The Middle Ages 1. Geography and Time Frame the European Middle
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The Legacy of the Roman Empire and the Middle Ages in the West The
The Legacy of the Roman Empire and the Middle Ages in the West The Roman Empire reigned from 27 BCE to 476 CE throughout the Mediterranean world, including parts of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. The fall of the Roman Empire in the West in 476 CE marked the end of the period of classical antiquity and ushered in a new era in world history. Three civilizations emerged as successors to the Romans in the Mediterranean world: the Byzantine Empire (in many ways a continuation of the Eastern Roman Empire), and the civilizations of Islam and Western Europe. These three civilizations would become rivals and adversaries over the course of the succeeding centuries. They developed distinct religious, cultural, social, political, and linguistic characteristics that shaped the path each civilization would take throughout the course of the Middle Ages and beyond. The Middle Ages in European history refers to the period spanning the fifth through the fifteenth century. The fall of the Western Roman Empire typically represents the beginning of the Middle Ages. Scholars divide the Middle Ages into three eras: the Early Middle Ages (400–1000), the High Middle Ages (1000–1300), and the Late Middle Ages (1300–1500). The Renaissance and the Age of Discovery traditionally mark the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period in European history. The legacy of the Roman Empire, and the division of its territory into three separate civilizations, impacted the course of world history and continues to influence the development of each region to this day. -
Review Situating Universal History
Histos () xx–xxvii REVIEW SITUATING UNIVERSAL HISTORY Peter Liddel and Andrew Fear, edd., Historiae Mundi: Studies in Universal History . London: Duckworth, . Pp. ix + . Hardcover, £.. ISBN ----. Note: The Table of Contents for this volume appears at the end of the review. he appearance of a volume of essays devoted to the subject of uni- versal history will doubtless please many in the fields of Classics and Tancient historiography. The steady growth of interest in this and re- lated areas over the last several decades has made a broad study something of a necessity for the purposes of synthesising prior research and outlining paths of future study. While the fifteen essays of Historiae Mundi lack the kinds of cohesiveness and dialogue ideally suited for this purpose, they do offer a broad perspective. Drawn chiefly from the proceedings of an inter- national conference held at the University of Manchester in June , ‘Universal Historiography in Antiquity and Beyond’, the essays cover a wide set of themes and interpretive approaches, ranging from the familiar (e.g., particular studies of Polybius and Diodorus of Sicily) to the less conventional (e.g., universalism in epic poetry and in ancient economic thought). The fo- cus is predominately upon Greece and Rome, but matters of reception are considered as well, that is, the afterlife of universal history in late antique Europe, in medieval Islam, and in the modern West. There are conspicuous omissions—no paper devoted to Ephorus or Posidonius, for instance—but these are not critical. As the editors themselves point out, the purpose of the essays is not to provide an exhaustive treatment, but rather to open up new areas of inquiry by considering forms of ‘historical universalism’ beyond its conventional sources in prose historical writing (pp. -
The Beginnings of Christian Universal History. from Tatian to Julius Africanus
The Beginnings of Christian Universal History From Tatian to Julius Africanus Martin Wallraff Theologische Fakultät, Universität Basel, Nadelberg 10, CH-4051 Basel, Email: [email protected] When one speaks of Christian historiography in antiquity, the fi rst thing that usually comes to mind is “Church history” in general and Eusebius’ great achievement in this fi eld in particular. Eusebius is called “the father of Church history”, and quite rightly so1. However, one tends to forget the fact that this new literary genre was not an immediate success story. Following a few successors in the fourth and fi fth centuries2, Christians did not write Church histories any longer for almost a thousand years. During this millennium – the Middle Ages – Christian historiography found its main expression in a different genre that became very popular, both in the East and in the West: chronicles, in many cases world chronicles, i.e. works in which the whole history of the world, or rather of mankind is described. Christian chronography also originated in antiquity, and the honorary epithet “father of Christian chronography” has been given to Julius Africanus (third century), whose Chronographiae (or what survives of it) are now accessible in a new critical edition3. The present paper deals with this aspect of early Christian historical thought. Even if it is correct to call Julius Africanus the father of Christian chronography, fatherhood is often problematic: mater semper certa, pater incertus est. So, it might be worthwhile to ask again in which sense Julius Africanus is a father – and what exactly the child is called. -
The Meaning of Human History by Morris R. Cohen
BOOK REVIEWS TiE MAMNo op HumN -hsTonY. By Morris R. Cohen. La Salle, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Co., 1947. Pp. x, 304. $4.00. Morris Cohen's volume is an application of his realist philosophy to the field of history. Who first perceived the possibility of the realm of speculation known as the philosophy of history is a matter of dispute; but since the appearance of Vico's writings on that subject it has been impossible to deny that a legitimate domain of inquiry has been marked out. The subject from the latter part of the eighteenth century onwards has been investigated by important Continental thinkers in all countries, and its bibliography is now extensive. It has had little or no attraction, however, for English and American students. Until the recent work of Oakeshott and Collingwood the English attitude toward the field has been typified by Bosanquet's belief that history was not a valid mode of thought. In the United States, apart from the studies of Teggart and Henry and Brooks Adams, none of whose volumes was put forward from the point of view of technical philosophy, there has been little else save attempts to popularize Hegel, Spencer, and Comte. On the philosophical side Cohen brought to his task in the present volume an equip- ment unexcelled by any other American thinker of his generation. He wrote little political, economic, and social history, but his writings are full of appeals to those realms, and the lessons he draws from them show the degree to which he had mastered their processes. -
In the Grip of Sacred History
In the Grip of Sacred History The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Smail, Daniel. 2005. In the grip of sacred history. American Historical Review 110, no. 5: 1336-1361. Published Version http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1337 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3207678 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA FRONTISPIECE: Noah's Ark under conslruclion in Edenia. From Athanasius Kircher, ,^rcfl NoS. Reproduced courtesy of Fordham University Library Special Collections. In the Grip of Sacred History DAN SMAIL ON THE OTHER SIDE OF EDEN lies a vast stretch of human history punctuated by com- pelling stories and events.' The ancestral Eve, the Out-of-Africa hypothesis, the Great Leap Forward, the settling of the Americas, the debates that rage around megafaunal extinction and the demise of the Neanderthals: all these and more have gripped the imaginations of academics and amateurs alike. If humanity is the proper subject of history, then surely the Paleolithic is part of our history. Yet despite enor- mous strides in the field of paleoanthropology over the last several decades, the deep past of humanity still plays a marginal role in the grand historical narrative that is taught in secondary schools and colleges in the United States. -
Medieval Christianity: the State of the Field Katherine J
Religion Compass 1 (2004) CH 013, 1–17 Medieval Christianity: The State of the Field Katherine J. Gill Abstract As in other academic disciplines, historical Christianity in recent years has been energetically navigating the “cultural turn.” Just before the onset of the new millen- nium, Church History, the publication of the American Society of Church History, added the subtitle: Studies in Christianity and Culture. The subtitle signaled a recognition that Church History as a discipline had come to embrace a greater breadth than the connotations conveyed by the traditional term “Church History.” More specifically, its frameworks of inquiry had come to reflect a greater appreciation of the many facets of lived religion, a greater engagement with questions of how differently situated Christians interacted either among themselves or with others, and a greater openness to methodological innovation. The expansiveness in the general study of historical Christianity is nowhere more marked than in the study of Medieval Christianity. Over the course of the last forty years scholarship in this field sloughed off the dual trammels of confessional constructs and nationalist historiography. Scholars drawn to the study of medieval Christianity turned away from debates as to whether and how the “Medieval Church” achieved a sublime synthesis of Christian ideals on earth; or, on the other hand, stumbled through a long errancy from a pure gospel truth. Late twentieth century workers in the vineyard of Medieval Christianity found themselves challenged by the new themes of dominance, subversion, subjectivity, identity and alterity. Liberated from preoccupations as to whether and how it undergirded the imperium and collective virtues of one European country or another, “Medieval Christendom” simultaneously fractured, expanded and ramified. -
The Concept of Universal History*
Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory/Revue canadienne de theorie politigue et sociale, Vol. 4, No. 3. THE CONCEPT OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY* Antonio Caso History as Science Is history a science? - Thinkers (philosophers, historians, sociologists)," according to Altimira, "can be ranged into three groups with regard to this problem. Some deny altogether any scientific character to history, others acknowledge that history, in part, has such a character, and others, finally, affirm such a character and even attempt to constitute with it a new species of inquiry." No error can be committed - at least it would be inexplicable that it was committed - if that error was not based in some way on real data which were susceptible of being interpreted as they were by those who made the erroneous judgment. Spencer said - and his expression has met with good fortune since - that there is afund oftruth infalsethings. If, with respect to the nature of history and to its scientific or artistic character, there exist grave differences of opinion, this condition will probably be grounded in the fact that the very characters of history are susceptible of diverse interpretations, because, perhaps, the thing that we wish to define is incoherent in itself and, as John Stuart Mill teaches, "there is no agreement on the point of the definition of a thing except when there is agreement about the object of the definition." But it may also be the case that though history is coherent in itself it is so complex that in one of its aspects it appears as science and in another as art, or as art and science simultaneously, or as science and art sui generis . -
Idea for a Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View[1]
Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) Idea for a Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View[1] Source: Idea for a Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View (1784). Translation by Lewis White Beck. From Immanuel Kant, “On History,” The Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963. Transcribed : by Rob Lucas A short and very accessible text, it avoids the technical language of Kant’s larger works, but was written right between the 1st and 2nd editions of ‘Critique of Pure Reason’ and thus represents Kant in his ‘mature’ stage. As a meditation on themes of world history, progress and enlightenment the essay picks up themes that Kant developed elsewhere but in a bold and programmatic fashion. It can thus be read productively in comparison to Hegel and Marx’s approaches to world history, and can in some ways be seen as setting a challenge which Hegel was to take up in his own philosophy, and which Marx was consequently to develop. Of particular interest in relation to Hegel and Marx is Kant’s reference to man’s “unsocial sociability” in the Fourth Thesis, which seems to suggest something like a socio-historical dialectic. Introduction Whatever concept one may hold, from a metaphysical point of view, concerning the freedom of the will, certainly its appearances, which are human actions, like every other natural event are determined by universal laws. However obscure their causes, history, which is concerned with narrating these appearances, permits us to hope that if we attend to the play of freedom of the human will in the large, we may be able to discern a regular movement in it, and that what seems complex and chaotic in the single individual may be seen from the standpoint of the human race as a whole to be a steady and progressive though slow evolution of its original endowment. -
The Crisis of the Late Middle Ages the Case of France
THE CRISIS OF THE LATE MIDDLE AGES THE CASE OF FRANCE JAMES L. GOLDSMITH' Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/fh/article/9/4/417/622520 by guest on 01 October 2021 For nearly fifty years, historians have thought of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in France in terms of the crisis, or rather crises, of the late Middle Ages. Our intention here is not to review once again the historiography of the crisis debate in its entirety,1 but to examine a considerable body of monographic literature which casts light on, and raises doubts about, widespread interpretations of the economic-demographic crisis of the late Middle Ages. Historians initially viewed the economic-demographic crisis of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in France as the result of the Hundred Years War and the Black Death. Depopulation, war destruction and dislocation of the economy produced distress and depression in the agricultural sector. Robert Boutruche's famous study of the Bordelais reflected this conceptualiza- tion of the crisis.2 Soon after the appearance of Boutruche's thesis, Edouard Perroy introduced French readers to a different notion of an economic and demographic crisis which appeared before the Hundred Years War and the Black Death.3 Perroy spoke of a succession of crises. The severe grain shortages of 1315-20 thinned the population, and the financial crisis of 1335-40 weakened the economy even before the arrival of the catastrophic Black Death of 1348. Although Perroy opted for a population figure of 10 or 11 million for France in the early fourteenth century rather than Lot's figure of 15 or 16 million, he still argued that France was overpopulated for its primitive agricultural systems. -
Their Relations in the Middle Ages and Now Legally PDF Catalog
France And England - Their Relations In The Middle Ages And Now by T. F. Tout The Late Middle Ages The life of a High Middle Ages s king was filled with conflict. This lesson explores some of the major kings of England and France and their relations with each ?The History of English - Middle English (c. 1100 - c. 1500) Stone, L., Sculpture in Britain: The Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1955). Strayer 192033). f France and England: Their Relations in the Middle Ages and Now The Hundred Years War - Google Books Result 9 Nov 2009 . After a hiatus, Henry V of England renewed the war and proved victorious at Battle of) now remained confined to the Channel port of Calais (lost in 1558). France, at last free of the English invaders, resumed its place as the dominant state https://www.history.com/topics/middle-ages/hundred-years-war Medieval Marriage: What Was Marriage Like In The Middle Ages . France–United Kingdom relations are the relations between the governments of the French . France and England were subject to repeated Viking invasions, and their foreign . It was also during the Middle Ages that a Franco-Scottish alliance, known as the Auld .. Ireland now lost its last vestiges of independence. British The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West . - Google Books Result In the Medieval times, marriage was quite different than today. In the middle ages, girls were typically in their teens when they married, and boys were in their France–United Kingdom relations - Wikipedia The Late Middle Ages: Crisis and Recovery, 1300-1450 . -
Chapter 9 the Late Middle Ages (1300- 1527): Centuries of Crisis
Chapter 9 The Late Middle Ages (1300- 1527): Centuries of Crisis 1 Hundred Years’ War (May 1337-October 1453) • Causes: – King Edward III (England) asserts claim to French throne – French barons choose Philip VI of Valois – Emerging Territorial Powers – Edward held sizable French territories – French turned their noses to this – Flanders-(cloth industry needed English wool) – Prejudice and animosity 2 French Weaknesses • Internal disunity • Financial policies (depreciating the currency and borrowing) • Estates General 1355 • Military=less disciplined • Mediocre leadership 3 Progress of War • Edward embargoed • Jacquerie 1358 wool to Flanders • 1360 Peace of • Flemish cities revolt Bretigny • 1340 Bay of Sluys • Edward died=Richard • 1356 John II The II became king Good captured by England (Estates Gen. • John Ball and Wat Now has power) Tyler 1381 • France increased taxes • Henry V 4 … • Treaty of Troyes – Henry V proclaimed as successor to French throne • Joan of Arc – called by the King of Heaven to deliver Orleans from the English • Joan inspired French troops • Executed on May 30, 1431 • Sainthood in 1920 5 The Black Death • More people than food • 1315-1317 crop failures • 1348 full force of plague • Followed trade routes • Europe lost 2/5 of population • Social response to the plague? ‘Dance of Death’ by Hans Holbein, 1491 6 Social and Economic Consequences • Farms Decline –prices drop, while manufactured goods went up; landholders lose power • Peasants revolt – land taxes, inability to leave their land for better work, frozen wages • Cities rebound – people wanted the best when life wasn’t good – Prices of goods rose; people migrated to cities 7 New Conflicts and Opportunities • Guilds gain power and conflict within themselves • Landed nobility and the Church were becoming weak • Kings took advantage to centralize their governments and economies 8 Ecclesiastical Breakdown & Revival: the Late Medieval Church • By the 13 th century the Papacy evolved into a ‘Papal monarchy’ with great secular powers. -
Voltaire and the Necessity of Modern History Pierre Force Department of French, Columbia University E-Mail: [email protected]
Modern Intellectual History, 6, 3 (2009), pp. 457–484 C Cambridge University Press 2009 doi:10.1017/S147924430999014X voltaire and the necessity of modern history pierre force Department of French, Columbia University E-mail: [email protected] This article revisits what has often been called the “naive presentism” of Voltaire’s historical work. It looks at the methodological and philosophical reasons for Voltaire’s deliberate focus on modern history as opposed to ancient history, his refusal to “make allowances for time” in judging the past, and his extreme selectiveness in determining the relevance of past events to world history. Voltaire’s historical practice is put in the context of the quarrel of the ancients and the moderns, and considered in a tradition of universal history going back to Bossuet and leading up to nineteenth-century German historicism. Paradoxically, Voltaire is a major figure in the history of historiography not in spite of his presentism (as Ernst Cassirer and Peter Gay have argued), but because of it. A significant proportion of Voltaire’s enormous output is historical in nature: alifeofCharlesXIIofSweden(1731),1 a cultural history of France under Louis XIV (1751),2 a history of the War of 1741 (1755),3 a history of Russia under Peter the Great (1760),4 aprecis´ of the age of Louis XV (1768),5 a history of the Parliament of Paris (1769),6 and a very ambitious Essay on the Manners and Spirit of Nations (1756),7 which was a secular continuation of Bossuet’s Discourse on Universal History. Yet Voltaire’s status as a historian is an ambiguous one.