije Austro- Adriatic maritime force. Possession of Corfu and Ugarske) u regionalnu jadransku pomorsku silu. control of Otranto remained the basic preconditions Posjedovanje Krfa i kontrola Otranta ostali su pak for achieving dominance over the Mediterranean. In osnovni preduvjet za postizanje dominacije nad that regard blockade of Otranto by the Triple En- Sredozemljem. U tom smislu Antantina blokada tente during the First World War on one hand, and Otranta tijekom Prvoga svjetskog rata s jedne te desperate attempts of the German and Austro-Hun- očajnički pokušaji njemačke i austro-ugarske mor- garian navy to penetrate it (the biggest naval bat- narice da ju probiju (najveća pomorska bitka na tle in the Mediterranean in the First World War was Sredozemlju u Prvom svjetskom ratu bila je upravo exactly the Battle of Otranto in 1917) on the other Otrantska bitka iz 1917.) s druge strane jasno upu- hand clearly indicate that the Adriatic, depending on ćuju na zaključak da Jadran, ovisno o okolnostima, the circumstances, i. e. facts who governed it and in odnosno o tome tko i kako njime gospodari, može what way, could have been a road to “the heart of biti put u “srce svijeta”, ali i “smrtonosna vrša” the world”, but also a “deadly trap” with no way iz koje nema izlaza (H. COUTAU-BÉGARIE 2000: out (H. COUTAU-BÉGARIE 2000: 38-40; P. G. 38-40; P. G. HALPERN 2004; G. NOVAK 2004: HALPERN 2004; G. NOVAK 2004: 127-143, 154- 127-143, 154-162). 162). Naposljetku, s obzirom na talijansko redefini- Finally, considering the Italian redefinition of ranje strateške uloge Otranta uslijed novonastalih the strategic role of Otranto due to new historical povijesnih okolnosti tijekom 19. stoljeća (Napo- circumstances during the 19th century (Napoleon’s leonovo dokidanje Mletačke Republike 1797. te abolition of the Republic of Venice in 1797, Brit- potom britansko i grčko zauzimanje Krfa, ujedinje- ish and Greek conquest of Corfu, unification of Italy nje Italije 1861. – 1870. itd.), a koje se ponajviše 1861 – 1870, etc.), which is reflected most clearly in ogleda u pronalaženju novih kontrolnih točaka na finding new control points on the eastern Adriatic istočnoj jadranskoj obali, uporno inzistiranje Kra- coast, constant insistence of the Kingdom of Italy ljevine Italije na posjedovanju luke Valone (Vlore) on possession of the port of Valone (Vlorë) and the i otočića Sasena (uz sve ostale ultimativne zahtjeve Sazan island (alongside all other ultimate requests po pitanju obale i otoka na istočnoj obali Jadrana), regarding coast and islands on the eastern Adriatic zapravo je logičan nastavak geopolitike dotadaš- coast), represented a logical continuation of geopoli- njih jadranskih i sredozemnih sila. Ona je u konač- tics of previous Adriatic and Mediterranean forces.

97 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

nici bila okosnica sukoba (ili barem dijela sukoba) After all it was the center of conflicts (or some of na Jadranu i Mediteranu uoči i tijekom Drugoga them at least) on the Adriatic and Mediterranean be- svjetskog rata (1940. – 1943.) (D. ŠEPIĆ 1970; M. fore the Second World War (1940 – 1943) (D. ŠEPIĆ THOMPSON 2008: 48, 50, 55, 552; P. G. HAL- 1970; M. THOMPSON 2008: 48, 50, 55, 552; P. G. PERN 2000: 96). HALPERN 2000: 96).

5. 5. Jadran i duboka zaleđa – prostori The Adriatic and deep hinterlands integracija i dezintegracija – areas of integrations and disintegrations Već je istaknuto da se povijest Braudelova Sredo- zemlja nerijetko “prelijeva” preko njegovih uskih, It has already been emphasized that the history of u geografskom smislu jasno određenih granica. the Braudel’s Mediterranean often “overflows” its Nastojeći u duhu strukturalističke teorije obja- narrow, geographically strictly defined boundaries. sniti mehanizme i dinamiku pojedinih događaja In an attempt to explain mechanisms and dynamics i procesa (uglavnom konjunktura ekonomskog of certain events and processes (mostly conjunctures predznaka) povezanih sa Sredozemljem u doba Fi- with economic significance) related to the Mediter- lipa II., Braudel ne pokazuje isključivo interes za ranean during the reign of Philip II in the spirit of njihove konačne manifestacije, nego im pokušava the structuralist theory, Braudel exhibits interest in otkriti i objasniti uzroke i tijek. Oni su nerijet- their final manifestations but he also tries to discover ko povezani s događajima i procesima koji svoje and explain their causes and course. They are often ishodište imaju u povijesnim gibanjima u dubini related to events and processes which have origin in europskog, azijskog, pa i afričkog kontinenta, historical movements in the depths of the European, odnosno u prostorima koje Braudel naziva “naj- Asian and African continent, i.e. in the areas re- šire Sredozemlje”. Njegovo je Sredozemlje u tom ferred to as the “widest Mediterranean” by Braudel. smislu međukontinentalni i međuoceanski prostor His Mediterranean in that sense is intercontinental kojim često putuje jeka glasova dalekih i nepo- and interoceanic space often resounding with echoes znatih života i sudbina. Premreženost Sredozemlja of distant and unknown lives and destinies. Another nitima europske i svjetske povijesti također je jed- important determinant of his work is interrelated- na od važnih odrednica njegova djela. Stoga nisu ness of the Mediterranean history with threads of rijetki opširni ekskursi o zbivanjima na prostori- European and world history. Therefore there are ma daleko izvan “klasičnih” sredozemnih međa. frequent digressions about the events far from “clas- Braudelova povijest Sredozemlja zapravo je us- sical” Mediterranean boundaries. Braudel’s history poredna povijest Sredozemlja i prostora (bližih ili of the Mediterranean is actually a parallel history daljih) koji ga okružuju. Pažnja autora pritom je of Mediterranean and areas (close or distant) sur- podjednako usmjerena i na strukture i na konjun- rounding it. Author’s attention in the process is di- kture svakoga od njih. Jadran i jadranski prostor, rected at both structures and conjunctures of each of odnosno njegovo kontinentalno zaleđe (zaleđa) i u them. The Adriatic and the Adriatic area, that is its tom su kontekstu, sukladno svome geopolitičkom continental hinterland (hinterlands), were valorized značaju, također valorizirani na primjeren način in that context in an appropriate way and in accord- (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: 183-238). ance with their geopolitical importance (F. BRAU- S obzirom na usku i izduženu formu Apeninskog DEL I, 1997: 183-238). poluotoka, jasno je da s dubokim kontinentalnim Considering the narrow and elongated form of zaleđem istočne obale Jadrana korespondira uglav- the Apennine Peninsula it is clear that mostly shal- nom plitko kopneno zaleđe njegove zapadne obale. low inland of its western coast corresponds to the Duboko zaleđe zapadnog Jadrana južno od rijeke deep continental hinterland of the eastern Adriatic Po osim Apeninskog poluotoka u tom smislu mogu coast. Deep hinterland of the western Adriatic south tvoriti isključivo Tirensko i Ligursko more, odno- of the river Po can encompass, in addition to the sno zapadno Sredozemlje. Riječ je prema tome, s Apennine Peninsula, only the Tyrrhenian and Ligu- geopolitičkog i historijsko-geografskog motrišta rian Sea, i.e. western Mediterranean. This is a kind gledano, o svojevrsnom paradoksu, što se međutim of paradox from the geopolitical and historical-geo-

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itekako odrazilo na razvoj političkih i ekonomskih graphical standpoint, which was however, strongly prilika na Jadranu tijekom njegove povijesti. Ne reflected on the development of the political and čudi stoga da je Španjolska Filipa II. posredstvom economic circumstances on the Adriatic throughout svojih apeninskih satelita (Milanskog Vojvodstva, its history. Therefore it is not surprising that Spain Napuljskog Kraljevstva pa i Papinske Države) poli- of Philip II was engaged politically and militarily in tički i vojno silno angažirana u Italiji 16. stoljeća i Italy in the 16th century through mediation of its da u Španjolskoj postoji bojazan da Filip i njegovi Apennine satellites (Duchy of Milan, Kingdom of savjetnici neće biti sigurni ni u Španjolskoj ako di- Naples and even Papal State) and that there was fear gnu ruke od Italije (Povijest Venecije, sv. 2, 2007: in Spain that Philip and his counselors would not 70-72, 84). have been safe even in Spain if they had given up Pravo se kontinentalno zaleđe Jadrana među- Italy (Povijest Venecije, sv. 2, 2007: 70-72, 84). tim nalazi u Padskoj nizini, prialpskom i preko- Genuine continental hinterand of the Adriatic is alpskom te dinarskom i prekodinarskom prosto- actually located in the Po Valley, Alpine and trans- ru. Kao što su Otrantska vrata oduvijek bila vrata Alpine, and Dinaric and trans-Dinaric regions. As the Europe prema Sredozemlju i Levantu, jednako je Strait of Otranto had always been the gate of Europe tako alpsko-jadransko područje sa svojim planin- towards the Mediterranean and Levant, the Alpine- skim tjesnacima oduvijek bilo koridor koji je to Adriatic region with its mountain gorges has always isto Sredozemlje vodio prema njezinoj, s obzirom been a corridor which led that same Mediterranean na ekonomski, pa i kulturni potencijal, dinamič- to its dynamic interior, considering its economic and noj unutrašnjosti. Prvi koji su “profitirali” od spo- cultural potential. The first ones to benefit from the znaje da geostrategija svake ozbiljne sredozemne insight that geostrategy of each serious Mediterrane- sile mora težiti osiguranju kontrole ne samo nad an force must aspire to ensure control not only over morem i primorjem nego i nad prostorom njegova the sea and the littoral but also the area of its deep dubokog zaleđa (prvenstveno europskog) bili su (primarily European) hinterland were the ancient stari Rimljani. Poraz Ilirskog Kraljevstva u Prvom Romans. Defeat of the Illyrian Kingdom in the First i Drugom ilirskom ratu (229. i 219. pr. Kr.), od- and Second Illyrian War (229 and 219 BC) as well nosno slom kartaške sredozemne talasokracije u as the collapse of the Carthaginian Mediterranean Drugom punskom ratu (218. – 201. pr. Kr.) u tom thalassocracy in the Second Punic War (218 – 201 smislu gotovo vremenski interferiraju s početkom BC) almost interfere chronologically with the begin- vojnih akcija čiji je cilj bio pokoravanje i osva- ning of military actions whose aim was to subdue janje Cisalpinske Galije, odnosno Padske nizine and conquer Cisalpine Gaul, i.e. the Po Valley (201 (201. pr. Kr.). Do konačne pacifikacije Jadrana i BC). By the time of final pacification of the Adriatic Sredozemlja u vrijeme Oktavijana Augusta u 1. and the Mediterranean during the reign of Octavian st. pr. Kr. rimski je prodor u dubinu europskog Augustus in the 1st century BC, Roman penetration kontinenta već dosegao i prekoalpsku (transalpin- into the depth of the European continent already sku) Galiju, Britaniju i Germaniju (W. V. HARRIS reached Transalpine Gaul, Britannia and Germa- 2008: 107-118; C. HIGNETT 1932: 550-572). nia (W. V. HARRIS, 2008: 107-118; C. HIGNETT Povijest se u tom, kao i u slučaju “prvih” nad- 1932: 550-572). metanja za kontrolu nad Otrantskim vratima i History repeated itself in this instance and for glavnim jadranskim prometnim i trgovačkim ko- centuries later, akin to the “first” competitions for ridorima, ponavljala i stoljećima poslije. Dodiri i control over the Strait of Otranto and main Adri- prožimanja kontinenata staroga svijeta na mletač- atic travelling and merchant corridors. Contacts kim lagunarnim sprudovima te u još većoj mjeri and interactions of the old world continents on the dodiri i prožimanja Sredozemlja s dubokim preko- Venetian lagoon dunes and even more pronounced alpskim zaleđem na području Veneta (Terraferma), contacts and interactions of the Mediterranean Furlanije, Trenta, Lombardije i Torina plijene oso- with deep trans-Alpine hinterland in the regions bitu Braudelovu pažnju. Kao i u drugim dijelovima of Veneto (Terraferma), Friuli, Trento, Lombardy, Sredozemlja, i ovdje visoki planinski masivi (Alpe) and Turin are particularly interesting to Braudel. predstavljaju gotovo nepremostivu prirodnu pre- As in the other parts of the Mediterranean, high preku između europskog sjevera i juga. Međutim, mountain ranges (Alps) represent an almost unsur- blizina Jadrana bila je dovoljan razlog da se takva mountable natural barrier between the European prepreka naposljetku uspješno premosti. Nastoja- north and south. However vicinity of the Adriatic nja usmjerena u tom pravcu nužno su povezana s was motivating enough to overcome that barrier.

99 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

usporednim nastojanjem tadašnjih velikih europ- These attempts are necessarily related to parallel skih i sredozemnih sila (Venecije, Genove, Svetoga tendencies of the great European and Mediterrane- Rimskog Carstva, Habsburške Monarhije, Španjol- an forces of the time (Venice, Genua, Holy Roman ske i Francuske) da na spomenutom prostoru što Empire, Habsburg Monarchy, Spain and France) to učinkovitije osiguraju svoje geostrateške i ekonom- ensure their geostrategic and economic interests in ske interese. Povijest Jadrana i njegova prialpskog the mentioned region. History of the Adriatic and i prekoalpskog zaleđa tijekom 16. stoljeća stoga je its Alpine and trans-Alpine hinterland during the podjednako obilježena ujedinjujućim konjunktur- 16th century is marked with unifying conjunctural nim procesima, temeljenim na intenzivnim trgovač- processes, based on intensive merchant, intellectual kim, intelektualnim i diplomatskim gibanjima duž and diplomatic movements along the routes of the trasa uhodanih alpskih koridora poput Brennera, established Alpine corridors such as Brenner, Sankt Sankt Gottharda i drugih, kao i borbama i ratovi- Gotthard and others, as well as battles and wars of ma spomenutih sila za prevlast nad njima i uopće the mentioned forces for control over these posi- nad prialpsko-jadranskim prostorom (četverokut tions and control in general over the Alpine-Adri- Venecija – Milano – Genova – Firenza u kojem atic region (quadrangle Venice – Milan – Genua Braudel ispravno prepoznaje “sredozemno sredi- – Florence, in which Braudel correctly recognized šte” Europe 15. i 16. stoljeća) (BRAUDEL 1997, I: “Mediterranean center” of Europe in the 15th and 215-219, 223-224, 420-421; Povijest Venecije, sv. 16th centuries) (BRAUDEL 1997, I: 215-219, 223- 2, 2007: 27-38, 63-74, 83-94, 107-134). 224, 420-421; Povijest Venecije, sv. 2, 2007: 27-38, U tom je smislu i ujedinjena Kraljevina Italija 63-74, 83-94, 107-134). tijekom druge polovice 19. i prve polovice 20. st. In that regard the united Kingdom of Italy invest- ulagala goleme vojne i diplomatske napore da ko- ed intensive military and diplomatic efforts during načno ovlada Trentinom, južnim Tirolom i Brenne- the second half of the 19th century and first half of rom, Goricom, Gradiškom, Trstom i Primorskom the 20th century to conquer Trentino, southern Ty- oblašću te Istrom koji su se sve do 1918. nalazili u rol and Brenner, Gorica, Gradiška, Trieste, Slovene sastavu Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. Nakon izbija- Littoral and Istria which belonged to the Austro- nja Prvoga svjetskog rata ta su područja uz ona u Hungarian Monarchy until 1918. After the First Dalmaciji, Albaniji i Grčkoj bila predmet politič- World War broke out these regions alongside those ke trgovine i cjenkanja između Kraljevine Italije s in Dalmatia, Albania and Greece were objects of po- jedne i Trojnog saveza i sila Antante s druge stra- litical trade and bargaining between the Kingdom ne. Talijanska ih je diplomacija naposljetku “osi- of Italy on one side and the Triple Alliance and the gurala” sklapanjem tajnoga Londonskog ugovora Triple Entente on the other. The Italian diplomacy 1915. Njegova je provedba u budućnosti bila uvje- finally “ensured” these regions through secret Treaty tovana ulaskom Italije u rat na strani Antante, od- of London from 1915. Its execution in the future nosno otvaranjem Sočanskog, a možemo slobodno was conditioned by Italy’s joining the Entente forces reći i “alpsko-jadranskog bojišta”. Talijanska ja- in the war, in other words by opening the Isonzo dransko-sredozemna strategija očito je počivala na Front, and we can also say “Alpine-Adriatic front”. odavno poznatoj premisi najučinkovitije geostra- Italian “Adriatic-Mediterranean” strategy evidently teške eksploatacije Jadrana – osigurati istovremenu was based on well-known premise of the most ef- kontrolu Otranta i alpskih prijevoja. Jer, dokle god ficient geostrategical exploitation of the Adriatic – je Austro-Ugarska jednom nogom bila osovljena to ensure simultaneous control of Otranto and the na alpskom i sjeverno-jadranskom prostoru (luka Alpine passes. As long as Austria-Hungary rested on ratne mornarice u Puli), a drugom na južnom dije- Alpine and northern Adriatic region (navy port in lu istočne jadranske obale (luka ratne mornarice u Pula) with one foot, and on the southern segment of Kotorskom zaljevu), talijanski su planovi o uspo- the eastern Adriatic coast (navy port in the Bay of stavi dominacije nad Jadranom i Sredozemljem bili Kotor) with the other, Italian dreams of dominance obična tlapnja. (D. ŠEPIĆ 1970). over the Adriatic and Mediterranean were just an S druge se pak strane odnos Jadrana i njegova illusion (D. ŠEPIĆ 1970). istočnog i sjeveroistočnog zaleđa, osobito nakon On the other hand relations of the Adriatic and sloma koncepcije jedinstvenoga Rimskog Carstva its eastern and north-eastern hinterland, particularly tijekom kasne antike, u odnosu na prijašnje stanje after the breakdown of the unified Roman Empire umnogome promijenio. U tom se kontekstu dota- concept during Late Antiquity, changed significantly da dominantni integrativni procesi na Jadranu i u in comparison to previous situation. In that context

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njegovu zaleđu sve češće izmjenjuju s trendovima previously dominant integrative processes on the njihova međusobnog udaljavanja i dezintegracije. Adriatic and in its hinterland started to alternate Jedan od razloga pojave sve izraženijih tendencija with trends of their distancing and disintegration. “zatvaranja” istočne jadranske obale političkim, One of the reasons of the appearance of more pro- društveno-gospodarskim i kulturnim strujanjima nounced tendencies of “closing” of the eastern Adri- iz unutrašnjosti vjerojatno treba tražiti u perma- atic coast towards political, socio-economic and cul- nentnoj napetosti koja je proizlazila iz međusobno tural influences from the interior should be sought suprotstavljenih geopolitičkih koncepcija starih i in permanent tension coming out of opposing geo- novih jadranskih talasokrata (Bizant i Venecija) i political concepts of the old and new Adriatic tha- država (tzv. sklavinija) koje se tijekom ranoga sred- lassocrats (Byzantium and Venice) and states (“Scla- njeg vijeka formiraju tik do istaknutih romanskih viniae”) which were formed next to the prominent komuna na tom području (Zadar, Trogir, Split, Romanic communes in this region (Zadar, Trogir, Dubrovnik i dr.). Drugim riječima rečeno, geopo- Split, Dubrovnik, etc.). In other words, geopoliti- litičkom imperativu Bizanta i Venecije da po sva- cal imperative of Byzantium and Venice to establish ku cijenu uspostave i zadrže vlast nad istočnom and retain power over the eastern Adriatic coast at jadranskom obalom suprotstavila se sve izraženija any cost was opposed by pronounced aspiration of potreba država u njezinu neposrednom zaleđu (u the states in its immediate hinterland (primarily the prvom redu hrvatske kneževine i znatno poslije Duchy of Croatia and much later the Republic of Dubrovačke Republike) da i same postanu dionici Ragusa) to become participants of the local Adriatic lokalnih jadranskih i globalnih sredozemnih po- and global Mediterranean political and economic litičkih i ekonomskih zbivanja i procesa. Premda events and processes. Although Venice had to deal Venecija na ništa manji otpor (Papinske Države with just as strong resistence (of the Papal State i Napuljskog Kraljevstva) nije nailazila ni na za- and the Kingdom of Naples) on the western Adri- padnoj jadranskoj obali (dva neuspjela pokušaja atic coast (two unsuccessful attempts to “anchor” da se “ukotvi” u Apuliji), prednosti koje je za itself in Apulia), advantages in the safety of sailing sigurnost plovidbe od najstarijih vremena imala on the eastern Adriatic coast were much bigger and istočna obala bile su daleko veće te su proporcio- accordingly they demanded more intensive political nalno tome iziskivale i daleko veći politički i vojni and military efforts. Suffice it to mention tensions angažman. Dovoljno je prisjetiti se napetosti koje during the Early and Advanced Middle Ages which su tijekom ranoga i razvijenoga srednjeg vijeka s occasionally escalated into open wars between the vremena na vrijeme eskalirale i u otvorene ratove Republic of Venice on one hand and the Kingdom između Mletačke Republike s jedne te Hrvatskog of Croatia, Duchy of Neretva, Šubić dynasty and Kraljevstva, Neretvanske Kneževine, Šubića i An- Angevins on the other hand. In that sense statement žuvinaca s druge strane. U tom je smislu znakovi- of Tomislav Raukar that the “entire Croatian Mid- to promišljanje Tomislava Raukara da je “čitavo dle Ages period is directed most intensively towards hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje najdublje usmjereno the Adriatic and Mediterranean” seems very inter- prema jadranskom prostoru i Mediteranu”. Ono esting. It is in complete accordance with the fact je naime posve u skladu s činjenicom da je hrvat- that the Croatian medieval state, squeezed between ska srednjovjekovna država, u geopolitičkom smi- the Adriatic and its deep hinterland in geopolitical slu stiješnjena između Jadrana i njegova dubokog terms, was a center of integrational lines of force in zaleđa, bila središte integracijskih silnica na tom that region (Povijest Venecije, sv. 2, 2007: 35, 37; T. prostoru (Povijest Venecije, sv. 2, 2007: 35, 37; T. RAUKAR 1997: 20-23, 43-49). RAUKAR 1997: 20-23, 43-49). In relation to often tumultous phases of integra- U odnosu na često burne faze integracije i dezin- tion and disintegration of the Adriatic littoral and tegracije jadranskoga obalnog pojasa i njegova ne- its immediate (“narrow”) hinterland during the posrednog (“plitkog”) zaleđa za vladavine Trpimi- rule of the Trpimirović dynasty during the 9th, 10th rovića tijekom 9., 10. i 11. stoljeća, “uključivanje and 11th centuries “integration of Slavonia into the Slavonije u opseg rane hrvatske povijesti uglavnom scope of the early Croatian history mostly happened se događa u tišini ... tišini života što je na tom pro- in silence ... silence of life which flew in that region storu proticao bez dramatičnih prijeloma, možda without dramatic breaks, in some periods perhaps u nekim razdobljima i bez čvršće organizirane vla- even without firmly organized central power”. Since sti”. Budući da se “Panonska ravnica nalazila po- the “Pannonian plain was situated at some distance dalje od prostora na kojemu su se sukobljavala dje- from the region where activities of great forces of the

101 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

lovanja velikih sila rane europske/mediteranske po- early European/Mediterranean history confronted”, vijesti”, i njezin je geopolitički utjecaj na političke i its geopolitical influence on political and socio- društveno-gospodarske prilike na Jadranu tijekom economic circumstances on the Adriatic during the ranoga srednjeg vijeka bio osjetno slabiji u odnosu Early Middle Ages was much weaker in relation to na sve veći utjecaj njegova prialpskog i prekoalp- growing influence of its Alpine and trans-Alpine hin- skog zaleđa koje od Karolinga preko Otona pa do terland which counted on Italy and Mediterranean Hohenstaufenaca uvijek ozbiljno računa s Italijom very seriously from the Carolingians, over Otto to i Sredozemljem. Dinamika udaljavanja istočne ja- the Hohenstaufen dynasty. Dynamics of distancing dranske obale od širega panonsko-podunavskog of the eastern Adriatic coast from the wider Pannon- prostora dosegla je tijekom srednjeg vijeka vrhunac ian-Danubian region reached its peak in the Middle u doba vladavine ugarsko-hrvatske dinastije Ar- Ages during the reign of the Arpads in the 12th and padovića u 12. i 13. stoljeću. Budući da se sredi- 13th century. Since the center of their state (Hun- šte njihove države (Ugarsko-hrvatskog Kraljevstva) garian-Croatian Kingdom) was situated deep in the nalazilo duboko u panonskom prostoru, “s gledi- Pannonian area “staying in Pannonia was natural šta Arpadovića ostanak u Panoniji bio je prirodan and only possible from the standpoint of the Ar- i jedino moguć.” Zbog toga su, čak i onda kada su pads”. That is why even when they “in certain peri- “u nekim razdobljima 12. stoljeća svojim političkim ods of the 12th century left regional, Pannonian area zamislima napuštali regionalni, panonski prostor”, in their political ideas”, their geopolitical concepts njihove geopolitičke koncepcije bile daleko od Ja- were far from the Adriatic and the Adriatic was far drana i Jadran od njih. U odnosu na Anžuvince koji from them. In relation to the Angevins which will će ih na samom prijelazu 13. u 14. stoljeće naslijedi- inherit the Arpad dynasty at the transition from the ti na ugarsko-hrvatskom prijestolju (u čemu su ne- 13th to 14th century on the Hungarian-Croatian male zasluge imali Šubići!), a čiji se “politički obzor throne (which had much to do with the Šubić fami- protezao od sjevera do juga Europe, od Baltika do ly!), and whose “political horizon spread from north južne Italije”, Arpadovići su uglavnom bili i ostali to south of Europe, from the Baltics to southern Ita- manje više “lokalna dinastija” (T. RAUKAR 1997: ly”, the Arpads were and remained more of a “local 64-66, 73-82). dynasty” (T. RAUKAR 1997: 64-66, 73-82). Nedostatak šire jadranske, sredozemne i europ- Lack of wider Adriatic, Mediterranean and Eu- ske vizije Arpadovića u velikoj je mjeri pogodovao ropean vision of the Arpads was convenient for sazrijevanju i ostvarenju geopolitičke vizije Mletač- maturing and achieving geopolitical vision of the ke Republike. Jadran (zapravo istočna jadranska Republic of Venice. Adriatic (more precisely eastern obala) je u tom smislu bio “najosjetljivija” dionica Adriatic coast) was “the most sensitive” segment of važnoga sredozemnog koridora koji je preko Vene- an important Mediterranean corridor which con- cije povezivao Europu, Aziju i Afriku, odnosno kra- nected Europe, Asia and Africa via Venice, that is it lježnica mletačke globalne pomorsko-ekonomske was the backbone of the Venetian global maritime- strategije. S tim u skladu, Braudel zaključuje da Ve- economic strategy. Accordingly Braudel concludes neciju nikada osobito nije zanimao “Balkan”5 kao that Venice was never interested in the “Balkans”5

5 Sukladno geografskoj definiciji pojma poluotok znanstveno 5 In accordance with the geographic definition of the term je neutemeljena upotreba “termina” Balkanski poluotok, peninsula, there is no scientific foundation for use of the odnosno Balkan, za označavanje površinom znatnoga ko- “term” Balkan Peninsula, i.e. Balkans for denoting rather pnenog prostora omeđenog Jadranskim i Jonskim morem large tract of land bordered with the Adriatic and Ionian na zapadu, Egejskim morem na jugu, Crnim morem na isto- Seas in the west, Aegean Sea in the east, Black Sea in the east ku te (imaginarnom) crtom Trst – Odesa na sjeveru. U tom and (imaginary) line Trieste – Odessa in the north. In that smislu u Balkan spada tek prostor smješten južno od pla- sense the Balkans belongs to the area situated south of the nine Balkan, odnosno današnje Grčke te dijelom Albanije Balkan mountain, i.e. present-day Greece and partially Al- i Makedonije. Na žalost takvoj, ne samo kulturnoj nego i bania and Macedonia. Unfortunately such not only cultural geografskoj determinaciji spomenutog prostora i danas pri- but also geographical determination of the mentioned area bjegavaju pojedini domaći i strani znanstvenici. Pogrješne is still used by certain domestic and foreign authors. Incor- percepcije Balkanskog poluotoka na kraju krajeva nije po- rect perceptions of the Balkan Peninsula can be found in the šteđeno ni Braudelovo djelo. U njemu se, konačno, na više Braudel’s work as well. Braudel cites Serbian geographer Jo- mjesta citira srpski geograf Jovan Cvijić, čiji je doprinos po van Cvijić repeatedly as his contribution in that regard was tom pitanju bio izuzetno velik. U najboljem slučaju granica exceptional. At best, the boundary between the Balkan and između balkanskog i nebalkanskog prostora za Braudela je non-Balkan area is quite a broad term. (F. BRAUDEL 1997, poprilično rastezljiv pojam (F. BRAUDEL 1997, I: 48-49 i I: 48-49 i dr.; M. SLUKAN ALTIĆ 2011). dr.; M. SLUKAN ALTIĆ 2011).

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periferni prostor europske kontinentalne jezgre as peripheral area of the European continental core (Braudel naglašava uključenost “Balkana” u kon- (Braudel emphasizes inclusion of the “Balkans” into tinentalnu trgovačku trasu Gdanjsk – Carigrad), the continental merchant route Gdansk – Istanbul), nego Levant i lombardsko-alpski pojas kao no- but in the Levant and Lombardian-Alpine zone as dalne točke sredozemne ekonomije tog doba. Ako nodal points of the Mediterranean economy of the je fokus povremeno ipak i bio stavljen na Balkan, time. If the focus was on the Balkans occasionally, tada su uzroci tome u prvom redu bili geostrateške the reasons therein were primarily geostrategic, that naravi, odnosno povezani s pokretima osmanskih is related with the moves of the Ottoman troops in trupa u jadranskom zaleđu, koje uostalom nerijet- the Adriatic hinterland which were often synchro- ko sinkronizirano djeluju s osmanskom flotom. Ne nized with the Ottoman fleet. We should also have treba smetnuti s uma ni lucidna promišljanja Josipa in mind lucid ideas of Josip and Neda Roglić who i Nede Roglić, koji su odavno uočili prirodno ge- noticed natural geographical and geostrategical ad- ografske i geostrateške prednosti karavanskih pu- vantages of the caravan roads in the Dubrovnik hin- tova u dubrovačkom zaleđu u odnosu na putove u terland in relation to the roads in the hinterland of zaleđu sjeverne i srednje Dalmacije. (F. BRAUDEL northern and central Dalmatia. (F. BRAUDEL 1997, 1997, I: 207-213; II: 402-405; L. ČORALIĆ 1997: I: 207-213; II: 402-405; L. ČORALIĆ 1997: 129- 129-140; J. ROGLIĆ – N. ROGLIĆ 1967). 140; J. ROGLIĆ – N. ROGLIĆ 1967). Jedan od činitelja koji su od kraja srednjeg vije- One of factors at the end of the Middle Ages ka također doprinijeli udaljavanju i sukobljavanju which contributed to distancing and confronting of istočne jadranske obale s njezinim zaobaljem vjero- the eastern Adriatic coast with its hinterland was jatno je bio prodor islama te s njim povezanih no- probably penetration of Islam and related new so- vih i na spomenutom prostoru do tada nepoznatih cial, economic and cultural phenomena, previously društvenih, ekonomskih i kulturnih tekovina, kao unknown in this region, as well as more pronounced i sve naglašenija vojna uloga nomadskih (marto- military role of nomadic (martolos) Vlach com- loških) vlaških zajednica. Jadranski je prostor na- munities. The Adriatic region underwent not only glim upadom Osmanlija u njegovo zaleđe u tom a geopolitical but also a civilizational shock when smislu doživio ne samo geopolitički nego i civili- the Ottomans invaded its hinterland, perhaps even zacijski šok, s obzirom na posljedice možda i teži stronger than the one during the “Migration Peri- od onoga koji je pretrpio tijekom “velikih seoba od” from the 4th to 10th centuries, considering the naroda” od 4. do 10. stoljeća. Braudelova studija, consequences. Braudel’s study clearly indicates that dakako, jasno upućuje na to da glavni uzrok kon- the main cause of confrontations of the eastern Adri- frontiranja istočne jadranske obale i njezina zaleđa atic coast and its hinterland during the 16th century tijekom 16. stoljeća zapravo treba tražiti u temelji- should be sought in deeply disrupted geopolitical to poljuljanim geopolitičkim odnosima na Sredo- relations on the Mediterranean. Crucial factors in zemlju. Ključni su činitelji u tom smislu agresivna that regard were the aggressive naval policy of the pomorska politika Osmanskog Carstva koja ide za Ottoman Empire in an attempt to expel the Republic tim da Mletačku Republiku posve potisne sa Sre- of Venice from the Mediterranean Sea, and Venetian dozemnog mora, odnosno nastojanja (manje-više efforts (successful more or less) to resist these at- uspješna) Mlečana da se tom i takvom pokušaju tempts. Relations of the Venetians and the Ottomans svim silama suprotstave. Odnosi Mlečana i Osman- on a narrow coastal line along the eastern Adriatic lija na uskoj priobalnoj crti duž istočne jadranske coast were often burdened with long shadows of obale često su stoga opterećeni dugim sjenama nji- their conflicts on the distant Mediterranean open hovih međusobnih sukoba na dalekoj sredozemnoj sea. Therefore Venice treated its eastern Adriatic pučini. Venecija zbog toga svoje istočnojadranske possessions (actually cities fortresses) less as points posjede (zapravo gradove-utvrde) u manjoj mjeri of contact with their natural hinterland (which was tretira kao točke kontakata s njihovim prirodnim skipped for the most part at the time by conjunctural zaleđem (koje u tom trenutku uglavnom zaobilaze lines of force of economic processes in continental konjunkturne silnice ekonomskih procesa u konti- Europe), and more as points of defense. It is not nentalnoj Europi), a u većoj mjeri kao točke obra- surprising that Braudel referred to the mentioned ne. Ne čudi stoga da Braudel spomenuta jadranska Adriatic (and Ionian and Aegean) strongholds as the (ali i jonska i egejska) uporišta naziva “mletački “limes of Venice”. Its only role was to provide pro- limes”. Njegova je jedina uloga ta da Mlečanima tection to Adriatic sailing route, the most convenient omogući zaštitu najprikladnijega pomorskog puta route for the Venetians. This route led directly to

103 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

duž Jadrana, puta koji je vodi u otvoreno Sredoze- the open Mediterranean where Venice traded and mlje na kojem Venecija istovremeno i trguje i ratuje fought at the same time (M. ANČIĆ 1998: 2, 18; F. (M. ANČIĆ 1998: 2, 18; F. BRAUDEL 1997, II: BRAUDEL 1997, II: 207-208). 207-208). As for the valorization of the historical role of Kada je pak u pitanju valorizacija povijesne the coastal segment of the Croatian Littoral i.e. east- uloge obalnog dijela Hrvatskog primorja, odnosno ern hinterland of Kvarner and Danubian - northern istočnoga kvarnerskog zaleđa i podunavsko-sjever- Adriatic corridor it is necessary to emphasize that, nojadranskog koridora, potrebno je istaknuti da in context of the entire Adriatic geopolitics, it was je ona sve do 18., odnosno do druge polovice 19. minor until the 18th i.e. second half of the 19th cen- stoljeća u kontekstu ukupne jadranske geopolitike tury. This definitely had to do with “its peripheral zapravo bila minorna. Tome je svakako doprinio position in relation to the leading Adriatic ports and “njen periferni položaj u odnosu na vodeće jadran- the main transport system of the Adriatic”, excep- ske luke i glavni prometni sustav Jadrana”, izuzet- tionally steep karst relief, pernicious effect of bora no strm krški reljef, poguban utjecaj bure na plo- on sailing in that part of the eastern Adriatic mari- vidbu u tom dijelu istočnojadranskog akvatorija te time zone and generally the fact that mentioned re- uopće stoljetna stiješnjenost i opkoljenost spome- gion was squeezed and surrounded with the Vene- nutog područja mletačkim posjedima u Istri, Kvar- tian possessions in Istria, Kvarner and Dalmatia. neru i Dalmaciji. Zbog te je okolnosti Frankopani- Therefore the Frankopans and, after their physical ma te, nakon njihove fizičke i političke eliminacije, and political elimination, the Habsburgs as masters Habsburgovcima kao gospodarima njegove obale of the sea coast and its immediate hinterland in Gor- i neposrednoga gorsko-kotarskog i ličkog zaleđa ski Kotar and Lika, practically did not have an ap- pristup otvorenom moru, pa samim time i snažniji proach to open sea, which prevented more intensive jadranski angažman, praktično ostao onemogućen Adriatic engagement until the fall of the Republic sve do propasti Mletačke Republike 1797., od- of Venice in 1797, that is Napoleon’s reign in 1815 nosno Napoleonove vladavine 1815. (V. ROGIĆ (V. ROGIĆ 1982: 140-148; M. KOZLIČIĆ – J. 1982: 140-148; M. KOZLIČIĆ – J. FARIČIĆ – S. FARIČIĆ – S. UGLEŠIĆ 2012: 45-46). UGLEŠIĆ 2012: 45-46). As opposed to situation in Venetian Dalmatia Za razliku od situacije u Mletačkoj Dalmaciji, where sources of dangers were usually in the con- gdje se izvor ugroze najčešće nalazio u kontinen- tinental hinterland, in case of Kvarner and Velebit talnom zaleđu, u slučaju Kvarnera i Podvelebitskog Channel, which were never controlled by Venice de- kanala nad kojima Venecija, unatoč povremenim spite occasional attempts,6 potential threat embod- pokušajima, nikada nije uspjela ostvariti kontrolu,6 ied in the Uskoks from Senj had been present on the potencijalna se opasnost u vidu senjskih uskoka coast for a long time. Considering the threat from dugo vremena nalazila na samoj obali. S obzirom the Uskoks, i.e. centennial conflict of the Habsburgs na uskočku prijetnju, odnosno stoljetno habsbur- (Austria) – and Venice (Italy) over the dominance ško (austrijsko) – mletačko (talijansko) nadmetanje over the Adriatic, Venice as its true master was con- oko dominacije nad Jadranom, Venecija se kao nje- tent with occasional war actions and with the naval gova stvarna gospodarica zadovoljila poduzima- blockade of the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primor- njem povremenih ratnih akcija i pomorske blokade je) region, which was already isolated in terms of u reljefnom pogledu ionako izoliranoga Hrvatskog relief. Radical changes in geopolitical constellation primorja. Radikalno izmijenjena geopolitička kon- of the forces on the Adriatic and its north-eastern stelacija snaga na Jadranu i u njegovu sjeveroistoč- hinterland, which happened after the Pannonian nom zaleđu, koja je nastupila po oslobođenju Pa- plain and central Danubian region were liberated nonske nizine i srednjeg Podunavlja od osmanske from the Ottoman power at the end of the 17th and vlasti krajem 17. i početkom 18. stoljeća, kao i beginning of the 18th century as well as construction izgradnja suvremenih kopnenih i željezničkih ma- of modern land roads and railways (roads Caroline, gistrala (ceste Karolina, Jozefina i Lujzijana te že- Josephine and Louisiana, and the railway Budapest ljeznička pruga Budimpešta – Rijeka) tijekom 18. i – Rijeka) during the 18th and 19th centuries were

6 Venecija je u tom smislu određene ekonomske interese vi- djela isključivo u neposrednom primorskom zaleđu u ko- 6 In that regard Venice saw certain economic interests only in jem su se nalazile ličke šume bogate drvom (A. M. GRU- immediate coastal hinterland due to forests in Lika rich in ENFELDER 1997: 55). wood (A. M. GRUENFELDER 1997: 55).

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19. stoljeća u konačnici su bili katalizatori procesa catalysts for the process of connecting the Croatian tješnjeg povezivanja Hrvatskog primorja s panon- Litorral with the Pannonian-Danubian region into sko-podunavskim prostorom u administrativno- an administrative and economic whole. The Vene- upravnu i gospodarsku cjelinu. Mletačka je domi- tian dominance on the Adriatic was already fading. nacija na Jadranu tada već bila na zalazu. S tim je u Redefinition of the previous geopolitical role of the skladu i redefiniranje dotadašnje geopolitičke uloge wider Dinaric and Pannonian-Danubian hinterland, širega dinarskog i panonsko-podunavskog zaleđa which happened after Austrian (Austro-Hungarian) do kojeg će doći s uspostavom austrijske (austro- dominance was established on the Adriatic in the ugarske) dominacije na Jadranu u 19. stoljeću (V. 19th century, is in accordance with such situation ROGIĆ 1953: 47, 52-55, 59-61). (V. ROGIĆ 1953: 47, 52-55, 59-61).

6. 6. Zaključak Conclusion

Zahvaljujući inovativnoj primjeni strukturalistič- Fernand Braudel succeeded in making his capital ke metode i multidisciplinarnom istraživačkom work “The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean pristupu, radikalnom zaokretu u odnosu na do- World in the age of Philip II” a classic of modern tadašnje poimanje prostora i vremena, visokom French and general world historiography owing to stupnju književnog talenta i erudicije, ali i dubini innovative use of the structuralist method and multi- povjesničarske intuicije, Fernand Braudel postigao disciplinary research approach, radical shift from je to da njegovo kapitalno djelo Sredozemlje i sre- the previous perception of space and time, high level dozemni svijet u doba Filipa II. postane klasikom of literary talent and erudition. From the perspective moderne francuske i uopće svjetske historiografije. of the Croatian historical science this work is im- Iz perspektive hrvatske povijesne znanosti djelo je portant because it deals, in accordance to the width važno i zbog toga jer se, sukladno širini (i dubini) (and depth) of the author’s views, with not only autorovih pogleda, dotiče ne samo Jadrana nego i Adriatic but also Croatian inland. Furthermore, in hrvatskoga kopnenog prostora. Štoviše, Jadranu je the first part of the study the Adriatic was analyzed unutar prvog dijela studije – “Udio sredine” – po- in a separate chapter entitled “The Role of the Envi- svećeno i posebno poglavlje. U njemu se povijest ronment”. In it the history of the Adriatic during the Jadrana u drugoj polovici 16. stoljeća promatra i second half of the 16th century was observed and in- tumači u kontekstu analize utjecaja geografsko- terpreted in the context of the analysis of influences prostornih datosti (zemljopisni položaj, reljef, kli- of geographic and spatial characteristics (geographic ma itd.) na njegovu geopolitičku ulogu u širim sre- position, relief, climate, etc.) on its geopolitical role dozemnim i europskim okvirima. in wider Mediterranean and European framework. Takav Braudelov, umnogome geografsko-povi- This work was inspired by Braudel’s research jesni istraživački pristup nadahnuo je i ovaj rad. approach, which was in many ways geographical U njemu se nastoji utvrditi u kolikoj mjeri Bra- and historical. In it an attempt was made to deter- udelove geostrateške i geopolitičke opservacije o mine to what extent can Braudel’s geostrategical and Jadranu i Sredozemlju u 16. st. mogu poslužiti geopolitical observations on the Adriatic and Medi- kao manje-više trajne i univerzalno primjenjive terranean in the 16th century be used as more or less geostrateške matrice (potke) jadranske povijesti. permanent and universally applicable geostrategical U tom se smislu može zaključiti da su oblik, pro- matrixes (foundations) of the Adriatic history. In this storna orijentacija, klima i zemljopisni položaj regard we can conclude that form, spatial orientati- Jadrana na karti Sredozemlja, Europe i svijeta, on, climate and geographic position of the Adriatic kao i reljefna obilježja obalnih prostora koji ga on the map of the Mediterranean, Europe and world okružuju, oduvijek presudno utjecali na njegovu had always affected its geostrategical exploitation geostratešku eksploataciju. decisively as well as relief characteristics of the coa- U tom je smislu važno naglasiti da su se svi gos- stal regions surrounding the Adriatic. podari Jadrana tijekom povijesti služili manje-vi- In that regard it is important to mention that še istom geostrateškom matricom prema kojoj je all masters of the Adriatic throughout history used kontrola nad istočnom jadranskom obalom (po- more or less identical geostrategical matrix in which

105 historijsko-geografske i geopolitičke konstante... / historical-geographical and geopolitical constants...

godnijom za plovidbu od zapadne), a napose nad control over the eastern Adriatic coast (more con- krajnjim jadranskim točkama na jugu/jugoistoku venient for sailing than the western one), and par- (Otrantska vrata) i sjeveru/sjeverozapadu (tršćan- ticularly over the peripheral Adriatic points in the sko-akvilejsko-ravensko i venetsko područje), bila south/south-east (Strait of Otranto) and north/nor- prvi korak prema postizanju jadranske talasokra- th-west (regions of Trieste, Aquileia, Ravenna and cije. Pritom je bilo poželjno da kontrola nad Ja- Veneto) was the first step in achieving the Adriatic dranom korespondira s kontrolom alpsko-lombar- thalassocracy. In this process it was highly desira- dsko-venetskog područja preko kojeg se spomenuti ble that the control over the Adriatic corresponded jadranski pomorski koridor prirodno nastavljao na to control over the Alpine-Lombard-Veneto region, kopnene prometnice dubokoga prekoalpskog zale- over which mentioned Adriatic maritime corridor đa. Dosežući na taj način Europu, jadransko-alpski continued naturally on land roads of the deep trans- prometni koridor ujedno je dosezao i smisao svoga Alpine hinterland. In that way the Adriatic-Alpine postojanja. corridor reached Europe reaching at the same time Istovremeno su uloga i utjecaj dubokoga pa- its raison d’être. nonsko-podunavskog zaleđa, odnosno središnjeg At the same time the role and influences of the dijela južne Europe, što zbog nepovoljnih reljefnih deep Pannonian-Danubian hinterland i.e. central i klimatskih obilježja obalnog i zaobalnog prosto- part of southern Europe were reduced to minimum ra koji ga dijeli od Jadranskog mora, što zbog ne- in the context of global (Mediterranean) geopolitics povoljnih geopolitičkih i ekonomskih konstelacija practically until the 19th century due to unfavoura- (napose tijekom ranoga srednjeg i ranoga novog ble relief and climatic characteristics of the coastal vijeka) na spomenutom prostoru, što zbog njegove region and its hinterland which separates it from the geografski uvjetovane prometne i ekonomske ori- Adriatic Sea, as well as adverse geopolitical and eco- jentacije prema Crnom moru i Egejskom bazenu, u nomic constellations (in particular during the Early kontekstu globalne (sredozemne) geopolitike prak- Middle Ages and Early Modern Period) in the menti- tično sve do 19. stoljeća bili svedeni na minimum. oned region, and also due to its geographically conditioned transport and economic orientation towards the Black Sea and the Aegean Basin.

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