Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S
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Liberal Vision Lite: Your Mid-Monthly Update of News from Liberal International
Liberal Vision Lite: your mid-monthly update of news from Liberal International Thu, Apr 15, 2021 at 6:59 PM Issue n°5 - 15 April 2021 SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER "We have a chance to re-think & re-invent our future", LI President El Haité tells Liberal Party of Canada Convention. In an introductory keynote, President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, addressed thousands of liberals at the Liberal Party of Canada‘s largest policy convention in history. WATCH VIDEO CGLI’s Axworthy tells Canadian liberals, "To solve interlinked challenges, common threads must be found." On 9 April, as thousands of Candian liberals joined the Liberal Party of Canada's first-ever virtual National Convention, distinguished liberal speakers: Hon. Lloyd Axworthy, Hon. Diana Whalen, Chaviva Hosek, Rob Oliphant & President of the Canadian Group of LI Hon. Art Eggleton discussed liberal challenges and offered solutions needed for the decade ahead. WATCH VIDEO On World Health Day, Council of Liberal Presidents call for more equitable access to COVID vaccines Meeting virtually on Tuesday 7 April, the Council of Liberal Presidents convened by the President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, applauded the speed with which vaccines have been developed to combat COVID19 but expressed growing concern that the rollout has until now been so unequal around the world. READ JOINT STATEMENT LI-CALD Statement: We cannot allow this conviction to mark the end of Hong Kong LI and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats released a joint statement on the conviction of LI individual member & LI Prize for Freedom laureate, Martin Lee along with other pro-democracy leaders in Hong Kong, which has sent shockwaves around the world. -
Voter Alignments in a Dominant Party System: the Cleavage Structures of the Russian Federation
Voter alignments in a dominant party system: The cleavage structures of the Russian Federation. Master’s Thesis Department of Comparative Politics November 2015 Ivanna Petrova Abstract This thesis investigates whether there is a social cleavage structure across the Russian regions and whether this structure is mirrored in the electoral vote shares for Putin and his party United Russia on one hand, versus the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its leader Gennady Zyuganov on the other. In addition to mapping different economic, demographic and cultural factors affecting regional vote shares, this thesis attempts to determine whether there is a party system based on social cleavages in Russia. In addition, as the Russian context is heavily influenced by the president, this thesis investigates whether the same cleavages can explain the distribution of vote shares during the presidential elections. Unemployment, pensioners, printed newspapers and ethnicity create opposing effects during parliamentary elections, while distance to Moscow, income, pensioners, life expectancy, printed newspapers and ethnicity created opposing effects during the presidential elections. The first finding of this thesis is not only that the Russian party system is rooted in social cleavages, but that it appears to be based on the traditional “left-right” cleavage that characterizes all Western industrialized countries. In addition, despite the fact that Putin pulls voters from all segments of the society, the pattern found for the party system persists during presidential elections. The concluding finding shows that the main political cleavage in today’s Russia is between the left represented by the communists and the right represented by the incumbents. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
Russia's Many Foreign Policies
Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy. -
Russian Politics in Times of Change: Internal and External Factors of Transformation
CONNECTIONS The Quarterly Journal Volume XIV, Number 1 Winter 2014 European and Eurasian Security: Viewpoints from Russia ........................................ 1 The “Rise” of China in the Eyes of Russia: A Source of Threats or New Opportunities? ............................................................................................................ 3 Anastasia Solomentseva Russia and the Arab Spring ...................................................................................... 41 Alexander Vysotsky Russia’s View of Its Relations with Georgia after the 2012 Elections: Implications for Regional Stability ........................................................................... 65 Nikolai Silaev and Andrei Sushentsov The “Color Revolutions” and “Arab Spring” in Russian Official Discourse ............ 87 Yulia Nikitinа Russian Politics in Times of Change: Internal and External Factors of Transformation ....................................................................................................... 105 Denis Alexeev The Ukrainian Crisis and its Effect on the Project to Establish a Eurasian Economic Union ..................................................................................................... 121 Marina Lapenko The Transfer of Power in Central Asia and Threats to Regional Stability ............. 137 Sergei Y. Shenin i Russian Politics in Times of Change: Internal and External Factors of Transformation Denis Alexeev * The first few months of 2014 brought an unprecedented collapse of the Russian Federa- tion’s -
Post-Soviet States: People, Power, and Assets Oral History Archive
Post-Soviet States: People, Power, and Assets Oral History Archive Interviewee: Mark O. Henry Interviewer: Rebecca Adeline Johnston Date: December 9, 2019 Location: Woburn, MA Abstract Mark O. Henry is co-founder and Chief Financial Officer of Boston-based Bach Pharma. An accountant by training, he has worked as a CPA for Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., a vice president at State Street Bank in Boston, and in numerous business ventures. Much of his career in the pharmaceutical industry has been aimed at establishing a market in the United States for Russian therapeutics. Most prominent in his work is a monosodium luminol product marketed as Galavit in Russia and as GVT in the United States. In this interview, Mr. Henry discusses his experiences working with the Russian and American medical communities beginning in the late 1990s and which remain ongoing. This transcript is lightly edited for clarity. Audio for this interview is not available. Redacted portions are marked as such. Interviewer questions and remarks are presented in bold. Interview Transcript I wanted to start with asking a bit about yourself—where you're from, some of the highlights of your very varied and rich career in accounting and business, up to the point where you started working in Russia. I graduated with a bachelor of science degree in accounting, became a CPA for KPMG. One of my first assignments that I ever had was in South America, specifically in Columbia, South America. I was helping United Fruit Company at the time sell bananas to Russia, which was prohibited from the United States because of the 1947 ban on trade with Russia that the Congress of the United States had passed. -
Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S
WikiLeaks Document Release http://wikileaks.org/wiki/CRS-RL32662 February 2, 2009 Congressional Research Service Report RL32662 Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division January 23, 2007 Abstract. assesses Russia’s progress in democratization, including in the areas of elections, media rights, civil society, and federalism. Four scenarios of possible future political developments are suggested - a continuation of the current situation of ”managed democracy,” deepening authoritarianism, further democratization, or a chaotic interlude - and evidence and arguments are weighed for each. Lastly, U.S. policy and implications for U.S. interests, congressional concerns, and issues for Congress are analyzed. Order Code RL32662 Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S. Interests Updated January 23, 2007 Jim Nichol http://wikileaks.org/wiki/CRS-RL32662 Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Democracy in Russia: Trends and Implications for U.S. Interests Summary U.S. attention has focused on Russia’s fitful democratization since Russia emerged in 1991 from the collapse of the Soviet Union. Many observers have argued that a democratic Russia with free markets would be a cooperative bilateral and multilateral partner rather than an insular and hostile national security threat. Concerns about democratization progress appeared heightened after Vladimir Putin became president in 2000. Since then, Russians have faced increased government interference in elections and campaigns, restrictions on freedom of the media, large- scale human rights abuses in the breakaway Chechnya region, and the forced breakup of Russia’s largest private oil firm, Yukos, as an apparent warning to entrepreneurs not to support opposition parties or otherwise challenge government policy. -
The Noncommunist Left, Social Constituencies, and Political Strategies in Russia
The Noncommunist Left, Social Constituencies, and Political Strategies in Russia PAUL T. CHRISTENSEN efining and identifying the noncommunist Left in Russia is in many ways an Dexercise in frustration. Whereas the organizations of the noncommunist Left in Russia are somewhat more permanent than that analogy suggests, the sugges- tion that we are dealing with tenuous political formations, with few exceptions, very much to the point. There are many such organizations in Russia; some are relatively stable and have a history, many are not; and all of them are relatively small and have problematic constituencies. There are three central questions to address if we are to understand the potential political import of these groups for Russia’s political future. First, what are the organizations and parties of the non- communist Left that have any stature and political salience? Second, what are their actual or potential social constituencies? Third, what are the political strate- gies of the noncommunist Left, and why does it seem to have such a problem in carving out a political space in contemporary Russia? Before discussing the specific questions raised above, it is important to situ- ate the noncommunist Left in Russia, and indeed the entire Russian political spec- trum, on the conceptual map of political ideologies used in Western social science. Left—historically centered around socialist and communist movements—puts a high value on democracy in the economic as well as in the political realm, on eco- nomic egalitarianism, and traditionally views an expansive role for the state and organized social interests in the operation of society as necessary and positive. -
BOOK ALL.P65
LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL THE BARCELONA PROCESS 175th EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 5-6 NOVEMBER MALLORCA, SPAIN Sponsored by With the support of the European Parliament With the support of the Dutch Foreign Office Table of Contents Background - Barcelona Process 2 - Economic and Financial Chapter 3 - Foreign Policy and Security Chapter 4 - Israel and Palestine 5 - Human Rights 6 Programme 7-9 Professional Profiles 10-14 Participants 14-16 The Barcelona Process The poor democratic record of Maghreb and Mashrek countries, com- bined with the demographic trends and the economic imbalances be- tween the southern and the northern shores of the Mediterranean, led to the launch of a new initiative in 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partner- ship (EMP), which became known as the Barcelona Process. It was launched to foster cooperation on political reform, economic liberalisation, and social issues between the European Union (EU) and the countries on the southern and eastern rim of the Mediterranean (Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Tunisia, and Turkey). Members are commit- ted to implementing reforms and continuing dialogue. The agreement calls for reform in three areas, known as the political, economic, and social chapters. The first objective is the creation of a common area of peace and stability through the reinforcement of political and security dialogues based on fundamental principles such as respect for human rights and democracy (Political and Security Chapter). The second objective calls for the construction of a zone of shared pros- perity through an economic and financial partnership that includes the gradual establishment of a free zone by 2010. -
S Ur Pr Is Ing R Us Si a 2 01 5
SURPRISING RUSSIA 2015 SENTIMENTS OPINIONS VALUES UDK 316.3(470) BBK 60.59(2Ros) З76 The editorial board of the “Platform” Centre for Social Design includes: A. Firsov (Project Leader), N. Kolennikova, D. Lisitsyn, D. Seryogin and E. Shipova. Surprising Russia 2015. — Moscow: Eksmo, 2016 — 208 p. (Russia by the numbers.) ISBN - 978-5-9907855-1-9 The “Surprising Russia” annual edition compiled by Russia’s leading social re- search centre and think tanks aims to study current social trends. The book contains research data and presents the viewpoints of prominent Russian ex- perts. The series has been published since 2014. UDK 316.3(470) BBK 60.59(2Ros) © Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VCIOM) © Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Research (ISEPR Foundation) © “Platform”, Centre for Social Design INTRODUCTION 3 INTRODUCTION RUSSIA’S TRANSFORMATION AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE VALERY FEDOROV, Director General, Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VCIOM) he contemporary world is still characterized by the persistent belief that elab- Torate and tricky techniques allow sociologists to efectively map popular senti- ments, even if it is impossible to obtain exact measurements. To what extent is it rea- sonable for Russians to share his belief? Let us not forget that sociology as we know it today emerged and developed in Western Europe and Northern America. Non-Western societies, including Russia, are structured diferently, which was recognized as long ago as in the 1950s – 1960s along with the emergence of modernization theories. Te debate whether non-West- ern societies have fundamentally diferent central pillars or merely lag behind the Western civilization is far from over and is likely to stay just as intense for years to come. -
The Kremlin's Proxy War on Independent Journalism
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford WEEDING OUT THE UPSTARTS: THE KREMLIN’S PROXY WAR ON INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM by Alexey Eremenko Trinity Term 2015 Sponsor: The Wincott Foundation 1 Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 1. INTERNET & FREEDOM 7 1.1 STATISTICAL OVERVIEW 7 1.2 MEDIA REGULATIONS 8 1.3 SITES USED 9 2. ‘LINKS OF THE GODDAMN CHAIN’ 12 2.1 EDITORIAL TAKEOVER 12 2.2 DIRECT HIT 17 2.3 FINDINGS 22 3. THE MISSING LINKS 24 3.1 THE UNAFFECTED 24 3.2 WHAT’S NOT DONE 26 4. MORE PUTIN! A CASE STUDY IN COVERAGE CHANGE 30 4.1 CATEGORIES 30 4.2 KEYWORDS 31 4.3 STORY SUBJECTS 32 4.4 SENTIMENT ANALYSIS 32 5. CONCLUSIONS 36 BIBLIOGRAPHY 38 2 Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful, first and foremost, to the fellows at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, whose expertise and good spirits made for a Platonic ideal of a research environment. James Painter and John Lloyd provided invaluable academic insight, and my past and present employers at the Moscow Times and NBC News, respectively, have my undying gratitude for agreeing to spare me for three whole eventful months, an eternity in the news gathering business. Finally, my sponsor, the Wincott Foundation, and the Reuters Institute itself, believed in me and my topic enough to make this paper possible and deserve the ultimate credit for whatever meager contribution it makes to the academia and, hopefully, upholding the freedom of speech in the world. 3 Introduction “Freedom of speech was and remains a sacrosanct value of the Russian democracy,” Russian leader Vladimir Putin said in his first state of the nation in 2000. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER