T H E

N O R W E G I A N

NVAS I ON OF S C OT L AND

I N 1 2 6 8

A T R ANS L AT I O N F R OM

{B e t 110 m m" fa l lw fi iz tar im

33 2 13. g , Maury.

COMMUNICATED TO THE ARCHJEOLOGICAL S OCIET" OF GLAS GOW

H GH T E U NNE NT E . OF WE L L PAR K , S " .

G L A S G O W

5 PR D B " E T H S UAR E . B L L 8 A 15 S . OC INTE B IN , EN " 18 2 6 .

AR JEOL GI L IE T HE GLASGOW CH b CA SOC T ".

M F E L L OW - ME MB E R S GENTLE EN AND ,

I have much pleasure in d e di cat i n g thi s little t o ou volume y . The publication originated un der the circumstances i m n i n ment oned in the acco pa y g Preface , written by my F R B t RE V . DR O E S o esteemed friend , the . , whom , in com ’ E DWA R D L e i h I Wi MR . t mon th WISHART , of , am greatly indebted for having so efficiently accomplished the labours oftranslation . li The subj ect is most interesting, and pecu arly appropriate

r for the investigation ofou Society . If by the perusal of these pages you shall be led to inqui r e into the import ant era in Scottish hi st o1y whi ch i s associated with the battle of Largs , and m some measure to surround wi th the light of tr uth what I S at present dark I and uncertain, shall be amply requited for any trouble i ff mposed on me by this e ort , humbly put forth on your of behalf, and with the aim of extending the influence the

Society .

I a t o h ve the honour be ,

M F E L L OW - M MB E R S GENTLE EN AND E ,

" our most obedient Servant,

" H UGH T E NNE NT .

W E L L PA K h ua r R 51 F e b r 1 62. , y , 8

P R E F A C E .

R r HAVING been in deb ted t o the kin dn ess ofM . TENNENT fo a pre s n oft h e ori n a w o u on u sa I oun a b s s m u e t gi l rk , p per l f d th t, e ide ch in form a tion con cerni n g the in va s io n of the C on tin en ta l kin gdom s or w a n s su a s F a n c 8m d ur i n c n by the N egi , ch r e, , g the pre edi g ce n u ri s con a n e a m n u a l of t h e n a s on of t e , it t i d very i te det i i v i co a n i n 12 3 T s oc i s sc b b P n a R ob r S tl d 6 . hi ep h de ri ed y ri cip l e t son a s th e a w n of a u n c co s hi s o a s a ll on i s d the ti S tti h t ry, bey d m ere doub tfu l tra di tion or ab solute fa b le ; for a n y histori ca l records

a n a on oss w I b o -i n -l aw ss b w a . th t the ti p e ed ere , y Ed rd , the r ther

of Al xan I I I . a t o n a n a n d s o a e der , c rried E gl d de tr yed, th t their te stim on y t o the n a tion al in depen den ce of Scotla n d m ight b e a n c a n d os As a n ss on ofm s m for m m u c elled l t . expre i y e tee y ch a u ri n t h e on o of w o I a n s a v l ed f e d, d r the rk , tr l ted the third c a o f s a s a n d s n t o hi m for hi s a h pter thi tre ti e, pre e ted it priv te m o s u a on A s r u sa W i ou Vi w t o b c . pe l , th t the re te t e p li ti fter thi I w a s u s b him t o a n s a w o b u t w a s req e ted y tr l te the h le , com t o cl n o osa i n on s u n c of m o pelled de i e the pr p l , c eq e e y ther a n Acco n a o E s oca o s . t W v ti rdi gly he pplied EDWARD ISHART, q , of L t o w om w a s om m n a s a n m a n eith , h he rec e ded ge tle well s i n o w a n an ua wh o i n un oo ver ed the N r egi l g ge , k dly dert k the u a n d a n s a o of t h e a s b a n u on d ty, tr l ted the wh le ch pter e ri g p the sub s a j ect. A the w ork pa ssed throu gh the pre ss I c refully co a a n s a on o i n a a n d su m t o r e com ll ted the tr l ti by the rig l, pre e m n i s o e d t a s a fa ithful a n d n ot u n intere stin g version of the hi t ry . S om e d ifli culty occurred a s t o the precis e ren derin g ofN o rw egia n m s on e s I on su F E "E E s Da n s C on su ter ; th e c lted . B NT N, q , i h l , wh o n d a ffo a s i a n ki ly rded every s st ce . xi PR E F AC E .

" The rea der w ill ea sily recog n iz e tha t the term S outhern ” s a n s s b s H b s so ca l t o s n u s m I l d de cri e the e ride , led di ti g i h the om O n a n d an s a n s n o n oss ss on s fr the rk ey Shetl d I l d , the rther p e i w a L e n d e rm e n w u a ori s or a ssa s of of Nor y . The ere fe d t e v l the ow n w h o o b o a an a n d w di s cr , held their pr perty y r y l gr t, ere t i n ui sh e d om n a n a ss or oe n ob a b so a l g fr the te t cl , B der, pr ly c l ed b ecau se they w ere b ou n d t o ren der certa in services t o en title

' m t a m s or o in s the t o a right o their f r h ld g . The w ork ofPR OF E S S OR MUNC H emb ra ces the history ofNorw a y

om a l s o t o i t s u n on w w n i n 1319 a n d fr the e r ie t peri d i ith S ede , i x a o I n s x n s v s h f s o s oc . t c a on s s s o . c i t v l t v evi e very e te i e re e rc , th e m a a s b n n ot onl om orw a n a u o s b u t teri l ei g derived, y fr N egi th r , om on s a n d s o s of l A s b on n fr the chr icle hi t rie the Midd e ge , el gi g t o o n a on s su a s os of W a m of a m sb u ther ti , ch th e Bede, illi M l e ry , I n n f m n Du a m c n n a n . a o o of & . co c w Si rh , , e ted ith Brit i tre ti g o w i a n a u of rt n n ur a u o h a s the N r eg liter t re the thi ee th ce t y, the th r a n n ss a on on o w a n S a a a n d n a s le gthe ed di ert ti the N r egi g , i dic te o n a n d a u o of m o b a of s w n s the rigi th rity the re cele r ted the e riti g , t o w hich he a tta ches high a u th ority a s fa ithful records of con m o a n s We fi n d a t i n h a d hi s a a . S w te p r ry eve t th every k g g , hich a ppea rs t o h ave comb in ed the n a tu re of a b iogra phy w ith tha t of a s o ofhi s n U on m s of s u s on w e d o hi t ry reig . p the erit thi q e ti n ot n t o on oun a n u m n b u t s a a t o prete d pr ce y j dg e t, h ll le ve it the in vestiga tion of th os e w hos e opportu ni ties m ay b e m ore fa vour I f a b le for prosecutin g the in qui ry. the com m u ni ca tion m a d e b y MR E E s a a f f m n . c o s u a s a c of T NN NT h ll h ve the ef e t ti l ti g re e r h, m ak n m o n s n ow n o n a w o M of R . U C H i g re exte ively k the rigi l rk M N , a n d of enl a rging i n a n y degr ee the lim its of m odern a uthen tic i s ob c s ha a b n u a a n s o t . hi t ry, j e t ll h ve ee f lly tt i ed J OH F OR B E N S .

W 2o h J a nua r 862 L AS GO t 1 . G , y , C O T E N T S N .

CHAPTER I .

PAGE

a n . n of S o a n s n s t he on u s o f t he Alex der III , Ki g c tl d, de ig c q e t — — S outhern I sla n ds Tra n sa ction s on tha t occa sio n S cotch seiz e — the S ou thern Isla n ds Kin g Ha a ko n resolves upon a n inva sion

n o S o a n i t c tl d,

H P C A TER II . ’ — Kin g Haa kon s fleet a n d i t s crew A n xiety i n En gla n d on a ccoun t

of hi s h a n a oa t re te ed ppr ch,

HA P R C TE III . ’ n Haa kon s o a om N o wa —A a in S o a n d a n d Ki g v y ge fr r y rriv l c tl ,

w a k o e a on s a t a n a n d B u rli e p r ti C tire te,

P V CHA TER I . — Ho stilities recommen ce Co un try a rou n d t h e F rith of Clyde pil — ’ l age d A s evere storm does grea t da m a ge t o Ha a kon s fl e e t ’ n oun a t L a s— n Ha a kon s u n t o O kn s E c ter rg Ki g ret r the r ey ,

HA P R V C TE . ’ n H aa kon s a s ll n ss a n d a —H i s son a l a a Ki g l t i e de th per ity, ch r cter,

s s t o hi s oun ervice c try,

HAP R VI C TE . ’ n a nu s H a akon sson s a s n s on t o h on a n d a u Ki g M g ce i the t r e, pe cef l — . disposition T h e w a r w ith S cotla n d con clu ded b y a trea ty of — pea ce a t Perth Isle of Man an d the S ou thern I slan ds ceded for a n a n n ua m on a m n l ey p y e t,

H I S T O R "

O F T H E

N F OR WEGIAN INVASION O S C OTL AND.

CHAPTER I .

l n n f an e s n s the on u s f h u n s an s a . o S o o t e S o A ex der III , Ki g c tl d , d ig c q e t ther I l d — — — T ran saction s on tha t occasion S cotch seiz e t he S outhern I sla n ds King n an H aa kon resolves upon an invasion i to S cotl d .

I T how has been already mentioned the King of Scotland ,

Al n II f n exa der , had exerted himsel to the utmost to bri g the Southern Islands under his sceptre , and although not of successful in his negotiations and raising money, never t he l e ss wa s war on the eve of beginning the , when death hi m on 8 ul surprised at the Island of Kerrera the th J y , 124 9 ; and hostilities now begun by him were prosecuted n Al so . for the sake of his , exander III , at that time seven i or eight years old . Dur ng the protracted minority the

Scottish magnates , for the most part, quarrelled among hi ul h themselves as to w ch party sho d ave the guardianship , and had no time t o busy themselves with the affair s of the ’ Southern Islands , consequently the Norwegian king s author

ity remained undisturbed over the islands . Hence there L wa s i E o an i ofA l now noth ng to prevent g rgyl , otherwise King

I a E o n . a . vol . i v. ofthe o n a wo . n S o c e Ch pter xliv , , rigi l rk 1 c t h G lic, i B i 2 THE NORWEGIAN

w as John, as he called , from formally declaring himself free

n o from the Norwegian crow , and paying homage to the Sc tch war Al king, to which he , from fear of the threatened by ex f l ander II. , declared himsel wil ing. He certainly acknow n ledged now the necessity, as has been already show , in w a r d the event of an open between Norway and Scotlan , of of taking the part the latter kingdom , in which he had the largest possessions ; but the peace footing which, contrary of to expectation, intervened , and was long duration , pre n vented him from taki g any decided steps for a time , notwithstanding that he scarcely attempted to conceal that he favoured the Scotch side, and accordingly, as we have of seen , appeared more in the capacity Scotch magnate than

of . Norwegian Viceroy He seems, therefore, to have been no longer esteemed by the Northmen as a particular king in this northern portion of the islands , for the talk is now ” " " k ” chiefly only about the king, not ings, and this king wa s of E o an s on of a relative g , the aforesaid Dugald ,

'r‘ ‘ R ua idhri MR or (Dugald y) , who was particularly attached ’ a n son and faithful to King H ako . Dugald s , Erik , was still ’ residing in Norway, and at Harald s hearth probably, after

of l the practice the time, as a kind of hostage for the fide ity ’ ofthe father ; but perhaps this was more for form s sake than of Ma n i because it was really required . On the Isle re gned who h King Magnus Olafson , also was fait ful to King s Haakon . Such wa the state of matters at the time when A ri King lexander had grown to manhood, and was mar ed of to Margaret, a daughter the English King , Henry III . He did not attain his proper majority before the year 1262;

” I n S o Ga e R uadh the r e d n n R o c an d i n c tch lic, Righ, ki g ; he ce deri k ,

S o a an e o . c tch p rl c , R ry I NVAS I ON OF SCOTLAND . 3

b ut was n e w u as the time approached , and he f ll grown , as a matter of course b e exercised considerable influence over ff of the a airs the government. He adopted zealously his ’ father s plans ofattaching the Southern Islands to the Scotch kingdom . Negotiations with that aim we re commenced with i n 1261 i Norway the year , nasmuch as , immediately after the Kings Haakon and Magnus ha d sent Bishop Haakon and ’ others to bring the Danish king s daughter, and in the mean t ime were themselves withdrawn to Bergen, there arrived — t wo ambassadors from King Alexander a n Archdeacon and Mi sse ll W the already mentioned Knight . hat their partien

wa s of lar errand is not said, but it must have been the same t o nature as that of the previous ambassadors , namely, nego t iat e d n for a consi erable cessio of islands , and , along with h hi t is , to treat for compensation for the petty injuries w ch the Norwegian and Scotch subj ects upon these coasts appear

t o . have practised upon one another It is said , however, that

n r l the ki g getting ang y at the matter, they were compel ed to use soft words rather than demand justice . They attempted s v of at length to neak away without taking lea e the king , quite against all custom both in ancient and modern times , al se t l and had ready sai when , their absence becoming B r n ulf on sson all known , the king sent y j J in haste after them . He overtook them and brought them back . The a s for king now gave them to understand that, a punishment d a having transgresse the universal custom of mbassadors, they should spend the whole of the winter in Norway. It w a s from this circumstance that Mi sse ll proved t o be an involuntary witness t o the celebration of the coronation . S o soon as this intelligence reached Scotland there wa s a r A a great outc y about it . King lex nder complained to his 4 THE NORWE GIAN

' - i n - of who on 23d father law, the King England , wrote the 1262 of March, , to King Haakon relative to the release the ambassadors and other points whi ch were now pendi ng Al w as n between hi m and King exander. It accordi gly complai n ed of that the ambassadors had been harshl y treated;

a ' con si s or, as some expressed themselves , in manner not wa s tent with royal courtesy. This accusation , however, on e il for Mi sse ll substantially untrue , as may read y infer, w a s a s on e present at the coronation ceremony, it appears , in of the best places ; consequently there can be no doubt ’ that he was the kin g s guest at the marri age and coronation di n banquets . It is not sti ctly menti oned when they were

sent home, but it may be assumed that it must have been 1262 during the course of the summer of , for another letter exists from Ki ng Henry to Kin g Haakon of date the 15t h 1262 November, , wherein he acknowledges receipt of a com m u n i cat i on from Haakon whi ch acquaints hi m ofhi s havi n g hi allowed the ambassadors to go home free and un ndered, and that there was as little truth in hi s intention to prosecute the war against the Scotch king as i n the report of the

ambassadors not being courteously treated . But when King i il Haakon wrote that letter to the English k ng, and st l more, w wr l hen the latter ote that rep y, circumstances had certainly

all s in very materi y altered , and however peaceably di posed K g for Haakon then was, it was , now necessary him to go to war, for durin g the summer a letter had been received from Kin g

d n m t n s Dugal , i ti a i g that William , Earl of Ro s , together with hi vi several other Scottish c efs , had made a olent attack upon

the Island of Sky e, and conducted their proceedings with the most fearful barbarity " they had burned both churches ill of and barns, k ed a number persons , both women and INVAS ION OF S COTLAND . 5

l men, and even speared newly born infants. It a so added that King Al exander intended to subjugate all the Southern w as w e se Islands as sure as he in life . From this e that m — this expedition took place by his co mand indeed, that this was the first step taken in execution ofthe n e w scheme of conquest ; which is confirmed by the circumstance that the inhabitants of the islands were compelled t o gi ve host

or of t o ages , that several them were carried away be used di n of as such . We learn accor gly that two these hostages from Skye were confined in the course of the year 1263 in

Inverness Castle . It is not, however, to be inferred from this that Al exander approved of the atrocities perpetrated ; his was i but he lately entered upon maj ority, and he des r ous of making use of hi s power in order t o reach the long i ri desired goal , at the same t me he took rep sals for the a s detention of the ambassadors . King Haakon was , one u in i might expect, partic larly dignant at th s procedure, and t o resolved immediately to avenge it the uttermost, in order that the Scotch ki ng might forego the desire for ever oflay ing hi s han ds upon the Norwegi an possessions . He accord in gly laid the matter before his Council ; but the opinions then expressed (and one must conclude that many advised propositions of peace) resulted in the ki ng resolving upon wa r . His expression in the letter to the King of England, that it had n ot been his intention to wage war against the

King of Scotland , was perhaps quite correct, and one does n ot require , with several Scotch authors , to accuse Haakon of ha d duplicity ; nevertheless , the mere expression that it n ot b e e n his intention is to say that he originally had thought of going peaceably to work, and Shows also that his thoughts for the fir st time took another di rection when he wrote t he 6 THE NORWEGIAN

of i n t e lli letter, and must course have received the dismal gence from King Dugald . Hence the English king accord i n gly offered hi mself as mediator in the letter already Ki mentioned . He thanked ng Haakon in the most friendly manner for his courtesy towards the ambassadors ; and as he will f u was un ing, and ound it nseemly, that any quarrel ul t w on Sho d arise be een two kings , but, the contrary, that the early cemented bond of friendship which existed between u both their forefathers Should stand nshaken, he promised that he would exert all hi s influence with the Scotch king t o persuade hi m t o give full compensation for all the loss whi ch had been occasioned by him or hi s men t o King Haakon or his subj ects . That letter, however, came too late , and prob ably King Haakon had not confidence either in King ’ or hi s son - in - Henry s sincerity in influence with the law. ill He must likewise, as the sequel w Show, have received ff t o i r letters from the disa ected in Scotland, to come the assistance . Immediately after Christmas, accordingly, in the i n of 1263 beg ning the year , King Haakon issued writs of summons over the whole kingdom, and called out the able bodied men , proprietors, and magistrates, with their house holds , to form an expedition ; the people and provisions being as many as he believed the country could bear. for a n d Bergen was fixed as rendezvous the army, the time s li n the beginning of p g. There was now universal activity and stir over the whole Dr on dt hi e m country . King Haakon left already at Mid of t w o lent, shortly after the consecration the before Dovr e fi e ld mentioned bishops , and passed over south to the east country, according to previous arrangement , to have a

‘ a L i odhuus meeting at E ster with Byrge, Earl in (Lewis) , to

8 THE NORWEGIAN wa s very natural that the king shoul d wish to have him with him i of at this critical juncture , in order to assure h mself i f ul his fidelity , and d ssolve the di fic t relation wherein he ’ stood as the Scotch king s vassal for Caithness ; for n ow that the war was on the eve of breakin g out it woul d not t o E o an of A do serve two masters , as g rgyll lately said, and

of on e of . he must , as a matter course, fix upon them But it is also possible that the step alr eady taken by the Scotch kin g in regard to Caithness induced the earl t o cast himself ll ofKi unconditiona y into the arms ng Haakon , and unasked

f hi m in to of er himself to . We learn, particular, that King Al of - exander had demanded Caithness twenty one hostages , who i n were kept Inverness , as the two from Skye ; and it may be inferred that he must also have thr eatened the l — hi s Caithness fo k with war indeed, perhaps even sent warriors into the country for the purpose of subj ecting it to hi sufii ci e n t a kind of military occupation . T s was to arouse n the i dignation of the earl . But it must also be borne in ’ ’ an d mind that he , a Scotchman both on the father s mother s f r u ili side , af ianced with the most powe f l fam es of Scotland , and , indeed, just as much Scotch as Norwegian vassal, had for the strongest sympathy Scotland , and that therefore it w a s not predil ection whi ch induced him to declare himself

for Al for Haakon and his fleet more than exander, but that t w o he reckoned Norway to be the stronger of the nations. Nor can one know whether possibly the part y spiri t among the chi ef factions which unr emittingly di vided Scotland di d r not play a very important pa t here likewise , whether he possibly might n ot have attached hi mself to the party which w as inimi cal to the powerful society which now for some time had had the greatest influence, and whether he might S or INVA ION S COTLAND . 9

n ot also have travell ed t o Norway with letters from these malco ntents The Scotch dete rmined upon a renewed a ttack upon the South Islands also this summer, but King D ugald announced that there would soo n be a

fleet from Norway of forty Ships . This frightened the

for Scotch , and the present they abandoned the proposed attack When the forces which were called out had collected on

t o the shortest notice , the king called them a convocation on the heights , where accordingly a considerable army assem bled . Here he announced first and foremost his deter t o s e a mination proceed west over , and revenge the deeds of violence whi ch the Scotch had perpetrated again st his kin g ff t o i n dom . King Magnus o ered go in his stead , order hi that he might mself remain behind . His father thanked w w him with many kind ords for his good ishes , but said that i t would be best the expedition Should be led by himself, as he was older and more experienced , and , besides , k how new better the relations of the West stood . There upon he committed to Magnus the reins of government on e in Norway for the time he was away. In of the ballads w of the people , hich we Shall notice below, and which to all ‘ h appearance is contemporaneous , it is said t at the king commanded his son to remain at home and counsel for ” Var uhun s Bergen and g , and that Magnus excused himself by statin g his youth and inexperience to represent so great a i u people , when the king repl ed , Tho canst not endure the ”

a . d salt sea nor the stormy w ve It is not exactly sai , but

s r there must still have been some report, that the order we e actually so given , and it is pretty evident that the general

of w a s a wa s a opinion King Magnus , th t he not p rticularly 10 THE NORWEGIAN

r disposed for wa . In this one could not be mistaken, and ri also that it so happened that several young , inexpe enced men in consequence cherished less regard for Magnus than At n he deserved. that convocation the ki g arranged many matters whi ch concerned t he internal affair s of the nation ;

b e resolved , namely, that the judges Should not under

of . take cases, unless those urgency, as long as he was away This shows that he did not consider that his absence woul d ul be for a lengthened period , for it wo d not have been proper that cases shoul d have rem ained over a Whole year unh eard ; he accordi ngly calcul ated with certain ty upon hi s l being home again towards harvest. Possib y it was on this occasion that for the first time the aforementioned imposi

of tion penalties took place , although it is more reasonable to suppose that thi s happened at t he meeting of Parli ament 1260 vi hi in , as we have pre ously assumed, and that at t s assembly he exclusively confined himself to preparations whi i ch stood in connection with the exped tion, and with the f hi s government o his kingdom during absence . Of clergy he resolved up on taking with him not fewer than t wo l of T hor il s of S t avun e r bishops, Gi bert Hamar, and g g , the former assur edly because he was likely to prove very l W usefu , from his early connection with the estern countries , hi s of u and knowledge the relations there ; f rther, the Chan

ce ll or Aska ti n T horl e if , Sira , , the abbot in the cloister at

Holm, together with many priests , clergy, and monks . It ’ was probably through Gilbert s own suggestion that durin g the equipment a letter w a s sent out by him to all the inha b it a n t s in the diocese of Hamar, wherein he charged them

s an d to pay their tithe regularly , present the bishop What w a s l due him , namely, travel ing conveyances , whilst he F I I INVAS ION O S COTLAND . compelled justices Of provi nces and freemen to support ’ l who the bishop s bead es, and punish those refused to

. w a s comply. It likewise about this time that he sent Gul d sko Halvard once more to Iceland . L e n d e rm e n The king resolved that the experienced , Gaut on sson Gi ske of J of Mel and Nicholas of , son Peter Paals s on who di 1254 , had ed in the spring of , should remain hi a s . be nd with Magnus his counsellors Otherwise , the L e n d e rm e n of t o most of the , and other men note, appear hi have accompanied the expedition . The s p in which he ” l l C hri st su d e n intended to set sai was cal ed the ; he had , i as it appears, lately caused it to be built at Bergen ent rely ’ of oak ; it was very large , with a gilded dragon s head ,

l . neck , and tai He caused it to be put into complete order w a s w When he ready there ith , he proceeded , with the

of hi s greater portion fleet, to Eidsvaag, and then came ll back again to town himself, where he sti remained a few

l for H e r dle -Vo days ; thereafter he sai ed er, where the whole of fleet collected and waited for wind , with the exception a t few commanders who had not yet finished their ou fits .

Some time before he left Bergen, he had sent before

R a n vald Urka in Iv ar sson hand Lenderman g , Erl g , the A Nikol a sson aforesaid ndrew , Halvard Rand, and several su others , with eight ships , for the purpose , it appears , of p n porting King Magnus in the Isle of Man, and stimulati g hi s zeal . They lay becalmed outside on the ocean for a time ,

Without being able to get wind , and were actually later than r the fi st squadron in starting . They nevertheless proceeded B a all the faster when they at length got a fair Wind . gn vald certainl y did not proceed farther than the Orkneys

o with several of his Ships , as he had parted c mpany from 12 THE NORWEGIAN

D n rast the others at sea ; but the latter sailed through y , an d south of Shetland , past Barroe Frith , saw no land

se - S ul e ske r before they came to the called , a naked cliff a short distance westward of the Orkneys . From thence — they steered by Di urn e ss towards the north west coast of f — Scotland, ef ected a landing there demolished a castle , — the garrison of which fl e d burned about twenty farm

o t o h uses , and from there sailed the South Islands, where in i they found K g Magnus . Th s was the first armed move wa r ment which , during this , was made from the Norwegian

Side . or INVAS ION SCOTLAND . 13

CHAP TER II .

’ — Kin g H aak on s fl e et an d it s crew A nxiety in E n glan d on accoun t ofhis

threa tened approa ch .

T H E fleet which King H aakon had now collected in H e r dl e Ve e r must have been extremely powerful and splendi d to

T hor d ssoe n who di d behold . Sturla , perhaps not himself se e a on the fleet ssembled , but had conversed with many the subj ect who could give the most lively description about R a vnsm ua l R av e n sm e al it, describes it in a poem called ( ) ” in glowing colours . The invincible hosts , says he , went in search of the glorious brave king from the settlem ents of

n l i he r e hi s i Fi and , wh lst the waves of the ocean gallant sh p from the river Got a ; n o prince ever saw on on e spot so man y armed men assembled ; the noble king could compass

of w - i the coasts the country ith war sh ps and shields . Oges fire (gold) beamed upon the renowned ruler from these well

se a - equipped horses, which were destined to ride over the ’ of waves the ocean . The sword s beaming sun shone from An d the magnificent barks upon the certain victor . soon i n l they were sai ing order, and the beautiful fleet proceeded out t o s e a . Gold glanced against the clear heavens from the bright Shields fastened round the Ships ; the passage of ’ the m un ifi ce n t prince s fleet ofshi ps over the se a was as a ” t ofl i d s reak ghtning. Ju ging from the extravagant lan

of n o t o guage the poet, there is reason doubt that the

on equipment must have been a grand scale , and very 14 T H E NORWEGIAN

hi posing. It is not mentioned how many s ps the king took with him from Norway, but it is related at a subsequent peri od that when the whole fleet assembled at the South 120 Islands , there were more than ships, and of these some of great size and largely manned . The statement that this fleet wa s larger and more powerful than any other that had sailed from Norway scarcely accords wi th what is related elsewhere ; for the fleet which King Harold S igurdsson con v e e d n ll n y to Engla d must have been sti larger, as it co sisted O 24 0 hi hi f s ps, besides galleys and transport s ps ; but over ’ i i on against th s , it is probable that King Haakon s sh ps , an ’

i n . average , were larger and heav er man ed than Harold s F or dun who l The Scotch historian, , usual y is pretty correct hi s of ri o f in observations that pe od , gives the number ’ 160 of Haakon s ships at , and the number warriors at This estimate agrees well with and is therefore certai nl y true; but there were then upon an average

' 125 hi whi ch m ust a s men in every s p , be looked upon an l W o of unusual y heavy crew, hen it is c nsidered that many the i w a s Sh ps were transport vessels . The number of the people ’ accordingly at thi s time about as great as in King Harold s m of w a s expedition , only the nu ber ships somewhat less .

In any case , the equipments were so extensive that they scarcely appeared to stand in any just proportion to the cause of the war and the purpose held out. One cannot otherwise than suppose that there were deeper and more capacious designs at bottom . The invitation , which we in ll se e i v t o the sequel wi , g en by the Irish King Haakon for di assistance against the English , and the rea ness with which a i King Ha kon listened to their pet tion, provided circum ’ T he S a a or o s o of a a on s n g , p etic hi t ry H k re ig .

16 THE NORWEGIAN

o composed, left Norway with the brightest h pes, and in happiest humour. Concerning the outfit of the expedition it is said "

H e r ships a n d s ta lw a rt sea m en ’ N o w a s n s a t t h e n s om m a n r y e d ki g c d, W h o goes t o fi ght for hi s kin gly right

T o the isla n ds a roun d S co tl a n d . ’ T he su mm on s speeds rou n d N orw a y s shores

T o su a s ca n a sw o ch c rry rd , The you th a lo n e a r e excu sed t o com e

o T o follow their liege l rd . The outset from Bergen is thus described "

t o om B n ow n S o they se f rth fr erge t , F rom B ergen b ridge d i d sa il ;

b a n n b u s a ou t t o w The er l e pre d vie ,

T h e sil k sa il ca ught t h e ga le .

A l a o ut om B n ow n s they y fr erge t ,

A n d om t h e b a glided fr y , Crow ds on the pier shed m a n y a tea r w F or th ose w h o w en t fa r a a y . ’ l On board the king s ship especial y were chosen men , m of amon g whom were any men distinction . Tradition r e lates the pri ncipal of them ; but as they are n ot named before

n or afterwards , and consequently one can ot know more con d o cerning them, we not think it necessary to communicate

IVe f o m the dry list of names . name only a e w f the ore

A T horl e if o renowned . In the forehold was bbot , Chancell r

Askat i n r — Asl ak Gus , with several cle g y, Stall master , and " s S i h vat B od va rsson several others in the econd hold, g , hor il s S kar d e s oo on brother of T g , who t k part in the expediti , ’ w a s ul d and a partic ar favourite with the king ; Erik , Dugal s s on H oskuld Odd sson , whom we have already mentioned ; ,

T he S ag a . 1 1 NVASION O F SCOTLAND . 7

who is afterwards mentioned as a very trustworthy man ,

o " t he so - l o t gether with some priests in cal ed third h ld, Lenderman B ry nj ul f Jon sson and Lenderman (F e hi rd e n ) ’ A Pl t t s of " ndrew y , besides ome the king s retainers in the stern there were several boatmen. On the average there

- were four men in every half hold or side . If, accordingly, w a s n the ship , as one must suppose, fur ished with thirty

s or - fi v e of seat on each Side , at least twenty , the number the people in the e ar compartment was about 24 0 add to these the number in the forehold rowing compartment ; the crew accordingly was on the w hole over 300 men . The

L e n d e rm e n who A w accompanied the king were , besides ndre

Pl tt B r n ulf on sson Ga ut ss on of y and y j J , Finn Mel , Erling ’ Al sson of son of E rl e n d f Thornberg (sister s Duke Skule) , B H e stb oe l s t A aude , Baard of , Ei if in Nau dal , ndrew Pott,

E rl n d A m u n d Kr oe ke dau s . e g , and probably others Ivars s on A dr Nikol a sson R au d e R a n v ald Urka , n ew , Halvard , and g

s had sailed, as already stated , ome days previously . John

Drot t n i n H Asl aksson g, olbein , Nikolas Tart, and several n ot d were yet ready, and remained behin in Bergen ; but when they started they steered straight west, and got thereby an advantage over the king, and they ultimately made up with and j oined the first squadron . Nikolas

sa w a n d Tart never land until he made the Lewis, there

r j oined the fi st division ; the others parted company at sea .

of Gilb e r t sson w e The Earl Orkney, Magnus , as have stated k l . f a ready, was at that time with the ing He of ered to hi m accompany , and the king presented him with a good a s large vessel . From this it appears that there was good an understanding between him and the king as could be desir ed 18 THE NORWEGIAN

I CHAPTER I I .

’ in H o a f o m o wa —A a i n S o lan an d warl K g a akon s v y ge r N r y rriv l c t d, ike

ope rations a t C a ntir e a n d B ute.

o S e l um an n aka 5th THREE nights bef re j , and so the July , — King Haakon sailed ou t from B erdle Voe r with a large por n tion of his fleet. The wi d was favourable, the weather fine, A t w o and the fleet, it was said, was a splendid Sight . fter ’ of hi days sail the most the S ps already approached Shetland , where King Haakon r e m a I n e d lyi ng nearly fourteen days in hi t o Bressa Sound , near Lerwick, c efly, as one may presume , hi li n wait for the Ships w ch had not arrived, or had, in sai g , separated from the fleet ; but he also reinforced himself with hi d n men and s ps from Shetlan Here, in Bressa Sou d, came

L an li v sson L d e roe rm John g , from ( y ) the Isle of Man , and likewise brought with hi m such men skil ful in the naviga

’ tion of those seas a s he coul d obtain . He also brought ll e E o an A hi s inte ig nce that g of rgyll had changed mind , l t o h i E o an hi and sworn al egiance t e Scott sh king . g had t s

hi s o l already long in mind, as we know but the king w u d

of not believe it before he had personally become satisfied it. i t o From Bressa Sound the k ng sailed south Orkney, where

E lli d oe v e k E lw e ck he lay with his fleet at , the present , at C ha w e n se r . p y , straight over against Ki k all Here again he lay l he some days , and held a counci of war as to t way in which the attack upon Scotland should be directed . His plan was to d m t wo ivide the ar y into parts , and to send immediately the r 19 INVAS ION o SCOTLAND .

i di r least division , consist ng mostly of the expe tiona y troops , to (B r e id a fi ort h) . t he Murray F rith to ravage (b e r r y) the east of he hi w Side Scotland , whilst mself, ith a great expected — fleet of n ot yet arrived ships the res t ofthe large ships and i — ul the Orkney sh ps sho d proceed to the islands in the South . But when thi s became known to the troops the peasants ari d expeditionary soldiers declared that they would on no account proceed un l ess the king were with them; An d great assuredl y his authority over them was n ot but he

so must acquiesce thereto , as entirely to abandon a not ill

d n devised plan . This save the Scottish ki g from a great ’ s 29th l i danger. St. Olaf Day ( Ju y) came in th s year upon a Sunday ; the king on this occasion caused a high mass to e be held in a t nt erected upon the land , and entertained the e on he a r d i i common peopl afterwards his sh p . Wh le he lay R a n vald Urka who here g arrived , , as has before been men t i on e d on w a , had become separated from the rest the y from w Nor ay, and had arrived at one of the remote islands among who di the Orkneys . He now j oined the king, , imme ately ’

. B lw k urn e ssm ul l . s e c D after St Olaf Day, sailed from , passed

R on ald sa vi z . to y , where he remained for some days , , to St or 10t h A l Lawrence Day, the ugust . Partly this was al owed in order to wait till the Orkneys were ready w ith their pre

ar a t i on s ri p , and partly in order to exact cont butions from n A in Caithness , which, by submitti g to lexander and giv g

n f w . him hostages , had evi ced itsel hostile to Nor ay He sent t o people over Caithness , and let the inhabitants know that he ordained them to yield a contribution by no means in con si d e ra b l e mi that if they sub tted to him , and cleared them ul selves , they sho d enjoy peace ; if not, they might expect to i o C a ithn e ssi an s see the r territ ry ravaged . The immediately 20 THE N ORWEGIAN

betook to clear themselves , and King Haakon appointed

o hi s men to receive the demanded c ntribution , w ch consi ted principally of cattle and other provi sions . One can scarcely presume that this happened without the king havin g first

i so o consulted with the r former lord , Magnus Earl ; al with ut

o or his c nsent even his wish. The earl was also irritated at the C ait hn e ssi a n s becaus e they had s e t their homage to the

s n u Scotti h ki g higher than their d ty to him . Meanwhile they had s carcely thought much about duty or devoted

s b ow ne s , but merely to before superior force, and the same

n ow An d o n took place . one cann t but exceedi gly lament the condi tio n of the unfortunate people who l a y between t w o s o o t o i r ho tile powers , and c uld nly choose violate the

i ow n or s subj ection to the r ruler, the king , lay them elves ou t ri o d . with their imme iate supe r , the earl From the

s n ow t o i circum tance that they yielded cry ng necessity, and only sought to save their country from being ravaged he r es o b r e a d e s o and burned ( j g ) , and themselves fr m being d t o o n abused , by yiel ing a contribution the N rwegian ki g, King Alexander afterwards took occasion to send an army

t o o on their necks , ext rt from them the severest demands ,

s ri t he i as in the sequel hall be seen . Du ng time K ng Haakon lay in R on ald sa y there took place an ecli pse of the su n se - —o , of the called ring f rmed description . Modern cal cula t i on s have shown that this eclipse took place the 5t h

A 1263 n 1 . P . M 4 0 . ugust, , about h . m , and was exactly ri g

i n of n l n e formed the latitude R o a d say . This is o of many ’ a Ki i i s proofs how accur te ng Haakon s h story , and it at t he o same time serves , if it were necessary , to rem ve every shadow of doubt concerning the year in which ’

se t . Haakon s expedition forth On St. Lawrence Day I V I F 2 N AS ON O S COTLAND . 1

( l ot h August) Haakon sailed from R on aldsay . He had heard that John Dr ot t ni n g and Kolb e in Aslaksson had arrived at the islands to the south with the shi ps which H — at his leaving e r dl e Voer lay behi nd at Bergen . It may have been this intelligence , with what he had heard of ’ E o a n s e ld hi m g defaulture (afi ) , which determined to press forward— for the Orkneys were not yet ready with their preparations ; and he therefore enj oined them, as well as the " ear , to follow as fast as possible. The wind must have

for been exceedingly good , the same day the king sailed by

H va rv . , the present Cape Wrath Thereafter he sailed the L i odhuu s following day over to (Lewis) , and then , likely the 12t h A R aun oe rn e day after (the ugust) , to (Rona and Raasa) , ‘ to the east of Skye , in the sound betwixt Skye and the

. Ke rl e n a r mainland , where he lay at a small harbour called g

or i s ll - Stein, , as it now called , Cai each stone . Here King nn him Magnus of Ma came to , and in his suite the before

E rl e n d I v a rsson A w ikola sson mentioned chiefs , , ndre N , Hal B N vard aude, and ikolas Tart. From this sound the king steered to Mylar Sound , or the sound betwixt Mull and

who Morven . On the way King Dugald met him , came

- in in a swift sailing small vessel, and requested the k g to l w fol o after him as fast as possible . Dugald guided the K arb a roe fleet to j (Kerrera) , where the forces he had gathered from the islands to the south lay . Here was the

of n ow t he of whole the great fleet collected , and author

S a a on e the g , or royal historian , fixes the number, with

of l - or a s another, at a hundred large wel manned ships , , the

" Scottish historians give the number, a hundred and forty w a r vessels .

n or Meanwhile the Scottish ki g , the government, left 22 THE NORWEGIAN

hi i not ng undone to complete the r arrangements for defence . The garrisons in most town s or castles where an attack from the fleet was particularly expected became strengthened , i fi the fort fications made suf cient, and the supply of arms

A r increased , as at Inverness, on the Murray Frith , and at y

- i of and Wigton , at the south west extrem ty the country ; r i besides Sti l ng, though it lay towards the east, was not on nl neglected , since the land this border is o y a small way from the west coast . Ships of war, as fast as might be, ll A r were built and co ected . The castle at y appears espe ci al l t o om t y have been the chief p for preparations . Here of ships were built, a large store provisions purchased in, or o r , without m re ado , taken f om the inhabitants in the di n t o surroun g country, compensation be given afterwards ;

n of proj ectile machi es were erected , and many hundreds ball s were cast ; likewise a constant outlook ( fa d/rig) was R kept for the Norway fleet. emarkably enough, the bur

of A r o gesses y refused to perf rm service in the castle , W of M although the sheriff ( alter, Earl onteith) requested ’ them thereto by the king s express command . He must

oul S O carry back word that they c d not be induced to do , 12 di s and in their stead he hired 0 sol ers . Thi is so much ’ i A the more remarkable as the town , by K ng lexander s ill forefather, W iam , had its lands given to it on the express di ul con tion that they sho d defend the castle . But either ’ the bur gesses terror for the powerful Northern fleet was so great that they saw their safety in nothi ng else than keeping aloof from all hostile demonstration s ; or they may have

i hi s al resisted the Scottish k ng, or rather courtiers, c led the hostil e party. There went subsequently a report that a portion of discontented Scottish men of in fluence had

24 THE NORWEGIAN

who r had al eady, at an earlier period, had recourse to arms , s m e n for and lain many , which he was declared an outlaw in Scotland. He presented himself before King Haakon with his two brothers , gave him his hand, and swore the f oath o fidelity. One can thus scarcely doubt that he at least was on e of the discontented who had written t o

o o Haak n . Who knows , theref re but Magnus Earl may have o s l br ught over many imi ar letters . The diplomatic negoti a t i on s w , and other ritten communications which either pre

or n ceded accompanied the expedition , are o ly touched upon most sparingly and superficiall y both in our hi stori es and by r the Scottish w iters ; and as the despatches themselves are , for l e st the most part , we can only conj ecture from some n hi ts and indications . We know further, that the Scottish or king, his commanders upon this coast, had reinforced the of A Islands rran and Bute , and had placed a garrison in on e so on e Rothesay Castle , with also , far as can conj ecture , — in on e of the towns to the s outh upon Cantire probably

D n av e rt i s o y . But th may have also happened at the same time with the before - mentioned attack upon Skye the year

re vrou s p . From Kerrera King Haa kon made his arrangements to commence hostilities simultaneously in many places . He a n d allowed fifty ships , under Kings Dugald Magnus , Bry n &c of ulf on sson . j J , , to proceed to the adjacent coast Cantire

E rl e n d R a u d e to ravage it ; fifteen Ships he sent under , ik l ss n t o A o a o &c . ndrew N , , south round Cantire to Bute , take possession of the island ; himself with the remaining ’ t o Gi ha Gud oe n portion proceeded south g ( , or God s isla d) , i l straight west from Cant re , and laid himse f up here wi thout yet, it is allowed, undertaking anything, but 25 INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND .

n ffi only waiti g to know what e cacy these attacks would have . It is unmistakable that his obj ect in permitting this great

t o i force to proceed Cant re coast, and to ravage both it di ri of and the nearest st ct Knapdale , was in particular to

- strike terror into the before mentioned Lord of Cantire, and compel him t o subj ection " thereupon he hoped that E ogan ofA rgyll, whose possessions in Lorn adjoined these coun l b e hi s tries , shou d thereby brought to enter into previous An d so E o a n homage to the Norway crown . in truth g pre sented himself before the king, having first proceeded on ’ T hor il s board Bishop g ship , and probably placed himself under his protection ; but it was onl y to renounce his an d t o t o homage to the king , pray him take back the n ow grants or infeftments he had bestowed , as he had sworn

o Ki A fidelity t ng lexander. Haakon desired him to bethink hi i mself, and kept him w th him an hour, in the hope that

E o a n he might gain him to compliance , but in vain . g said that he had now greater grants in Scotland than in Norway,

li a r) sli and therefore wil ngly gave up (g p ) the latter, with d which he bade the king o as he pleased . Many sought to ai raise the worst opinions ag nst him with the king , but it w a s n o n E o a n of use , for he must have k own that g at least nl of acted ope y and honestly, and , to judge his relations of after the manner the times , had upon the whole the right upon his side . Thereafter there came a message from King Murchard A Dugald , that and ngus of Cantire had given hi m permission to mention that they would submit t o King

i osse ssron s Haakon , and g ve up to him their p , if these might n n be spared from bei g plundered . The ki g bade answer , that he should stop plundering till next day at noon ; but that in the meantime they must present themselves in per E 26 THE NORWEGIAN

son ni r . They came the following mor ng , surrendered thei mi lands, swore fealty , gave hostages , whereupon he pro sed l them that they shou d be included in a treaty of peace , if on e such should come into existence with the Scottish king . i This was necessary, because otherw se it would be over w s ith their sons, whom they had p laced as hostage with the Scottis h king " this circumstance also was the cause ill that they remained t the last, before they took any n i step to subj ect themselves to Kin g Haako . The k ng An gave back Islay to gus , but as a Norwegian infeftment ; and Mu r char d in li ke mann er retained hi s portion of Can

i . r di d t re But they, or at least thei subj ects, not escape a heavy contribution , viz . , head of cattle ; and over m t and above , so e of the par ies who had been sent to l i ravage the district had actua ly commenced hostil ties ,

r of bu ned the nearest houses , and Slain some the people. They were just on the eve to proceed to spoil the chief town when there came a message from the kin g that they should s on discontinue ho tilities , the ground that the lords of the

mi . district had sub tted They dared not do other but obey, but expressed much discontent thus to be robbed of the of prospect acquiring a rich booty. The boot y they had On acquired they carried board, and stood away afterwards

i of Gi ha to the ch ef rendezvous the fleet at g . The Scottish knight who govern ed in the southmost town of Cantire t o hi dared not wait a siege , but betook mself in person t o s hi the king, and expre sed mself ready to surrender it. The ri king delivered it over to be gar soned by some Northmen , o Gu t orm B kkakolf under the c mmand of h a . In like manner

A of n on the bbot of the Cistercian monastery Sa dal , the east

ofC f r side antire, had recourse to the king , and prayed o a S 2 INVA ION OF SCOTLAND . 7

wi written protection for his monastery, th what thereto hi belonged, w ch request the king instantly granted . Imme d i a t e l - k y after this, the already mentioned Dominican mon , i di Sunan , who accompanied the king upon th s expe tion,

n died, after a lengthe ed illness , and his body was interred of in the church the monastery, and the monks laid a con

s e cr at e d hi s . carpet over grave , signifying that it was holy n ow The king sent, as the wind was less favourable for s An large hips , drew Pott with a portion of the smaller quick

f r f o w a t o o . sailing vessels , hasten the conquest Rothesay w a A But on the y ndrew met some who came therefrom , and mentioned that the garrison of the castle had u of Am s rrendered on condition a free egress . ongst the conquerors was the before - mentioned R uai dhr i on who insisted havi ng a title to Bute . When the with

r on drawing gar ison were come to a certain place the road, ‘ M R or ni n y set after them , came up to them , and slew e of " them , for he said that he , for his part, had promised no

. on e s e e i forbearance So far as can , th s wickedness was not punished as it merited to be on the contrary, Haakon

‘ m of MR or subsequently ade a grant Bute to y . From nl this island , which lies quite close upon the mai and , and commands the entrance to the Frith of Clyde , the Northmen a made a w rlike expedition inland , and burned many towns

‘ ll MR or . a and vi ages y fought for his own h nd, and exe cut e d much more extensive desolations than the Northm en . i n Gi ha Whilst the k g lay at g , from which there is only a short Space to the Irish north coast, there came a deputation t o who him from the Irish , stated that they were ready to deliver themselves up t o him if he woul d come and free ’ them from England s oppressive tyranny . The immediate 28 T HE NoRWE GI AN

t o i circumstances in regard th s matter are not known ; as, for instance, from what district of Ireland this invitation s came, or how far anything special had at thi time happened in that country to give occasion thereto . But it only needs to be known that the Irish at all times hated the Engli sh

n t o off domination , and wished for nothi g more than cast i its yoke, to render it probable that the very intell gence that the powerful ki ng ofthe North w a s arrived with a consider able fleet to fight again st the son - in - law of t lie English s overeign was occasion sufficient for them to build all kinds — ofhope upon it so much the more as they knew that the t o Northern kings had , at an earlier period , sought conquer ’ possessions in Ireland ; and in particular King Haakon s pre s ent expedition must have awakened a lively remembrance ’ ’ ofMagnus Barefoot s (B arfod s) expedition a hundred years before . But we must not entertain the conj ecture for a moment that it was the descen dants of the E a st m e n (the h w o . Saxons) thus applied to him These , residenters in w of to ns for the most part, and in point nationality more connected with the English than the Irish, may, it is probable , in the hundred years which had succeeded the

of conquest Dublin , have in a great degree coalesced with the English ; and it is by no means probable that they shoul d ’ n e have invoked Haakon s help agai st the English, ven had

s o t they dared to do . It must have been the par icularly zealous descendants of the old se - call ed kings of the ’ ’ i O L o hl e n or O Ne ill a r . g races, or of others of th t desc ption k i fi The ing l stened to their invitation, and sent at rst a man of d ri the islan s in the South (a Heb des man) , by name

i - Sigurd, over to Ireland w th some swift sailing war vessels , t o for to hold closer relations , and hear what the Irish had or S INVASION COTLAND . 29

k h thi hi propose to him . That the ing c ose s Sigurd , w ch could scarcely have been on any other ground than because, n bei g a Hebrides man, he understood the Irish language ,

r confi ms that it was the native Irish , not the Saxons o di E a st m e n who n . ( ) , had appr ached the ki g Imme ately after, the king, with his whole fleet, sailed south past of the southernmost point Cantire (Moul of Cantire) , and A lay in towards the large Island of rran , which appears to have been one ofthose that the Scottish kin g had taken into his possession, but which Haakon now, so far as one can

i case conj ecture , conquered w th great , if it were not already conquered by the same squadron which had been sent forward to Bute . On this occasion the whole Norwegian fleet showed itself before the previously- mentioned town of A r n " H e r oe s un d y , but without landi g it anchored at , or a

A n t o - l sound at rra , by which is be understood the now cal ed ’ ml or A harbour of La ash, the bay between rran s east coast ’ — n n as w and the close lyi g little isla d , St . M lin s Island , hich

Mal a soe our forefathers called , which name is now changed to Lamlash . From Arran the king afterwards lay in to

Bute . ik i Herewith ended warl e undertak ngs for the first, and n the Northern fleet remained a long time lying i active . n i For as soon as it had shown itself inside of Ca t re, and

h A r i who anc ored at r an , the Scottish k ng , must have been in the neighbourhood with his army, opened negotiations . ’ The sight of King Haakon s powerful fleet here at the

t o of entrance the Frith Clyde, where it commanded the of x whole it, must have awakened his an iety. He sent, it is n said , one embassage after another, consisti g partly of Do mi n i ca n r t t o ha ndle for , pa ly of Franciscan , friars , treat ( ) 30 THE NORWEGIAN

l willi peace . King Haakon showed himse f not un ng thereto ;

o w w a s and the first step he t ok with this vie , whilst he A E o an A ll yet lay at rran, that he gave g of rgy , whom up o to this time he detained beside him , permission to g hi m on forth in peace , and presented with gifts , condition that he shoul d do all that s tood in hi s power to establish r . E o an hi peace g p omised it, and pledged mself to present himself before Haakon whenever he shoul d send him word . No on e appeared to have been better fitted for a mediator

E o a n r e - than g , who had the greatest interest to establish i o hi s peace , as thereby he m ght h ld possessions under both crowns . Nothing, however, is mentioned that he aecom li she d p . It may have been by his operation that a truce was concluded which shoul d be in force until it w a s renounced

l s by either of the parties . The kings mutual y tran mitted or to each other a peace truce ratification, which , on the U hi renunciation, should be sent back . pon t s King Haakon forthwi th dispatched from Arran a form al embassage t o K Al ing exander, consisting of Bishop Gilbert of Hamar, An Nikol a sson A dr Pl tt Bishop Henry of Orkney, drew , n ew y , l n Al and Pau Sure . These fou d exander in the market w A Nora r r . to n of , or New y He took very friendly m towards the , and expressed the greatest willingness to n e ter into a treaty, but said that he must first consult with his most trustworthy men upon the immediate con dit i on s , and when this had taken place he Should imme di at e l y communicate with King Haakon . The day after

came the ambassadors of the Scottish ki ng . King Haakon laid before them a wri tten specification of all the places

on of i the west Scotland wh ch he claimed to himself, and

s which appear to have been island , with few exceptions .

32 THE NORWEGIAN

’ nl b ni on s f i and , Kil ir e , at which, Haakon behal , were pre on sent bishops and noblemen, and the Scottish side , a s A mul titude of knight and monks . lengthened discussion ensued, back and forward , without coming to any agreement ; and when the day closed there assembled so un rul y a mul t it ud c of people from the neighbourhood of the place where n o the meeting was held , that the Northern ambassadors longer considered themselves to be safe , but set forth to

n i n the ships , and went back to Ki g Haakon , stat g to him

r how it went with them . Then the majority u g ed the l king, to renounce the truce and commence hosti ities anew, so much the more as they began alr eady to suffer from the of d uri n ri of want provisions, as g all this pe od inactivity

on e they could not plunder. The king therefore sent of f K olb e in t o his o ficers, by name Ridder, the Scottish l king, to carry back his truce stipu ation , and to ask King ’ t o Haakon s in return, and at the same time propose hi m that they shoul d meet with their whole forces upon both sides , and first speak face to face with their l if best counsel ors present, in order, possible , to estab if n ot lish a treaty , but this was successful , to give a K l i n . W o b e battle, and let God decide the victory hen Al communicated this proposal to King exander, he said that he was not disinclined t o give battle t o King At Haakon , yet he gave no decided declaration . length K olb e i n i became weary with waiting, del vered King Al ’ ’ exander s stipulation , received King Haakon s in return , and came back to King Haakon . Thus was the truce broken ; and that Kolb e i n might suffer n o molestation on i t o his return , the Scottish king appo nted two monks con hi m Kolb e in t o duct . reported King Haakon how it went F INVASION O SCOTLAND .

w hi m E o a n A ith , and added that g of rgyll had urgently A or hm counselled King lexander to fight with the N t e n .

s s King Haakon became very vexed at all the e subterfuge , and bade the monks on their return salute their king, and

hi s n i that he Should soon prove stre gth w th him . 34 THE N ORWEGIAN

CHAPTER IV.

— f l a —A s e e H ostilitie s re com men ce C ountry aroun d th e Frith o C lyde pil ged ev r ’ — fl e e t —E n oun e a t a s n storm d oe s gre a t da m age t o H a akon s c t r L rg Ki g ’ I l a akon s re turn t o t he Orkn e ys.

KING Haakon accordi ngly proceeded to renew hostilities ,

s o and sent n ot le s than sixty ships, partly N rsk , partly

o of i bel onging to the S uth Islands , under command K ng r A A of Mur cha rd of Dugald , his brothe llan, ngus Islay , and

Vi l e ik Pr ov st e si n H e lm Cantire, together with g and Ivar , t o Loch Lon g t o pil lage the fertile district between the hi s n Clyde and the Forth, w l t he himself was prepari g to ff i di e ect a landing at Largs , and meet the ch ef vision of — l the Scotch army . The above mentioned leaders sai ed into

r t o Loch Long, and caused thei boats be carried over the narrow di strict of Tarbet to the northernmost part of Loch f or a o . Lomond , in the country e rldom Lennox This l h s in and lake, wit its many well cultivated i lands and il s of sm ing shores , has always been e teemed one the

i n prettiest parts Scotland, and indeed at that period the whole neighbourhoo d was under good culture and well

. s peopled This district now suffered great oppres ion, as the Norwegians and South Islanders laid waste n ot only

of the islands, but also all the settlements on the borders

‘ A l M R ua i dhi i the lake , with fire and sword , and l an , ’ s a ll hi Dugald s brother, ran acked t s narrow part of Scotland of to the other side , killed a number people, took several 5 INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 3 h of w undred head cattle , and exercised other ise much violence . It was accordin gly not without reason that steps had been taken to strengthen the garrison of Stirling, although hi d i t s town lies on the east si e , w thin the Frith of Forth ; and possibly it was this garrison which alone prevented All hi s t o At an from prosecuting march Edinburgh . length o h the Northmen retired t their s ips . Hereupon they were

‘ t n r over ake by a severe sto m, the same which the chief o hi 1st squadron enc untered, and w ch raged for two days ( 2d t he ul w and October) , partic ars of hich shall be noted below; Not less than ten ships were driven ashore and At of wrecked . the same time one their commanders (Ivar

H e lm) took suddenl y ill and died . All an succeeded in reach i n wi ri gthe ships th the plundered cattle , which he dist buted m equally between the North en and South Islanders . It was now just shortly after the time of the equi hi nox, and the autumn storms, w ch the Scotch so much t longed for, had already commenced . On the Monday af er d Michaelmas , which had fallen upon a Satur ay, a severe

C um b r a e storm , accompanied by rain showers , arose at , l st where the chief squadron lay ( October) . It commenced l . A during the night, long before day ight large transport ’ off came driving towards the king s ship , knocked her

- e ll fi ure t . a g head , and g fast in her anchor cable In haste on ul the crew were summoned , threw their clothes , and ha ed ’ the yards down . The king caused the transport s cable

t o . be cut, when she got clear, and drove towards the island On board the king’s ship they were compell ed to lie the

s As of W . remainder the night ithout yard it dawned , and the flood began to make , the wind changed and the trans 36 THE NORWE GIAN

s of port drove toward the land , and grounded . One the shi s of i s s p the l ne, as also a provi ion ship , drove on hore . ’ s o l i hi wa s dr The t rm sti l increased , and the k ng s s p iving

s o n o s with five anchor d w , when he c nsidered it advi able to

s t o for ake her. He accordingly caused himself be rowed o i hi s ri ver to the island in a boat, w th p ests and clergy, n ul and sa g mass for themselves , as no human power co d

of render assistance . The most them believed that there was witchcraft in the matter, and that the Scotch had ’ l . i s invoked the storm upon them The king s Sh p drove til , he ld and did not before the eighth anchor was let go . The

al r other ships so began to d ive . Several of them had to cut away their masts to save them from becomin g wrecks ; of dr h five them ove towards the Shore, t ree of which stuck of s s fast . The crews these found them elve now in a very t u hi doub f l position . The Scotch c ef division of the army f was not far o f. hi From a tradition in that part of the country, w ch e seems perfectly authentic, the army had encamp d at a ll l hi w place ca ed Camphil , on the ghway hich leads from

Kil birni e to Largs . From the low shore at Largs the s land rises pretty steep , and further on towards the ea t hi ul are considerable heights, from w ch the Scotch co d par t i cul arly well observe all the movements of the Nor wegi an As i o fleet . soon as they not ced that the ships dr ve towards the land and grounded , they sent a number of the light troops down to the beach t o take possession of t o the stranded Ships . The Scotch began shoot upon these . The Northmen who were on board defended themselves as well as they coul d " a number ascended the large trans port and defended themselves from her. The Scotch 37 I NVAS I ON OF SCOTLAND .

l , sought to m ake short work of it. Only a few were kil ed m but man y w ere wounded When King Haakon fro the

sa w mi m island the extre ty of his men , and that the stor had likewise somewhat abated, he sent them assistance in his ’ o wn l ship s boat, as wel as in several other boats, and repaired ’ t o hi s T horl an w ship again , along with g Bose , in a cox ain s

. boat . This timely assistance saved the Northmen The w Scotch speedily took to flight, and the Nor egians could on that account spend the night on shore . On the follow

n 2d ing morni g (Tuesday, the October) , at dawn, the king of commanded the crew his own ship , as well as a part of . the others , to arm themselves and row in towards the land, in order to save the transport, and bring her precious ll i t o cargo into safety . He fo owed h mself, inspect the w Ork L e n d e r m e n A m un d , and was accompanied by , g

Kr oke dan s A Nikol a sson n Alfsson A , ndrew , Erli g , ndrew

E rl e n d R au d e T horl an . Pott, , g Bose , and Paul Sure When they reached the transport they di scovered that the Scotch

n had been there duri g the night, and plundered a great deal " the remainder was now discharged into boats . But before they had full y accompli shed the task they descried so the Scotch army approaching. It was great that every one fancied Ki ng Al exander himself to be there . How far this really was the case is not to be gathered from the

so n Scottish records ; much , however , we lear , that the real commander of the Scots army was Al exander of ’ r W Dundonald , Scotland s Stewa t, grandfather to the alter who of Stewart , or Stuart, , by marrying a daughter King

t w a s of . Rober Bruce, progenitor of the royal House Stuart It is estimated that the Scotch had about 600 horse s men , whose horses were furnished with cuirasses ; ome 38 THE NORWEGIAN

s - s s " were even Spani h war hor e , wholly clad with armour

s of w be ides they had a large number infantry , ell armed , l out a n d thr usts principal y with bows and Irish spears ( ) . The total number of the Northm en might have been 24 0 A m un d Kr oke d a n s men , of which , under g , had o ccupied on e of the neighbouri ng heights " the remain

s K der stood down upon the andy beach . ing Haakon t o intended lead his people himself, but they would on no hi m account see exposed to such danger, and he contented

t o s himself therefore return to the ship , under lee of the

who o island . The Scotch, pr bably approached by the o e o s c untry road , b t ok themselves first toward the height

A mun d Kr oke d an s s A Nikola sson where g tood . ndrew , wh o w a s of afraid the little band getting surrounded , has t o A m un d him tened the height to g , and advised to retreat

hi s to the others, but to do so in order, and not allow hi hi people to spread themselves ther and t ther as fugitives .

o Agm un d obeyed his advice . The N rthmen withdrew d backwards from the height, and efended themselves as

s s well as they could with their shield from the Scot , who of pressed hard upon them with a volley stones, but the further they advanced down hill the quicker was their

so on haste , that those who stood down the plain believed that they fled . Thereupon a sudden fear seized the latter " they fled to the boats to get out of the way as fast as A possible , even Lenderman ndrew Pott sprang in haste off l over two boats into a third , and pushed from the and .

ri l o The others c ed to them that they shou d return, but nly a few obeyed the summons , and the boats getting over fi ll e d of , several them swamped , and many people were w who dro ned . Those did not betake themselves to the

4 0 THE NORWEGIAN ships ; but Eil if renewed the struggle wi th the greatest

o i o bravery ; so that even the ther Northmen, who h thert had been exposed to a superior force , took fresh courage , and the

s Scot were gradually driven back, first to the heights, then u t l t o f r her, unti they at length completely took flight, and

i ll s hi repa red to the hi s , where each ought to save mself as l s best he cou d . They did not either, as it seem , make any further attempts to revenge the defeat and capture the r stranded ships, notwithstanding that the No thmen , after

s i oul the battle , betook themselves to the h ps , which they c d only reach with difli cul ty on account of the storm . On

" the following morning the king sen t his people in to the

of t o country to bring the bodies the fallen , which appears have been done wi thout the Northmen even being m olested in the least degree . It now appeared that the defeated Scotch army had com l e t e l l p y forsaken the country. The intel igence had probably arri ved of t he other Norwegian division having landed in ’ nn All r i l Le ox , and of an s march to Sti l ng , which might wel have had the effect ‘of making it necessary for the com manders to come to the res cue of that sorely- visited part of

' the country as so on as possible ; and accordingly they has w a tened thither by y of Paisley and Glasgow . The king u caused the fallen to be bro ght to the church and buried , l . m probably upon Bute , On y the most distinguished of the

" are mentioned, besides Haakon of Stein another chaplain ,

l T hor il s Gl o a Kurl shon d a o ca led g pp ; , a farmer of s me note

ofDr on dt hi e m H allke ll from the neighbourhood , a rich far ’ mer from the Fiord and three knights attendants , who were

I on B alhov e d B a n urd called Thorstein Baat, , and Halvard j . ri i o m The Scots car ed away the bodies of the r c untry en , as INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND . 4 1

se e they fell, to the woods , so that one could not how many of l d a them had fallen. On the fol owing y (Thursday, the 4 t h n own October) the ki g weighed anchor, and lay with his hi ship under the island . The same day the division w ch had been sent to Loch Long and Loch Lomond on a pill aging di w r expe tion , and hich likewise had sustained, as al eady

d . relate , considerable damage from the storm, returned The " ri day after (F day) the weather was fine , and the king caused a few braves to row ashore, and set fire to the stranded ships . The same day he ordered the whole fleet to get out under way, and stood again towards Lamlash harbour , from whence he afterwards ordered the body of Ivar Holm , who had died on the expedition to Lennox, to be brought to

Bute and buried there . ls of Such are the detai the famous battle at Largs , i which was h ghly honourable for the Northmen , who had conquered against a force vastly superior ; but yet it was neither so important or momentous nor had the result whi ch the most of the Scottish historians have ascribed to so it. The historical information concerning it contains many internal proofs of exactness and veracit y that we ll i may fu y trust to it . It is founded upon the ev dence

- il o n of eye witnesses and participators , wh st, the other all hand, the Scottish records have been drawn up at a ll later period , and supported by imperfect chronicles fi ed

of with vague stories . On the part the Norwegians at

n ot least, it was a grand battle, only an encounter between i n a Single division and the Scotch army . The k g had f indeed suf ered severe damage by the storm , and to such hi s l an extent that people , as we have said , even be ieved that witchcraft had been brought into play ; and the G 4 2 THE NORWEGIAN

on r di Scotch, the other hand, paid homage to thei guar an l n o t o ange , the sai tly "ueen Margaret, for having c me their aid ; but however great the damage was, yet it n ot of could have been such moment in itself, for at the most there were onl y four Shi ps wholl y destroyed ; the h f l ot ers may have suf ered considerably, but were stil safe , l or and on y a small part of the crews was slain , lost their lives from other causes . It is therefore impossible " e hi to reconcile the statement of F rdun, That the S ps or or struck against each other, were driven ashore upon rocks, and the crews by thousands were cast into the i t s sea , and were thrown up in heaps by salt waves , whilst those who es caped unhurt to the shore were

di z o imme ately sei ed up n by the Scotch, overpowered, t o driven flight and into the sea , where they were A f drowned . mongst those thousands o Slain there was t m of also a Nor h an distinction, a relative of King o ul Haakon , a p werf and brave man , whose loss the ” king greatly lamented . If such had happened, the tradition (ballad) woul d have narrated the affair quite in another way . It would have bewailed the loss of so many brave warriors " there woul d have arisen such a lamentation a n d t error in Norway as neither bal a s l ds, annal , nor tradition could have been Silent upon . The Scots were put t o flight by a handful of North

hi s men , and King Haakon had really accomplished

o s desires . Even if the st rm and consequent de truction i l had not happened, he would certa n y soon have had r to withd aw himself, as winter was at hand . The storm had onl y the effect of causing his withdr awal somewhat

r t o hi s earlie , because his ships required refit ; and 4 INVAS ION or SCOTLAND . 3

success was therefore n ot so complete as it other wise if l would have been , , with fine weather, he cou d have i landed with all his forces, overwhelmed the Scotch k ng , and compell ed him to conclude a humiliating peace ; or ul if he co d at least have ransacked the country , acquired f extensive booty, and procured for himsel a fresh supply of hi provisions , of w ch he now stood in need , whereby he might perhaps have been in a position to prolong

his stay. His loss was however not so great as to prevent hi m from entertainin g the idea of proceedin g t F or o Ireland immediately thereafter. while he still lay i n Lamlash harbour, Sigurd , the Hebrides man, returned

with his followers from Ireland , and brought a proposal ul v from the Irish, purporting that they wo d pro ide for hi s if whole army during the approaching winter, he would m i come and deliver them fro their Engl sh oppressors . i He had a strong incl nation to do so , but his whole army were unwilling , and as the wind was unfavourable and f i l they suf ered from want of prov sions, he held a counci of war l , at which he gave notice that he wou d return s of to the Northern Islands , and even gave everal his people permission to return home to Norway. He could n ot for , however, a moment have entertained such a thought as that of proceeding to Ireland and attacking F or dun hi s the English, had he, as says , lost people by thousands . It seems even probable that he was compelled to Withdraw more from want of provisions him than from the damage the storm had caused . One can easily understand how the Scotch , who, from the ff heights , were witnesses to the e ect the storm produced upon the Northern fleet, and the consequent confusion , may 4 4 THE NORWEGIAN have represented the damage t o be greater than it reall y ik was . It might even at times have appeared l ely that ul not a Single ship wo d have been saved, and the with d ra wal ft n ot wit h of the Northmen a few days a erwards , di fir s i n stan ng their victory, con med them perhap the beli ef that the Shi ps had suffered far greater damage than in li rea ty was the case . King Haakon , as a Scotch record f asserts , said himsel that it was not human force , but the

of God l . s hand , which compel ed him to retire But thi means rather that he would ha ve conquered the Scots than the reverse ; which woul d i ndeed have come t o if hi m pass the destructive storm had not fallen upon , and he coul d onl y have commanded a return for the wi n s e t expedition before the ter in . n t h e se i Hence Ki g Haakon forsook waters as v ctor, and i s ui ru on it accordingly q te t e , that that expedition, as the

‘ l sa s h e all s hi n bal ad y , had regained the posse sions w ch Ki g

i n " Magnus Barefoot his time had conquered . He accord

i n l i g y disposed of them as he thought fit, w thout any one di R uai dhri sputing the right with him . He appointed to

ur on s Bute and M cha r d to Arran . The castle the outhern o n of i Gut horm B a kkakolf p i t Cant re , which had com of w il mand , he gave to King Dugald , hose fam y possessions

i s adj o ned . From Lamlash he proceeded the ame way as s s A he came , outhward by rran to Sandoe, and round the l t o Gi ha n of Mu l of Cantire g , and from thence to the Sou d n s 12t h 14 Islay, where he remained lyi g two night ( to th ri October) , and levied a cont bution upon the inhabitants of of 30 0 i l the Island Islay of head of cattle , to wh ch shou d of be added butter and cheese . From the Sound Islay he

T he Me l r s r o e C h on i cle . 5 INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 4

14 sailed on Sunday, the th October, northwards , but again l se a - fell in with such a heavy gale , and fogs , that only a few of the ships escaped without lo ss of sails ; n e v e rt he i n ‘ less he arrived safety at Kerrera . There he made i E o an who nquiries regarding g , , however, did not present on himself ; the contrary , the king came to know that ’ E o an s of l g men had committed pillage on the coast Mul , of s d and had slain some the inhabitants of the i lan , besides E o a n o l two or three Northmen . g had now pen y taken part wi A n o n th King lexa der . Fr m Kerrera the ki g now sailed l t o u . the Calf of M l , where he remained some days Here A l he took leave of Dugald and his brother l an , to whom he

n hi E o a n vi conveyed the possessio s w ch g had pre ously held . Ki ng Magnus of Man and the other southerners had returned of homewards at an earlier date . From the Calf Mull he

for R aun oe rn e he steered (Rona and Raasa) , where found the Shi ps lying which he had given permission t o re turn home hi w ot . to Nor ay, but w ch had not yet g farther There also lay the farmer Balte of Shetland , together with several n people whom the ki g had sent on before him to Orkney, probably for the purpose of announcing his approaching

ri . R aun oe rn e n ar val From he purposed to sail due orth , but a contrary wind compelled him to l ay in the West Frith S n i z ort (Loch ) in Skye , and remain there some days , and he had to levy contributions upon the inhabitants of the A l . t i hi island ength he got a fa r wind , w ch enabled him

to proceed farther, and get past Cape Wrath ; but soon

off Di urn e ss after, when he came , it became a calm , l which compelled him to lay in a frith, which the bal ad Goa or hi calls Frith Gj oa Frith , and w ch can scarcely

of be any other than the tolerably deep Frith Loch Eribol . 4 6 THE NORWEGIAN

Di u rn e ss It is probably this voyage by , and the calm l e ll ri which prevai ed , that the afor said ba ad desc bes, when it relates that

On rea chin g n orth t o L i n d e sn e ss

A a s e a w a s ou n pl cid f d, ’ T h e w a s s o n o a n s b a s ve did re t ce re t, ” T h e s s o o n o n hip sto d a s gr u d .

n ow The king, it is said , inquired if there were any physician or phil osopher coul d inform hi m concerning

h s b u t of t i matter, no one made reply, although Nikolas

l s Ne d arn e s n a . k ew it well, but wou d y nothing

A ( i n m a n i s i n t h e a s ly g c e,

od t h e k n om n w n G keep i g fr k o i g this .

’ foun d i t The king out himself, for the dying man was Olaf

A fi n sson rn n ill. , who had been taken violently

n o o n Ha a on The g d Ki g k grieved, A n d sore perplexed w a s h e ; ’ ’ W s a w " ri s i n s a here Ol f, here c e de p ir, ’ h m Th a t e co es n ot t o m e .

Then stra ight a page replies Ola f lies sick i n b e d ;

H i s a n a s so a s m an e r e b o p i re re, ’ N ot t o b w o l a e h l y de d .

T h e goo d Kin g Ha a kon sped

T o a w h e l a Ol f here y , Wh a t su fferes t th ou " Oh "tell m e n ow ’ H ow a s a n a " f re thy h d, I pr y

This b rea st ofm in e so sm a rt s My hea rt m ethin ks it ren ds B u t w hy com pla in for a n y pa in ’ T h e goo d Crea tor sen ds "

4 8 THE NORWEGIAN

nl n m considered an u ucky ome , and were put in i mediate ’ n i own mi i con ection with the k ng s de se , whch happened ft s not long a erwards . He mu t have been held in repute for v n hi m so bra ery and energy, as the ki g esteemed much .

li ri k It is said, at an ear er pe od, that the ing, before setting ” out from Norway, looked over all the company, and not observi ng Olaf he inquired where he was and why he did " l not accompany them, when the ittle page answered , Olaf ” ur came the very ho you called your men to battle . It is qui te possible that the whole of this little episode mi ght not perhaps have been known to the whole fleet, but was confined hi i s to a few of the s ps . There , however, scarcely room

al was s for doubt that it was a re occurrence, and at lea t ’ subsequently considered ominous . During the t wo days stay at Loch Eribol another unpleasant affair also took on un place . The king had been hearing mass S day, the ’ 28t h hi hi s , w ch was Simon and Jude s day, when people

brought a few Scots whom they had taken captive . He

gave them all their liberty, and sent them up to the heights

n in the eighbourhood, under the promise that they should l come back again with a number of cattle , and til such was on e r carried out of thei number was kept as an hostage . Later in the day ni ne men rowed ashore from one of the s s A hips to fetch water ; not long afterward a cry arose. party rowed in and sa w that the Scots had fallen upon " w their comrades as they were holly unarmed, they could t o not attempt defend themselves , and neither could they

make their escape , as the boat was drawn up . The

o ill of who Sc ts had k ed seven them , and only two , , l u ha d bad y wo nded , cast themselves into the water, were m picked up and rescued by their country en . When they 4 INVAS ION or SCOTLAND . 9

saw ort hm e n the N approach, the Scotch fled , and the North men took the bodies of their fall en comrades away with k hi them . The ing did not revenge t s deed upon the

hi m ft . hostage , but sent ashore and le him free M 29 t h On onday, the October, King Haakon made sail from Loch Eribol for the Pentland Frith . In that dangerous fri th the sea ran so high that a ship from Ryfylke foundered w h of H e stb oe d ri ith her whole crew. Jo n was ven to the hi r eastward , and had nearly become involved in a w lpool ill of b ut (the Maelstrom) which is st the dread mariners , n ow fortunately got clear, and as he had missed the islands , he steered a straight course for Norway. The king came u ofAusm un d during the night to a so nd north , probably at e s R on a ld sa Flot , and lay into the Sound of y . Here the rest hi of of the ships j oined the c ef division the fleet, except those that had already proceeded homewards to Norway (for e t some had actually g permission to sail homewards, and many proceeded without leave being granted) . The king so had expressed himself, that as soon as he had reached w a n d the Orkneys he would proceed home ards to Norway, several of his people took upon themselves the onus of As proceeding without leave . the weather had now set in boisterous, and the wind at no time commenced to blow favourably, the king resolved upon wintering at the Orkneys with twenty of hi s shi ps ; all the others ge t permission to L e n d e rm e n or go home. The ( freeholders) were commanded t o n l who remain with him , excepti g Ei if of Naustdal , had

of sailed eastwards, besides several the more distinguished w a s w men also remained with him . It not, ho ever, the stormy weather and the late season of the year alone that induced the king to winter in the Orkneys . He had H 50 THE NORWEGIAN assuredly a wi sh to be in the im mediate neighbourhood of

Scotland, in order to defend the inheritances, or, more pro hi perly, the reconquered possessions , w ch he had acquired l during the expedition , in case the Scotch king shou d d n i desire to make new conquests , possibly uri g the w nter l hi ul or early in the fol owing spring , before S ps co d come

r . on e f om Norway On the other hand, cannot suppose that it was his intention to fit out a new expedi tion to the s Al t in South Island provided King exander lef them peace, n or is there the sli ghtest mention of anyt hing of the ki nd . li o wi He had accomp shed his wish ; all the islands, al ng th i n ot hi s hi s . Cant re, now obeyed sceptre It was plan to f o i ef ect conquests, but nly to reta n what he had , and what from the time ofMagnus Barefoot legally belonged to i the Norwegian crown . It did not form part of the pol cy of that epoch to acquire possession of districts of count ri es in order afterwards only to make them available as m a te r i a l ua r a n te e s i g , and without the ntention of holding them in perpetuity . of di The object the expe tion , in the eyes of the king and r n his people , had accordingly been attained . It ce tai ly did n ot a s l occur to them to consider the expedition a fai ure , f li or the af air at Largs as a misfortune , in any other ght than that the damage and stranding of the ships occa si on e d h a heavy pecuniary loss nevert eless, the battle with hm the Scots was a complete, and , for the Nort en , very

bril liant victory. The latter woul d cert ainly have been greatly astoni shed had they been able to read what the Scotch subsequently wrote concerni ng them of their hav ing of suffered a defeat and lost thousands their men . They of knew themselves no such calamity, but esteemed them 1 INVAS ION OF SCOTLAN D . 5

who l selves as victors , had fu ly executed their plans , and left nothing more to accomplish . The king now caused letters to be written to Norway concerning the government of the country durin g hi s ’ di All - 1st absence, and imme ately after Saints Day ( Nov) , hi dl he caused his s p to be taken over to Mi and Harbour,

w . here, along with several others , it should be beached He on R on ald sa remained a day longer y, and proceeded from

i w S ca a fl ow . thence to K rkwall , ithout doubt crossing p The commanders were now much busied with the inspection of dl their vessels , which should be laid up partly in Mi and

Harbour and partly in Scapa . King Haakon rode towards M dl n l ot h of i a d Harbour on Saturday , the day November,

l for t he although he had been very unwe l some time, Spent

on . night board of his ship , and the following day (St ’ Martin s) caused mass to be sung for him on shore . He determined now precisely where hi s shi p should be drawn

up , and commanded his people in general to attend to the

hi . t o a n d s ps well Thereupon he rode Scapa , from thence

o of to Kirkwall, where he, on the invitati n the bishop , took of hi s up his quarters at his house , along with those who sit followers used to at his table . The king and

l for bishop held both, each for himse f, a table his men in the h n t he hall, but the king imself remai ed up stairs , and for

most part took his food there . The warriors whom he had t o ordered remain behind with him were , by his order, on billeted the farms round about on the islands, and an r A di invento y of these drawn up in due form . ccor ng to ’ m r this list each Lender an , or ship s captain , had a ce tain di strict on the sound assigned to hi m for the m aintenance of A himself and the men under his command . ndrew 52 THE NORWEGIAN

’ Pl t t t o k ow n y was appointed superintend the ing s table, t or ri and cater for the bishops , priests , and acoly es, p estly hi s All attendants, besides the people under own charge . these commands were followed out after the labour atten dant upon the laying- up of the ships had been performed r t o hi m and each commander repai ed the place assigned to . The L e n d e rm e n who remained in Kirkwall were B ry njulf on sson Al fsson R a n v ald Urka B a rkoe J , Erling , g , Erling of j , Dr ot t ni n E rl e n d R aud e John g, and the others were divided hither and thither over the coun try . INVASION OF S COTLAND . 53

CHAPTER V.

’ n H a a on s as l n e ss an d a —H is son a a a s s t o Ki g k l t i l de th per lity, ch r cter, ervice

hi s coun try.

T H E tim e was now fast approachin g when King Haakon ul hi s l sho d yield up active , eventfu , and (for Norway) bene

fi ce n t . life He had now reached an advanced age , and

n t o had had duri g the summer encounter many trials , n ow troubles, and Sleepless nights . Nor even could he e command the necessary rest, but was wait d upon every moment by some on e or other who wished to converse At with hi m upon business . length his constitution gave ill r t . way from over exe ion , and he took seriously We n hi s have already oticed that several of warriors , judging from the tenor of the ballad , had partly ascribed his sick ul Arn fi n n sson ness to his grief and wakef anxiety for Olaf . It is not improbable that he may have taken a fallen friend ’ l e ss so and relative s much to heart, and have thereby greatly aggravated his sickness , and that perhaps also the of di who death a stinguished and influential relative , , as we have already quoted from the Scottish narrative , fell at hi m of . the battle Largs , may further have affected But i As al the ballad g ves no account of this . ready stated, on that Saturday when he rode t o Midl and Harbour he t o t felt himself very unwell , and was compelled re urn to im Kirkwall , where he betook h self to bed . His sickness r A at first was not pa ticularly violent. fter having lain in 54 THE NORWEGIAN

i bed for three weeks he felt h mself somewhat recovered , r ul v in and rose . The fi st day he co d mo e about his room ;

2d t o the next (Sunday, the December) , he went the ’ bishop s chapel and heard mass ; and the thi r d he coul d ’ even walk from the bishop s residence to the Church of n St. Magnus, and about the Shri e of St. Magnus . That day he also bathed his feet and allowed hi mself to be shaved ; but the followi ng night he became considerably

worse , and never rose again from his bed. When he felt that his ill ness woul d prove fatal he made all the usual arr angements on such an occasion " he commanded lett ers t o be wri tten to Ki ng Magnus concernin g t he affairs of k the ingdom , as well as what should be given to the men , hi t o and orders w ch he wished be executed ; in short, he

d hi s . s rew up testament In thi , which we no longer n s possess , he certai ly made abundant provi ion for the clergy and ecclesiastical institutions; for it is expressly hi s 120 stated that he, in last moments, presented Maan i " ’ a d e m at e r s All - r Bol to the Saints Chu ch in Bergen , and it is also probable that the most of the endowments towards ecclesiastical schemes were issued on hi s death- bed or

conveyed in the testament. He was most anxious that hi s retainers (hoe rdm e n ) should have their pay ’ - " promptly on the pay day, namely, New ear s Day . It is likewise reported that he ordered an extra allowance

for of i n each them , in order that each retainer all on e b r oe n dt t should have mark ( ) , and the priests,

- — t l a . acoly es, and other servants, each ha f mark In the

l w i an m a su e ob ab t h e a e s ofth e ass a n d a n aJO o us A n o d N or e g e r , pr ly l rg t cl , g

t o our S cottish chalde r .

1 B ran de d or stampe d " that I S coine d .

56 THE NORWEGIAN

s for hi s soon as they had come , ung a requiem soul . Here

of upon all left the chamber, with the exception Bishop

T hor il s B r n ulf o o t w o g , y j J nss n , and others . They washed o all the b dy, Shaved the beard, and rendered other necessary

s s hi i s on as i tance w ch usual such occasions , and which was

t o d a due so great a sovereign as King Haakon . The y after (Sunday) the body was dressed in splendid clothes and

o or out i n cr wned with the minor crown garland, laid state in the upper hall, with the usual pomp and ceremony due

o - to a cr wned head . The candle bearers stood round about hi the body, holding burning wax tapers , w ch illumined the whole of the hall ; the bishops and all the clergy of the town, together with his followers, then came in, for the purpose of once more beholding the features of their dear d lord ; and afterwards the people were granted a mission .

The body, as it is narrated , was pleasant and comely to look upon, and there was still a ruddy glow upon the

i o cheeks , as if yet animated by l fe ; and h wever great was o the grief of all, it was nevertheless a comfort to lo k upon ” the placid features of the departed. Subsequently high mass

n o was su g . The day f llowing (Monday) the body was u i n conveyed t o St. Magnus Ch rch , where it lay dur g the

w a s . d night, and watched by the retainers On the Tues ay

w s ffi o it a laid in a co n, and was buried below the ch ir,

t he . s i just outside steps to the St Magnus hr ne , when u r the flags were again replaced as sual, and a ca pet spread i over them . It was not in the meant me resolved upon to hi leave hi s body in the Orkneys . He had mself, during his ln hi s l il ess, commanded that body shou d be carried back to of hi s Norway, and buried in Christ Church, by the side hi s r . w a fathe , grandfather, and other relatives T s accord INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND . 57

At i ngly to be carried out as commanded . a meeting of wa s of the retainers it resolved that, during the whole i the w nter, watch should be kept over the temporary A Pl tt a ccor f n . grave o the ki g Meanwhile ndrew y , in ’ u s of dance with the king s command , managed the b sines At the court. Christmas he and the bishop held the

l . customary feasts , and salaries were ful y paid

When the severest part of the winter was past, and ’ the weather began to be more settled, the king s large C hr i st sud e n ou t w a ll ship , the , was launched , fitted ith ’ i speed , and proceeded to Scapa , to take the k ng s body Ash— 15 back to Norway. On Wednesday , the th March , the f n w a s co fin was taken up , and , accompanied by the retai ers , conveyed to Scapa and taken on board the ship . Bishop

T hor ils i Alfsson A dr Pl t t g , Erl ng , and n ew y , undertook n Al l he command of this busi ess . the superintendents r who accompanied t he kin g f om Norway embarked also . The ship weighed anchor the foll owing Saturday ( 18t h March) ; but they encountered severe weather and contrary winds , which prevented them from steering a straight t o course for Bergen, and they were compelled run for a d S il e va a harbour southwar s in g on the Jeder . From this hi m they sent letters to King Magnus, acquainting of their

n ot arrival . It does appear that this was the first intimation ’ of A he received his father s death, although even King lex

of ander Scotland , who was so near to the Orkneys , did not of hear the death before the end of January. The weather l n fa v ourab l S il e v a a setti g in more y , they sailed from g, and h ri L axe v a a 2ot . ar ved at g, outside Bergen , on the March ’ d a di The y following (St . Bene ct s Mass) King Magnus rowed of out to the Ship , attended by Bishop Peter Bergen ; and 58 THE NORWEGIAN

s w a s t o t o the ves el then taken Bergen, and laid close the ’ king s palace . The body was then carried t o the summer

l on o 22d t o ri hal , and the m rrow (the ) was conveyed Ch st l w n t w o Church , fol o ed by Ki g Magnus, the two queens , the all a bishops, and the rest of the clergy, the ret iners , and the town speople . The body wa s interred in the cho ir of i Christ Church , and King Magnus himself del vered an w n eloquent address , herei he thanked those present, with

r s many kind words , for thei attention . But it certainly w a s n ot mere attention or a cus tomary

s of ceremony which was observed , for all felt deeply the lo s

K w a s fa v ou ri t e ' of ing Haakon . He the the nation . It mu st have been apparent to all that his superior judgment ha d for of procured Norway peace, order , and quiet in place internal broils and lawlessness, and had , from weakness and

i insignif cance , raised it to take a prominent place amongst

o the northern kingd ms of Europe . If in wisdom he perhaps — fell short of his grandfather Sverre i n military skill and

of S i ur d sson — i n ll spirit , Harold g bri iant personality, of Olaf

T r v e sson — i n of ygg enthusiastic zeal , Olaf the Saint, he ’ had nevertheless as much ofall the four kings distinguished

s a ll characteri tics in himself as far to excel them . Surely

- and steadily, with clear discernment, well meaning , and

n s t o of unswervi g hone ty, he strove strenuously attain ’ on e hi s s his obj ect, people s happine s and welfare ; and il even wh st he laboured for regal aggrandizement, it was

n o r clearly from selfish motives, but partly because the spi it of t o n the times led it, and partly because , accordi g to hi s View, acquired in the political school in which he was

o of rOCuri n educated , it was the surest meth d p g peace for n d o s his people a preventing ppres ion . Seldom has it 59 INVASION OF SCOTLAND . advantaged the commonalty that there have been many r on e i H e r d skr a a e n rule s at time Th s , reported in the as

son r a saying emanating from his , mi rors forth his prin

i l r c e s o i . p , , we may say, the pr nciples of his whole family A ccording to this principle Haakon acted , and possessed

a n d a dd prudence, strength , and courage , , we may , the t o fi good fortune reach the goal , living to a suf cient age , t o after that goal was reached , see his work thriving and confirmed ; the condition, created by himself, bearing fruit, fi the people feeling themselves happy and satis ed , and the

n rn kingdom i cr e a s g I n power and importance . Therein he w a s t he m m more fortunate than Olaf Saint, who he ore resembled in all other respects than the other kin gs just n ot of own mentioned . Olaf did see the fruits his work, but ' w a s t ake n away before it was fully finished " Haakon sa w w t a hole new genera ion spring up , and approach the age of manhood , after the new order of things which originated

s st e a di with him had commenced . He progre sed with great an d t o a ness, had not so difficult elements contend gainst,

or a . such inconvenient materials to discard , as Ol f the Saint We have seen many instances of the veneration and attachme nt which King Haakon always cheri shed for the

o al Church , without even in any respect compromising his r y or con dignity his legitimate authority, which he , on the t ra r y , sought with the greatest care , even with j ealousy , to h defend . But t is jealousy or anxiety testifies all the more how upright his veneration and attachment must have

s been , since these could continue un haken through every " a w h storm . His S ga is therefore quite correct en it e xce asserts that no king in Norway before him , with the p

P e s o tic hi tory. 60 THE NORWEGIAN

n did tion of Olaf the Sai t, more to advance the cause of r Ch istendom i n Norw ay than Haakon . But in consideration ll of the period in which Haakon lived, as we as the cir cum st an ce that the affai rs of the Church were not and could not be on e and the same for him as for Olaf the

" o r o Saint, we must conclude that ther than pu ely religi us motives induced hi m t o do so much for the many ecclesiastical or semi- ecclesiastical schemes which directly i i or ndirectly were ndebted to him . The clergy were at that peri od the heralds of the hi gher civiliz ation and the il depositories of science , and when the king desired to civ ize his people , and improve their morals , while he indi vi l dual y loved the arts and sciences, he believed that hi s best course for securi n g his purpose was to labour for ri t ofe ccl e si the prospe ty of the clergy , and par icularly that a st i cal i n foundations . The people needed to be reared a

ri n of l t st ct school , to extermi ate the remains barbarity resu in m of i g from the ti es civil war, and accord ng to the rela t ions ofthe times thi s was more pecul iarly a busin ess for the clergy. But we have seen examples enough how well he hi knew to act with moderation in t s matter ; how he , in the

n s many and great co ces ions which he made, never went farther than the universally acknowledged principles which dis tinguish the spiritual from the temporal power could d o emand with propriety ; how those who demanded m re, or mi x n ot ed themselves up with matters that did concern them,

l s of sub not on y fell hort their object, but even at times hi i j e ct e d themselves t o s lasting displeasur e . Ar chb shop

on e of hi s Einar, for example , was these , who , partly from

r n v fi st appeara ce after his arri al from Rome, and perhaps partly from his imprudent rather than il l - meant behavi our 61 INVASION OF SCOTLA ND .

’ k hi wa s to the ing s sons , drew forth a dislike to mself which s l o strong that it never afterwards was whol y dissipated . ’ ’ Haakon s zeal for the people s spiri tual and moral well a s f w being, as well the af ection ith which he regarded the i n interests of the Church , stand complete unison with the extraordinary activity he exhibited in providing the country with a number of buil din gs for both spiritual and temporal purposes . He built, as we have seen, many churches and

C a n d loisters, founded hospitals , executed public works of i ul general utility , which _ must , in his t me , partic arly after of the conclusion peace , and in his chief residence , Bergen , an d t have produced remarkable stir activi y . He had , di however, an eye also to the splendour and gnity of the of crown in the erection of these buildings , many which s r i hi s he built for his own plea u e, and to grat fy own taste . But no single public building which may be ascribed wi th n l certainty to him can be poi ted out as real y superfluous , or merely an obj ect of grandeur. The many fortresses which he caused to be constructed were intended to secure the country against external enemies as well as from a fi intern l revolts. For in these forti ed places were likewise for i - state prisons ev l doers , and the circumstance that these prisons di d exist made it possible to exercise the penal laws with greater humanity, and no longer made punish ment of death and horrible mutilation necessary t o deter mi cri nals . We have already mentioned what these fort ifi o Va r oe hun s a s cati ns were . We may here also add the g , ’ " a s n ri it is named in the ballad , existi g p or to King Haakon s lli death . During the border hostilities and other co sions with the Russians it wa s also necessa ry to have a sur e r ff position in the no th , where the territorial sheri s and 62 THE NORWEGIAN

of of i ul ficers prov nces co d watch events , and be at hand i when the r presence was required . We see from this the " same zeal to maintain the possessions of the crown unim paired as was manifested in Ki ng Haakon’s transactions with Scotland and the last expedition to the Western waters . The possessions on the west coast of Scotland were certain ly not of much value ; but it was deemed a point of honour to defend that which was acquired by ll i ustrious forefathers, and he could hardly have equipped so large an army and great a fleet had hi s designs not been popular. Ki ng Haakon can hardly be acquitted of the desire which i n most talented princes have shared , namely, the desire of extending his power and dominions but with Kin g Haakon this discovered itself in the mil dest and most excusable manner. For even where this spirit of aggrandizement l appears most il egal , as , for example , with regard to Iceland , there is manifestly, side by side with the mere desire of di e i ad ng a whol country to his k ngdom , an unmistakable endeavour to put an end to the deeds of vi olence w hi ch d t of prevailed upon the islan , and substi ute the blessings c quietness and peace . We see that he yielded o casionally

of " to warmth temper, and gave room to indignation, for Gi ssur T horv a ldsson instance , when he in rage commanded

l l n e S t ur a sso . to kil Snorre Th se blemishes, however, are

n of so i significant, and fall almost out View in compari n

l b e n e v o with the fu l orb of moderation, honesty, and

m old hi s lence which his conduct fro youth to age ex bit .

We have already mentioned how , when a child , he refused to place himself at the head of a rebel mob again st King

u e s b e J g , notwith tanding that well knew that the title of

64 THE NORWEG IAN

' c any Norwegi an ki ng since Harold H aa rfagre fi Since t he of1217 for t - b summer , and thus for y six years, he had orne

o 1223 the r yal name , and from it may be said that he ; reigned as having arrived at his majority _but for twelve t wo years he reigned only over the southern provinces , whilst Skule Jarl was councill or for F r ost at hi n g and H a al o l f a . n g and In the five following years af airs were uncertai , until matters at length ended in open feud . Immediately ’ S kul e s after fall , Haakon reigned alone and in undisturbed hi s peace. But this period of individual sovereignty (from ’ 124 0 t o 1263) was still longer than most of the other kings period of reign , when their years of minority are not taken

i ri ri into account. Th s longer pe od of life may be asc bed ’ chiefly to King Haakon s regular and moral life ; for the most of the earlier kings had certainly led such a life as old l made them men when they were stil youths in years . hi s When King Haakon allowed oldest son, Haakon, to be n l called king, in order to disti guish them they were cal ed i " K ng Haakon the Elder and King Haakon the ounger. But the surname of the Elder ” continued long after the

of hi s son n art i cu death ; distinguishing Ki g Haakon , p l arl y in later writings, partly by reason of his long reign , and partly to prevent him from being confounded with hi s i nl grandson , K ng Haakon Magnusson , commo y called the ” Crowned. of Haakon is described as a man middle stature , well grown, hardy, and small waisted, rather tall when seated ,

n with large fine eyes ; in Short, in figure and beari g , like his w a s grandfather, King Sverre . He , it is said , mild when he was in good humour, but stern when he was angry, and

T h - e Fair haire d . 5 INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 6

nl u in his movements uncommo y cheerf l , lively, and hasty.

ff ri w dl Towards poor and su e ng people he was al ays frien y. H n owever much his mi d might be troubled at the time , he always at least answered them mildl y when they applied t hi m W o . hen he ca me in contact with pri nces he kn ew At well how to observe dignity . State convocations he t l spoke par icularly well , and knew thorough y well how to C so l j udge of ircumstances , that intel igent men who came as ambassa dors to him fro m other sovereigns said that ’ they had not seen any prince who better understood at t i o s . once be a sociate, k ng , and lord His education may

of ri hi s have been better than the most the p nces of time , for he had in hi s youth received a complete ecclesiastical tui tion ; and that this must have been pretty well grounded al of is manifest from what is ready related him , namely, that during his il lness he caused Latin books to be read

' for his benefit . True it is that at the close he found i t f ni dif icult to follow the mea ng, but it was nevertheless a great deal that he could remember the greater pa rt of b ook learning in hi s sixtieth year which he had acquired in li f H ow his early e. far literary energy may have been

e hi s how a advanc d by court, and far he himself encour ged ll i we and even ca ed forth l terary undertakings, have already the hi noticed in foregoing story . 66 THE NORWE GIAN

CHAPTER VI .

’ n Ma n us H aakon sson s a s e n s on t o t h e on e an d e a e fu s os on — Ki g g c i thr , p c l di p iti — j T he war with S cotlan d con clude d b y tre aty of pe a ce a t Pe rth I sle of Ma n n n n m n a n d t h e S o uthe r I sla ds ce de d for a n a nn ual m o e y pay e t.

’ T H E intelligence of King Haakon s death found his son

s o Magnu already a crowned king, and in full p ssession of of As n ot the reins government. there was a single i s t ndividual who, with even a shadow of justice; could tar for hi m up as pretender the crown , it was vested in without s the slighte t commotion , and , so to say, unobserved . It was not necessary that renewed homage shoul d be rendered n ot nl to him, as he o y had the oath of allegiance sworn of 1257 to him as king, first, in the Island Eker in , Ore 1258 and later, at the convocation at in , but sub 12 1 sequently was formally crowned in 6 . He therefore did not undertake any n e w journey through the country

for the purpose of receiving homage , but remained quietly in Bergen the whole summer after he had learned the death of Ki on 3d 1238 his father . ng Magnus , born the May, , w a s accordingly at that time twenty- four and a - half years

of hi s age, and past maj ority . He might not possess ’ hi s ri father s influence and unconquerable spi t, but in penetration and just and honest incli nation t o what wa s good he did not stand behind him ; and each of his deeds ’ ’ fully brings to li ght that hi s kingdom s and subj ects spiritual and temporal well-being lay closest t o his heart I NvAS I ON or SCOTLAND . 67

a ll Hi s on at times . father had already carried war more because circumstances made it necessary for him to do so than because he cherished any particular liking for mili tary ’

. s e e di n life On the contrary, we sti ctly that Haakon s greatest desire leaned to peaceful activity and the happy of hi u adjustment all feuds . T s peacef l di sposition was in still more apparent in Magnus . His father did not decl e to go to w ar when it concerned the defence of what seemed

in " old to be the honour of the k gdom he , therefore, in his i age , led the enormous exped tion against Scotland , the of results which , even under the most favourable circum ul stances , co d scarcely have compensated for the expense and all the other disagreeable contingencies which aecom

a i e d hi s d p n it ; but honour demanded it, and , ju ging from n i the prevaili g opin ons at that period, one cannot but ’ se e u justify Haakon. But we will how Magnus s peacef l di sposition and inward conviction that peace and quietness were the greatest good he could extend to his subj ects led him to renounce such conventional regard for honour, and how he at lengt h resolved rather to yield up the disputed w Southern Islands, which were of little value to Nor ay, w ar of than to carry on a protracted , the issue which , in

b l . It the long run, might e doubtfu enough is perhaps on hi s even not improbable that King Haakon himself, se e w a s deathbed , had come to that it useless any longer to sacrifice people and money for the maintenance of a tottering sovereignty over those di stant disquiet coun h e hi ms e tries , and that elf, in the lett r he caused to be son written to his , had counselled him thereto . Thi s is probably confir med by the L e n d e rm e n and com who k manders had remained behind in the Or neys sending, 68 THE NORWEGIAN

of own o v their accord , and with ut ha ing procured the i consent of K ng Magnus , ambassadors to the Scotch king S n di early in the pri g , to learn how far he now felt sposed e il l t o conclude peace . M anwh e it wi l be seen in the sequel that this mission had, perhaps, also quite another obj ect, hi m w ch , when it became known, ight awaken the greatest di ur n t h o spleas e amo g e Sc ts , which accordingly truly enough came to pass . The ambassadors were Bishop Henry and

n a . Chancellor Sira Aska t i . They found hard reception

out or Threats were held of slaying imprisoning them , and

o w a s am ng the many complaints, it stated that the North men had burnt and plundered more than a third part of o u m all Scotland . They acc rdingly ret rned, unable to anage Askat in ft the business , and proceeded immediately a er wards to Norway to inform King Magnus ofthe un fortunate

of . A mun d issue the embassy Sometime previously, g K r oke dan s and Erik Dugald sson had returned to Norway with a company of warriors who had been left behind in

the Orkneys, and had reported that the Scotch were any

i n n n th g but peaceably inclined. Ki g Mag us had therefore,

Askat i n A mun d t o even before Sira arrived, sent g back

- i n - i the Orkneys as commander ch ef of the forces, and possibly with some more troops " he likewise sent Erik

Du ald sson - g with an eight seated galley, manned with t d retainers, s rangers , and atten ants, to the Southern wi hi m Islands , commanding him on the passage to take th T h or e from Orkney two ships , under command of John j ’ a n d i Er k Bose . Hence it was n ot King Magnus s intention ri to avoid all warlike operations, and at length to b ng

about a peace in some dishonourable manner, cowardly

s n all . urrenderi g He had the wish to treat, but only with INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 69 a sufficient force in the background to give effect to his inl d . emands He was certa y prepared , if necessary, to make of t o d o i concessions for the sake peace, but noth ng dis di e uiva honourable, and only on con tion of an Important q ’ A ff i s . wa lent nother a a r , that King Haakon s death gave the whole war undertakings another character, because his personal influence w a s far too powerful and compre he n si v e to be dispensed with wi thout sensible damage to wa s hi s nl the cause he should aim at. It death o y — neither the storms nor the proportionall y un important

of — loss his people which caused the gloomy, despondent l fee ing among his countrymen , which is expressed in the l l Al foregoing popu ar ba lad , and which King exander and hi s l l a o counsel ors very wel understood to t ke advantage f. ’ Alexander wa s informed of Haakon s death the same day hi m — 21st that his queen bore a son the January . The F ord un il con se whole kingdom , says , held a jub ee in u e n ce f q of the twofold joy ul tidings . We have al ready mentioned that accordi ng to the Scotch reports , King Haakon is said to have received a written requisition from some of the Scotch magnates to come to

an d w Al their country wage war ith King exander. The

h F ordun Scottish istorian , , says , that according to a legend , Kin g Haakon before his death is reported to have sent Al w these letters to King exander, that he might be arned

" of who the traitors surrounded him . This story, however, he declares as improbable , and holds to what is related by others as more correct, namely, that the Northmen , after ’ ’ King Haakon s death, wrote him a letter under the King s hi m seal, wherein they cautioned against these influential men in his country, although the charge preferred had no 70 THE NORWEGIAN

i n of foundat on, but o ly for the purpose inducing him to

hi s punish them in rage , whereby he might weaken his own hi s power, and subj ect himself and kingdom to an easy conquest. Both reports in this shape appear to be il improbable . Meanwh e there must have been some reason for the marked displeasure with whi ch Bishop Henry and Askat i n on e Chancellor were received, and is tempted to C ri t he believe that they either ar ed said letter themselves, or e whatever may have been its contents , that the l tter had been despatched earlier, and the ambassadors had just arrived at a time when indi gnation on account of it had risen to of the highest pitch . That several the Scotch leaders must have compromi sed themselves appears to be undoubted ; but the Northmen acted unwisely in goin g so far without first assuri n g themselves that the disaffected were strong li enough to commence an open rebel on . For otherwise

' they would onl y be compelled to feign t he m se lv e s a ll the ’ i more loyal , and show much greater zeal for the r king s An d hi n ow i interests . t s was accord ngly the case. There — appears now only one wish to p ossess the Scotch that of

of n taking revenge for the attack the Northme , and of conquering the islands. n of The towns furnished the ki g with loans money, not

l k t o on y for the purpose of equipment, but li ewise buy up s partizans on the i lands . Considerable equipments were t h for hwit made, chiefly, it was said , against King Magnus h of Man . When he heard of the storm whic threatened

w n ow him , and kne that the Norwegian fleet was not f strong enough, neither was su ficiently near to support him, n he became exceedi gly anxious, and despatched ambassa dors to request time that he might be all owed personally

72 THE NORWEGIAN

ffi for hi it is a rmed, having paid the contribution w ch King

Haakon had levied upon them . They probably also paid di homage to King Haakon . The Scotch sol ers took a deal of i s n ot w a s property, but it stated whether this derived T he from plunder or according to an agreement. latter i n e i seems to be more course , and agrees mor w th the existing circumstances . It is said also that they intended O l n to proceed to the rkneys upon their pi lagi g tour, which

A m un d Kr oke d a n s who ri determined g , had just ar ved, to abandon the meditated South Island expedition , as he did not wish to deprive the Orkneys of troops at a time when they fully expected to be attacked . Nothing , however, came out of e k this thr atened attac But when the Scots , laden or with booty with extorted goods , forsook Caithness, King of Dugald surprised them , and slew many them , among whom one who w a s call ed the L a yma n (Chief- Justice) ofthe f o . Scotch, and took a great quantity property from them

The Scots afterwards could get no trace of him , but in t he spring he was compelled to repair t o the Orkneys for son i a s T h or e assistance . His Er k, as well John j and Erik own Bose, each in his vessel, followed him from thence to r the Southern Islands , as had al eady been resolved upon . Sira Aska t i n had meanwhil e waited upon King Magnus and informed him how matters stood . The king accord i n l ail i f of H oe skuld Oddsson g y av ed h msel the aforesaid , who was about to proceed to the Orkneys , probably with reinforcements , to send an embassy with him, in order that after their arrival in the Orkneys they should repair to Scotland , wait upon the Scotch king, and open negoti a t i on s with him . The chief members of the embassy were t wo barefooted or Franciscan friars called Mauritius and 73 INVASION OF SCOTLAND .

i l Sigurd . Th s friar Mauritius was cal ed frequently from h n A t at time Norwegia mbassador in Scotland, and acted chiefly in many public matters of importance ; he n must, therefore , have been an intelligent and i fluential u t man , as is f r her evidenced by the few works we have from his pen , and as shall be shown in the sequel . We do not in the meantime kn oWto which cloister he belonged ;

on e it was possibly the in Bergen, where the king had the best opportunity of m aking hi s acquaintance . We learn also that he stood in close intimacy with the afore A Nikol a sson who named Lenderman ndrew , seems to have

Galut hi n lived in the g district. The ambassadors procured

Henry Scot and several servants to wait upon them . W in hen they arrived Orkney, which must have been pretty late in the autumn , they betook themselves without Al delay to Scotland . King exander showed himself to them in a more agreeable manner, it is said, than he d did towards their pre ecessors, and commanded them to ” acquaint King Magnus that he must send a " good embassy

sum m e r _ i n to him the following , order to bring about a n peace between the ki gdoms . Hence he considered the " former embassy as not good ; or he had perhaps been par t i cul a rl who y indignant at Bishop Henry, either as bishop over the Orkn eys had had occasion t o come under his t o displeasure , or because he , according the supposition al ready expressed , had carried letters with him which had

of t o the appearance being fictitious , and calculated create ’ own An n divisions among the king s subjects . y real egoti a t i on s do not seem to have taken place respecting con dit i on s of peace , as the ambassadors probably had not the of n . power treati g They returned the same harvest, or, 74 THE NORWEGIAN

w ri more correctly, the same inter, to Norway, and ar ved ri s i 1st shortly after Ch tmas, and were accord ngly the Janu 2 Dr on d n hi 1 65 thi e m i . ary, , at , where the k g Spent t s winter One perceives meanwhile that the Scotch king also at the same time sent t wo Minori tes as ambassadors to King S a a s Magnus , although the g take no notice thereof ; for the

Icelandic an nalis t n arrates that in the year 1264 two Fran " ci s can friars came from Scotland to King Magnus , and from the Scottish report books it will be seen that Fri ars Malise Al of 1264 n and exander Berwick , in the year , were se t ’ on r across the ocean the king s e rand these were, there

o or ri i s fore , the same baref oted Franciscan f ars (Minor te ) i which the annal st mentions . Perhaps they had accompanied their Nor wegian brethren of the order upon their home

s i i n voyage , and pa sed the w nter Norway, in order that they

t o i might be able treat w th the king in quietness and leisure , him l fil d of i A and persuade to fu the esires K ng lexander . hi They must have succeeded in t s also in some degree, for i ri i when the spr ng ar ved, and K ng Magnus , after Easter, o had repaired to Bergen, he despatched the desired g od ambassadors t o Scotland ; these were Bishop Gil bert of

A k i n Hamar and Chancellor s a t . From the circumstance Askat i n n e w i n r that was again employed this er and , s o although he had previously been , together with Bi h p

r on i s Hen y , the first unfortunate embassy, it manifest that it could not have been he to whom the Scotch kin g s o n was then much opposed , conseque tly it must have been i l a ll to Bishop Henry. The k ng selected Gi bert in pro b ab ili t a s o n y because he, f rmer archdeacon in Shetla d, must have been accurately acquainted with the Scotch relat ions and unde rstood the lan guage well ; as already ‘ INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 75

r mentioned, he may possibly have been Scotch by bi th . The king committed full powers t o them to treat for peace upo n the condition that the Scotch king should retain

A C umb ra e s rran and Bute, perhaps also the , but that, on

all s the other hand , the i lands outside , and lying north t o r w wards from Cantire , should continue to belong No ay . h They sailed over to England , where t ey landed at Lynn , and thereafter proceeded to "ork . One must suppose that they came to England about the same time that the feuds ’ raged fiercest between the king s son, and the barons, under their chief, Simon of Montfort ; and Simon 12t h A fell at Evesham, ugust, for it is expressly stated " S a a l . in the g , That summer Simon of Montfort fel These disturbances had perhaps been the cause of the " Norwegian ambassadors remaining some time in ork . At r i s length they ar ved at the Scottish Court , and pre ented their conditions of peace ; but King Al exander only scorned them , and would not listen to them . He demanded the a ll of renunciation of the islands , the most which , moreover, w d oe s ere now practically in his power. It not appear that the insignificant reinforcement Kin g Dugald had — received performed much a t a ll events not m ore than that Dugald wa s enabled to prevent himself fallin g into the

o of hands of the Scotch . One knows n thing further the

o r s of later military events, whether anything el e that

ha s nature occurred than what been n e w related .

s a These ambassadors were al o compelled to return , p

r p a re n t ly without accomplishing thei object . But the Scotch king himself n o w sent an ambassad o r t o Norw ay t o of negotiate , namely, Reginald Roxburgh, monk in Mel

- - wa I . b o e i n l a w t o e xa n d e . Ed rd , r th r Al r l l l 76 THE NORWEGIAN

ul rose cloister, a partic arly wise , adroit, and eloquent of of man . He had the good fortune catching the ear King Magnus and inducing him amicably t o concede the Isle of Man and the o ther islands for a suitable com

n sa i n n o p e t o in mo ey . The Sc tch ki ng had now so far reduced his demands that he did n ot insist on an un con di t i on al n renunciation . Whether Regi ald accompanied the Norwegi an ambassadors on their return is not known ; it is meanwhile most probable . On their arrival in Nor w ay the bishop and the chancell or announced that their

s mission had been in vain , but di suaded the king from

ff o breaking o the negotiations . They probably rec mmended v him e en very urgently to receive Reginald well , and negotiate further with him ; for it is reported that the king i We i received him w th many tokens of respect, and l ke

wi lli t o hi s wise know that he lent a ng ear representations , and must very soon have allowed himself t o be convin ced of the reasonableness of conceding the islands upon fi F or t suf cient indemnification . , as the annalis of Melrose

cloister says , the king convened his chief men and coun

cill or s " to consider the proposal, and at that convention the kin g himself announced that it was best for the main t e n a n ce of peace that these disputed islands should be o A of o f sold to the Sc tch king. few the c uncillors of ered ’ O e ct i on s i o bj , but the k ng s pinion prevailed , and accordingly

s or all at length consented that the i lands should be sold, , of for a certain payment, be ceded to the King Scotland . How long these negotiations continued is n ot reported ; we learn onl y that Reginald passed the whole w inter of

1265- 66 i n o Norway, fr m which it may perhaps be con

o or cluded that it required a pretty l ng time , , more properly , INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 7 7 that it w a s in a fortunate hour the wise Regin ald per sua d e d A King Magnus to agree to the proposition . preliminary treaty was now concluded between Reginald ’ or and King Magnus , the latter s plenipotentiary , in which were the conditions proposed and accepted , which were afterwards extended in the proper peace rat ifi n of w e di catio , which Shall treat imme ately. Herr al l Regin d , as he was cal ed, having performed his task well ,

t o 1266 H i s n returned Scotland in the spring of . missio , says the contemporaneous Melrose chronicler (his cloister t o of brother) , was performed the satisfaction all the Scotch . Hitherto none of the sons of Scotland had been able w a s hi to accomplish it, and it only ac eved by this monk

who a very wise man , distinguished for pulpit eloquence , in fact made hi s monastery deservin g of the gratitude of all u and favour fut re Scotch kings ; otherwise , these ul kings wo d prove themselves ungrateful , recompensing

il hi of good with ev , w ch God avert from the heart every Christian king " S o great a value did the Scotch set upon

of o the annexation the Southern Islands to their kingd m . of Immediately after the departure Reginald , King

s of l Magnu despatched an embassy, consisting Chancel or Aska t i n A dr Nikola sson and Lenderman n ew , to Scotland , to conclude a fi nal treaty ; when that was done the agree w on of s ment was s orn to , the part King Magnu , by

on t of n the Norwegian ambassadors , and the par Ki g Al of o exander, by two the Scottish chiefs , whereup n

a document was drawn up containing the whole act, t wo s a of copies of which were made , and the e ls b ffi oth kings mutually a xed , and these deposited in the

s archive s of the Norwegian and Scotch kingdom . So were 7 8 THE NORWEGIAN

the ra t ifi cat i on s at that period attested . We have seen a — similar example at an earlier period i n the treaty at 1250 n ot Lubeck in . The ambassadors had therefore , on a f their arriv l, negotiated in regard to the business itsel , but only respectin g forms ; the business in itself had been i l a . a ready arr nged That is confirmed by this c rcumstance , that notwithstanding the ambassadors arrived in Scotland nn shortly after Reginald, probably in the begi ing of the sum

or of Act mer, in the month _ June , the definite Peace was ’ nevertheless executed by Friday after Peter s Mass , or the 2d s July of the ame year. This remarkable treaty, which separated Norway from the I sle of Man and the S outhern

‘ i n for Islands , and wh ch , in the article stipulati g indem n ifi ca t i on i o , conta ned the first germ in the relati ns which, two centuries later, conduced to deprive Norway of the

o " Orkneys and Shetland also , reads in substance as f llows In witness that these presents shall always give clear and di ll ofW stinct reco ection hat has been transacted, it is hereby 1266 made known, that in the year of our Lord , on the Friday immediately after the festival of the Apostles Peter

x’‘ l of fri a rs and Pau , in the church the Dominican at Perth,

s thi agreement and final contract was concluded, in order ’ s that, with God s help , an end Should be made to quarrel ,

i s n os s s o complaints, feel ng of a im ity, in ults, and di uni n

s of s concerning the I le Man and the Southern Island , and

h s o all rights attached t ereto, between the illu tri us and ’ o exalted prince and sovereign, Magnus the Fourth , by G d s of o w hr a grace King N r ay , t ough his public mbassadors ,

Askat i n hi s l A ikol a sson Herr , Chancel or, and Herr ndrew N , s for his Lenderman, specially ent and lawfully empowered

B lackfriars.

80 THE NORWEGIAN

n s of Orkneys and Shetla d, which islands the aid King Nor wa o s n fr e e holdi n s y , t gether with the juri dictio , g , revenues , s e service , and other rights and app rtainments withi n these

hi s territories, specially reserves for sovereignty . " An d all the inhabitants of the said islands whi ch are

d old o n thus ce ed to the King of Scotland , both and y u g , Shall be subj ect to the laws and usages of the kingdom of all Scotland, and henceforward in time coming be treated o h An d and judged acc rding to t em . they shall not be punished for the outrages and feelings of ho stili ty (against n l Scotla d) of which they may have been gui ty till this day , so long as they were subj ects of the King of Norway ; neither shall their hereditary poss essions in these islands be inquired after ; but they shall hold them in peace under the of S k l e it i dominion the King of cotland, li e other free and g mate subj ects of the Scottish king, who are known to enjoy i n ot ff free priv leges , in as far as they do commit any o ence hi i for w ch they may w th justice be punished, in conformity with the laws and accepted usages of the kingdom of Scot An d u i n land . if they wish to remain for the f ture the ’ of said islands , under the aforesaid sovereign s rule (King

Scotland) , they may remain free and undisturbed ; but if they would rather leave , they shall be allowed to go free w i o n i n . and unhi dered , full peace , ith the r pr perty Thus

l e ll they shal n ither be compe ed to remain nor to flit, contrary t o the laws and usages of the kingdom of Al of Scotland . The aforesaid sovereign , exander, King

out al Scotland , of ze for truth and justice , and of love to all i peace and unity, as well as his heirs in t me coming, o Shall , on the other hand , as indemnificati n for this cession for and conveyance, and particularly the sake of peace , INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND . 81

also as recompense for labour and pains , in perpetuity, on ’ 1st ul the eighth day after St. John s Day ( J y) , in Orkney, the country of the Norwegian king, and in St. Magnus n of Church , give and pay to said sovereign Ki g Norway, hi s of and heirs or assignees, into the hands the Orcadian or ff l bishop , into the hands of the sheri special y appointed sum 10 0 an d by the King of Norway, the of merks , good l S lawfu money terling, according to the exchange of the n or Roman court , and that of France , E gland, and Scotland ;

or f o n if the bishop sherif shall not be the spot, they shall

for of deposit the money, behoof the Norwegian king , under

of i - of who care the cho r brethren the said church, shall i l give them a d scharge by letter. Besides, he shal pay

merks sterling , according to the same exchange, i i n with n the next four years , the same place and at same — time as above mentioned, namely, merks eight days ’

. 1267 10 0 after St John s Day, , and merks of said annual m ik wi 1268 1269 pay ent ; l e se in the years and , and lastly, 1270 in , at same place and at same term , merks , and 10 0 10 0 merks of the annual payment . Thereafter shall merks be paid from year to year in perpetuity, at the same place a nd at the same term . " An d all hi that t s, and every particular point as above ul u dl described , Shall be faithf ly and uninterr pte y observed , the aforesaid Chancell or Askat in a n d Andrew the Lender a hi s man , for their lord, King M gnus, and heirs and ’ assignees , have publicly, in the Dominican friars Church in

s Perth , with their hands upon the holy Gospel , made oath ’ k of in the ing s name , whose acquiescence in this matter An d they have perfect assurance, and in their own names . Al of l has k the said sovereign , exander, King Scot and , li e M 82 THE NORWEGIAN

e Df hi wise, in the pres nce _ said ambassadors, caused the gh

A Me n e rs born men , dam , Earl of Carrick , and Robert of yg , i n nl ll this same manner to swear solem y in his name, as we f r as in their own , for himsel and his hei s . An d all for the greater security of this, each party binds himself that the party who evades the fulfilment u or shall, without any subterf ge legal procedure, pay to the one that Observ es the contract and adheres t o

l l s the agreement a mu ct of merks, whi t the con tract and agreement shall continue to remain in full force .

s of - Be ides, Magnus, King Norway, with his above men t i on e d s l embas y, for himse f, his heirs and successors, also

A of lexander, King Scotland , for himself and his heirs in hi ff ri of A t s a air, submit to the ju sdiction the postolic See , so ul S b that it, after giving only partic ar admonition, hall , y i di excommunication of n vidual persons, none excepted , and di t he k al ro by inter ct for whole ingdom , without leg p ce dur e or formal investigation of the matter, have the power of compelli ng the party evading the contract and agreement i u to pay the party observ ng the same, in f ll, the said

of con penalty merks ; and besides, to suspend said tract and agreement until said mul ct is paid as above di described, and notwithstan ng the contract and agreement ul ul for all shall continue in f l force, in every partic ar, time coming. " r all Fu ther, both parties herewith also renounce pro l of testations and such ike , the use all letters hitherto received and exchanged between the said kings, whatever i n dul may be the contents , and all apostolic letters and e n ce s hi n or m a g w ch have bee y be obtained, and espe ci ally any legal means in canon ical or civil law whereby INVASION OF SCOTLAND . 83

the said cession, alienation , disposition, contract, and final h l o r agreement may be hindered, suspended, anni i ated, in hi any other manner weakened . It is added also to t s agreement, and determined by common consent between ’ w k i Nor ay and Scotland s ings and k ngdoms, that all trans r e ssi on s g and crimes committed between them , and their l predecessors, and their men, even unto this day, shal , of both sides , be entirely forgiven, with respect to the

i s or Church as well as the k ngdom , without any anger d esire of revenge remaini ng ; also that the hostages taken and retained on both Sides shall be set at liberty. An d if any enemy of these Kings of Scotland or Norway

on e of al takes refuge with the or other them, he sh l not of be, to the damage the one from which he has fled , hi s nl received into kingdom and dominion , u ess perhaps o i for a time , in order that he may bta n pardon , provided An d n he deserves it . if he cannot obtain forgive ess from l di of his lord, the king shal , imme ately after the lapse a i n , expelling him from his dominions ; year not delay _ of excepting those, however, who have been guilty high treason , who must not be received in any manner by the

or ul hi one other party. Sho d it happen, further, w ch God i of forbid , that people belong ng to the kingdom Norway should suffer shipwreck upon the coasts o f the King Of ’ k vi ce ve r sa Scotland s ingdom or dominions , or , they shall be all owed i n peace and quietness to take up their shattered

or r damaged ship , as well as thei property, of whatsoever

al t o l , kind , either by themselves or by others ; so retain , sel

or i dispose of them without inconven ency, so long as they An d cannot be considered to have quite forsaken them . if on e r t o of any , contra y this common statute union , either by 84 THE NORWEGIAN

l i se —d subt lty or force, take away anything from the amaged or o ship property, and be convicted there f, he shall be punished as a thief and disturber of the peace according

s to his deserts , despite any contrary custom , if uch should

i n s exist, being a barrier the way. But if any uch dis turber of thi s peace and this final contract between aforesaid k s ings, kingdoms , and their subj ect , be found and convicted

l s of the breach, he shal then be puni hed so Signally by the kin g in whose dominions he i s found as shall prove a

o terror to thers . " An d in ff , witness of this a air, the present executed

- on e document in chirograph form , shall remain, on the a s of ll o p rt, in po session the i ustri us King of Norway , ’ v ff n s ha ing a ixed to it the said Ki g of Scotland s eal , also the seals of the venerable fathers Gam e ly n and ’ ra ce of A dr w John, by God s g Bishops St . n ews and Glasgo ,

- A n also of the high born men , lexander Comyn of Bucha ,

‘ of l i of A of Patrick Dunbar, Wi l am Mar, dam Carrick,

s o t Me n e r on earl , and of R ber yg s, baron ; and the other o r - m part, the present d cument, drawn up in chi ograph for ,

o shall remain with the said sovereign , the King of Sc tland ,

ffi t o ill i of having a xed it the ustrious sovereign, the K ng ’ l i s of t Norway s sea , l kewise the seal the wor hy fathers ’ T hor il s of Peter and g , by God s grace Bishop Bergen and

l of - B r n ulf Stavanger , a so the high born men, Gaut of Mel, y j on sson Gaut sson A Nikol a sson Askat i n J , Finn , ndrew , and , ’ ” the said Ki ng of Norway s chancellor. Contemporaneous with the execution of thi s document — the Norwegi an ambassadors also issued a so call ed con fe s o l e i ti sion, wherein they pr bably expressly attested and g ’ m i se d their authority for concluding the treaty in the king s INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND . 85

’ name . Thereupon a mandate was issued under the king s n of seal , addressed to the i habitants the Southern Islands , wherein they were declared free from their oath of a ll e gi t o ance him , and , on the other hand , admonished to do o homage t o the Scotch king. Thereafter the ambassad rs appear to have betaken themselves to Norway, where King

Magnus , immediately after, at a convocation held in the ’ o t of on w C ur Christ Church , in Bergen , St . La rence s Day l oth A of t o ( ugust) , caused the treaty peace be read aloud , in order that it might become generally known . It is more than probable that the important contents were known of already, or this much at least was known , that the Isle Ma n and the Southern Islands were no longer retained as a part of the Norwegian kingdom . They were therefore not

s i particularly urprised when they came to hear it, and nas much as many perhaps believed that the islands shoul d be i t ceded without any indemnification , was nevertheless an agreeable surprise that Nor way shoul d enjoy an annual ’ n o t inconsiderable revenue for them . Norway s honour hi was thereby in every respect preserved . The t ng had even assumed the aspect as if Scotland had become taxable s o t o by Norway, and in Scotland itself it was regarded l A some extent also . The anna ist in Melrose bbey says 10 0 very expressly, that the annual tax of merks pure silver whi ch the Scotch king bound himself to pay the Nor w e gi an was an acknowledgment that he did homage t o hi m ; i t o t o hi s r . that is say, swore allegiance him as supe or Of this there is certainly not a word in the contract itself ; but somethin g to that effect may have been expressed in the preliminary transactions , and it is in every respect of who m probable that Reginald Roxburgh , ust have been 86 THE NORWEGIAN

’ li s o m hi n the anna t s principal auth rity, had let out so et g of

U a ll o f r . o o it nder circumstances, this was a c nsolati n the ort hm e n old in N , who saw with pain the prov ce, however

r small the advantage and insecure the tenure, separated f om

n . i ul the ki gdom Besides , the k ng co d appeal to all those who expressed di ssatisfaction that the territories of the mi on kingdom were di nished , that it was, the other hand , increased sin ce Iceland and Greenl and had subj ected

f on e s thems elves to the King o Norway. But mu t sup i n pose that the universal feeling Norway was for peace , and that it was only a very few w ho upbraided the king

h s of that he effected thi s by t e ce sion the distant islands .

ul o e i The clergy co d not c mplain , as the m tropol tan privi leges of Ni d ar oe s bishopri c over the Southern Islands were expressly reserved . Neither can on e with justice blame Kin g Magnus because he did not make greater exertions to preserve the sovereignty s di over these island , but preferred a secure and , accor ng to v t o the circumstances, ad antageous peace to the emp y h nour, c l n s of ac ompanied with manifo d i convenience , being able of di nh to call himself lord some stant islands , i abited by t o on e an unsettled and rebellious people, and number

w - i or t o se call ed kings among hi s vassals . The dom ni s f on over the island , i that should be a reality and not m i n nn o an e pty word , was truth more in the way of a y n of ance and expense than advantage to the Ki g Norway. For this demanded the presence of an armed force in the

nl n ot m a i n t am e d islands , and that could certai y be there without incurring far greater expense than w a s t o be

met by the revenues derived from the islands themselves . That the Norwegian kings had hitherto had so many

88 THE N ORWEGIAN

mi of r w ral i h ght and importance No ay in gene , for wh c ul No King Magnus sho d bear the blame. accusation can i f . o be more unjust Firstly, dur ng the reigns the earlier ki ngs no such brill iant marine expedition had been sent to

r r o the Southe n Islands , that the naval powe Sh uld have on o been thereby placed a higher elevati n ; and , secondly, the

of of n s cause the real decadence the Norwegian avy , ome

rs i hi ten yea later, had its orig n in matters w ch had not the f least connection with the af airs of the Southern Islands . ’ n ot so In the first place , it was much that Norway s navy fell off as that the fleets of other powers and kingdoms ’ ri became stronger and better than Norway s , whilst the spi t of li us the age, and the prevai ng c toms also , as we have

s e a . already noticed, preferred land to warfare In regard i n to thi s K g Magnus was therefore not responsible . On the other hand , one cannot deny, as has been already noticed , that the stipulation which in hi s time w a s cons idered

r of honou able and advantageous , namely, that the annual r m tax f o Scotland, failed in the course of time in its

i n ul m o obj ect, so far as the irreg ar pay ent occasi ned transactions which at lengt h resulted i n the marriage ofa

i t o - Scotch k ng a Danish Norwegian princess, whereby the kn in Or eys and Shetland were also lost to the k gdom . Such, ul nl however, co d certai y not have been foreseen by Magnus an d hi s advisers , and the bargain regarding the tax awakened universal approbation in Norway, even with who s those otherwise were displeased with the ce sion . One must suppose that King Al e xan der now commanded m d in or ho age to be one to him the Southern Islands , at least that he demanded the oath of allegiance from the chi efs who had not hi therto subj ected themselves . With S S INVA ION OF COTLAND . 89

it di ffi ul several appears to have had its c ties, although the treaty of peace promised all those amnesty who formerly had rebelled , and commanded that the hostages should be so hi given up , that none of the chiefs could have anyt ng n ow K if to fear from ing Magnus , he even had been less A generous and just than he was . mong the refractory ‘ A MDon ald of appears to have been ngus Islay, for he was l hi s compel ed to execute a bond , wherein he declared that estates were confiscated if he rebell ed against the King of

. Ar ll Scotland The barons of gy pledged themselves , under of penalty the confiscation of their estates , faithfully to i An all hi m serve the k ng against gus, and that rose against ’ i "e t in not obey ng the king s commands . it is not prob able that he lost any of hi s possessions ; w e find him accordi n gly mentioned at a later date among the Scottish magnates his successors even attained to still greater i nfl u ence, and from him springs the present widely spread ‘ of MDon ald Scotch clan . Whether King Dugald sub j e ct e d himself or fled to Norway i s not known ; but son Du aldsson i his , Erik g , cont nued at least in the service l of Norway, and is sti l mentioned among the Norse Lender men after the death of King Magnus ; it is therefore n ot i hi mprobable that his father also betook mself to Norway, nl t wo or the Orkneys . Dugald lived o y years after the 8 Al of di 126 . conclusion the peace . He had ed in an , his l brother, on the other hand , swore al egiance to the Scotch king, and is mentioned subsequently among the Scotch magnates . wa s Ol afsson of When the peace concluded , King Magnus di 24t h 1265 Man had previously ed on the November, , n A d without heirs , and Ki g lexander received accor ingly, N 9 0 THE NORWEGIAN

of , it appears , a letter of homage from the chiefs the island at whose head now stood probably the bishop . King n Al exander issued a writi g in reply to the bishop , wherein he obligated himself for the first not to encroach upon Man . This island was accordingly not incorporated w ith the n Scottish kingdom , but only subj ected to the Scotch ki g

l l . personal y , as Ice and to the King of Norway It does not belong here to state how the Isle of Man afterwards came i f under the King of England, and was by him g ven by enfeo f " t o S t an l e ment English noblemen , latterly of the house of y fi whose chief was the Earl of Derby ; but so much will we only add , that Man henceforward , through all vicissitudes, of continued to form an important part. of the possessions

ri n n t o o the B tish crown, without either belo gi g Sc tland or

n England . It is not subj ect to the British parliame t, but has its own jurisdiction and ancient legislative assembly

se - T hi n vald —an the called Tynwald (properly, g ) assembly ’ n consisti g of the governor, as the king s representative , the

— - a b co hi &c . council n mely, the ishop , archdea n, c ef justices , , — f &c. o and the house representatives , or elected members

of (House of Keys , also called consisting twenty

who - four members , form a self elected body , and retain o for their ffice life . The assembly has both the power of e judging and legislating , and can be conven d by the king,

i

h s . or by the governor in name, at any time . We recognize in this assembly exactly the old Norwegian Thi ng-organi

z at i on l l e n d e rm e n , name y, the bishop , the principal clergy, ,

"" S ub s ue n t he s of o a i n Ma n e e b m a r a e w t h e eq tly right r y lty d volv d, y r i g ith e e ss oft he ouse ofS a n e o n t he u e of ol e a n d we e a nsfe e t o t he h ir h t l y, D k Ath , r tr rr d B s r ow n w n t h e a st fo y e ar s i n on se u n f a r a n ma e b riti h c ithi l rt y , c q e ce o g t d y ar am e n b w a of om e n sa n p li t y y c p tio .

9 2 THE NORWE GIAN

’ hn hi A l Jo s Chapel, w ch lies close by the ssembly Hi l , ur e hears service , and proceeds thereafter f ther in pr ces hi in sion up to the ll, where all the enactments accepted the course of the year are read aloud in English and T he r e u On . r Manx p the procession retu ns to the chapel , where the enactments are signed and sealed . The Spiritual juri sdi ction ofMan and the Southern Islands Nid aroe s a was , moreover, as we have seen , reserved to rch episcopate and that remained undisturbed for about eighty 134 8 years, even to , when the bond was dissolved , as will be seen in the sequel. Of the possessions on the coasts of Scotland the crown of — Nor way had still retained the most valuable the Orkneys — and Shetland and held them further in possession for t wo i centuries , whilst the bond during th s period was even r fi mer cemented than otherwise . The relations here were ff also di erent than upon Man and the Southern Islands, for the population wa s thoroughl y Norse and the langu age il Norse. That the fam y of the earl itself was Scotch , as well ll as that several Scotchmen had gradua y settled down there , ul of co d , under these circumstances , not have been much i li w a s mportance, for the prevai ng nationality still Norse, ul n and it wo d demand , at all events, a considerable le gth of nks l on time to denationalize it by the higher ra ; whi st, the

contrary, upon the Southern Islands the Norse nationality ’ nl o y played upon the surface , and the people s innermost c n root and kernel were Gaeli c . It a hardly be doubted

of Gilb e r t sson that the Earl Orkney , Magnus , who at the

m of ril in v olun com encement the last war, volunta y or t aril hi s ll y , had placed a egiance to the crown of Norway higher than his vassalage to the King of Scotland as Earl INVAS ION OF SCOTLAND . 9 3

o f s a Caithness, must, after the conclu ion of pe ce , have found ifli cul himself in a very d t position . It is very remarkable of that he is not mentioned in the treaty peace . However on e may conceive of his position , and whatever part he in

of n later times took , he must , as both Earl Ork ey and ill i t v . s n o Caithness , ha e fared It improbable that he , ’ Ki d A immediately after ng Haakon s eath, when King lex ’ ander s arms had made such progress, desired to follow the m of exa ple of the chiefs the Southern Islands , and obtain

if . reconcil ia tion with King Alexander. But he ever so much desired this , it must nevertheless have been exceedingly di ffi ul u k c t to find opport nity thereto , as the Or neys , as w e ri i have seen , during the whole time were gar soned w th w as Norwegian troops, and he himself accordingly, if he

n of . then in Orkney , fou d himself under a kind observation But it is remarkable that he is never all uded to in Kin g ’ d n Haakon s return expedition, and uri g his succeeding stay "e t in Kirkwall . it appears as if the earl , the chief person next the king, must have been mentioned at that time on or some occasion other , and that he at least must have been ’ n present at the king s death . But there is o ly mention made of the bishop , not of the earl . Hence we must almost n conclude that he had forsaken King Haakon , and obtai ed l A e x e reconci iation with King lexander ; also , that the p dition King Alexander subsequently fitted out against k w Caithness , on which occasion Orkney was li e ise threat ’ n own ened , had taken place accordi g to Earl Magnus s

for of hn s request, both the purpose reconquering Cait es , which now must be looked upon as having subj ected itself to the

ort hm e n N , and also , if possible , to drive the Norwegian troops t he from the islands . This is also partly confirmed from 9 4 THE NORWE GIAN

i sub se circumstance that among the Scotch arch ves, at a

t o quent period, was found a letter from the King of Norway the Caithness people , which seems to have been written

of r t o immediately after the conclusion peace, in o der declare them released from the obligations which they , perhaps during the war, had come under to the crown of Norway ; partly and chiefly from the circumstance that

a l n Earl M gnus himself, the year fol owi g the conclusion of h i peace , must ave been present in Bergen and entered nto hi a compact with King Magnus, w ch could not have been

for advantageous the earl , because its foundation was the compact which was concluded i n 119 5 between King Sverre and Earl Harold to whi ch there were added several Special

I s s i l of resolutions . It a pity that we pos ess as l tt e the last 1267 of 119 5 compact of as of the older one , and accord i n l n n di n g y do n ot k ow the exact co tio s . But we discern from

" other circumstances that if Kin g Magnus had then given ’ in up a portion of the crown s possessions those countries , &c li s namely, the Southern Islands , . , he endeavoured kewi e all to attach the other portions , Orkney and Shetland , the he n ce for firmer to the crown . Shetland continued to be ward immediately held by the crown , and completely separ ated from the Orkneys in a secular point of view . On the w e Orkneys themselves the king received , as have seen , the

al l h f of the fines ; besides , we know that he actually co lected

on. the tax, which seems to have been done the principle that t a cer ain amount of taxation was laid upon every estate , ll f which the king caused to be co ected through his sherif s, f without the intervention o the earl . To this was added ’ a the land dues upon the proprietors crown l nds, which for the most part had fallen to the crown by confiscation in

T H E 9 6 NORWEGIAN INVASION OF SCOTLAND .

oft he m a n a n O os u t a t a ac a L a s . h e i l d, pp ite B e, pl e they c ll rg T er m a m m om n h e en coun tered t w o isfort u n es a lm ost a t the s e e t. fi s t a a n n a w A a n u a r a The r t, h t h vi g e g ged ith lex der St t, the gre t gra n dfa ther of the fi rst of tha t fa m ily wh o swayed the Scottish s a n d b n a m ost su oun b m ul u of ceptre, ee l rr ded y the tit de the fl d i n on us on o hi s a t hi s s s o e t s S . Sc tch , he c f i hip There f er, hip a n b n a ssa w a m os s u m s h vi g ee iled ith t de tr ctive te pe t , with the n I n fe w tha t rem a in ed b e w ith diffi cul ty rea ched the Ork eys . tha t b a ttle the N orw egia n s la m en ted the loss of m e n a n d the Scots Som e a u thors sa y tha t Kin g Alexa n der w a s pre sen t a t the en ga gem en t ; b u t even thes e m a ke hon ou rab le m n on w s of A a n u a H aa on of a t e ti like i e lex der St rt. k died grief oss of hi s a m a n d a so of a b a ou n m a n hi s the l r y, l very r ve y g , n sm a n w os n a m i s n ot m n on ki , h e e e ti ed . H i n n c i n 63. s so a u s w h o h a d a a ri § , M g , l tely r ved, per eiv g m a tters t o b e i n a m ore despera te con dition tha n he ha d a n tici a a u a a s ou n ot t n o m n s om p ted, p rtic l rly he c ld expec rei f rce e t fr hom e b efore spri n g ; a lso perceivi n g tha t the affection s of t h e s a n s h a d b om a n a a n d u n s a n i n a w as i l der ec e lie ted, der t d g th t he s b os o s b con fi di n i n w om hi s a h a d de erted y th e Sc t , y g h f ther u n t a n w ar a u n hi s m n t o a " n or der ke the , re dily t r ed i d pe ce did the u nfortun a te sta te ofthe w a r sub du e the fi e r ce n e ss ofthe you n g m a n so m u a s a m F r Al a n b o s a n s . o ch fe r fr the i l der ex der, y b o a n Ma n a n s a n i n n a i n m i d c a n n b w n l ck di g , i l d ly g e rly h el et ee o a n a n d an o oss ss on of on on i on Sc tl d Irel d, rec vered p e i it the c d ti a n of s a n a s o n a s u i s oul s n t e n th t the ki g the i l d, fte req red, h d e d s s ofw a r a n d a o s n shou n him om hip , th t the Sc tti h ki g ld defe d fr n a n m a t o s . W n o s a n s a a exter l , e e ie he the ther i l d ppe red re dy oll ow sa m our s a n u s s n a m b a ssa o s t o m a a c f the e c e M g e t d r ke pe e , w A a n At hich lex der refused u nl e ss the H eb ride s w ere received . n b m a n s of i n t e r com m u n i e a t i on of a cifi ca t or s w a s le gth , y e the p , it agreed tha t the Scottish kin g shou ld hold the H eb rides " tha t sum of m s s l s ou b e a b hi m a t s n he erk i ver h ld p id y pre e , t . t a n d 100 m s s i t w a s s u a su i n a . s erk every cceed g ye r Be ide , tip l ted a a a a u of Al a n a ou a s ol d th t M rg ret, the d ghter ex der, girl f r ye r , s ou w n sh e m f n i n m a a _ a o a e b e u wi h ld, he c e g , ited rri ge th H au on a n u s son of a n u s . g , the M g