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Iraq: Biggest Corruption Scandal in History
Iraq: Biggest Corruption Scandal in History ‘A colonizer never leaves the colony in the hands of honest people’ - Iraqi saying By Dirk Adriaensens Region: Middle East & North Africa, USA Global Research, January 24, 2021 Theme: History, US NATO War Agenda In-depth Report: IRAQ REPORT In her article “Iraq’s century of humiliation in the globalised age”, Aneela Shahzad writes: “In May 2020, the Special Representative of Secretary General for the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq announced that the poverty rate in Iraq would double to 40% from around 20%, where it currently stands, ‘the Iraqi economy is expected to contract by 9.7% in 2020… (and) there will be a decrease in economic opportunities.’ How is there a 350% increase in oil production and only ‘decrease’ in economic opportunities for the Iraqi people? The people, whose cities have been bombed to ruins from Fallujah to Mosul; of whom over three million were killed and over two million displaced during the war; and who have been suffering disease and death due to shortage of food and medicine for the last four decades.” Is it the oil-resource curse that has brought the Iraqi people to this deplorable condition? Or, have the US-installed political system and after them the Iranian influence over Iraqi politics, been the main reasons behind mischiefs such as the case of “an estimated $239.7 billion has left the country illegally since 2003”, currently being inquired by the Iraqi parliament. Most of this money was indeed oil money, meaning that both oil and revenue have been conveniently syphoned away from Iraq, leaving its people in harrowing dearth.” [1] A Transparency International report, published March 16, 2005, states that: “The reconstruction of post-war Iraq is in danger of becoming ‘the biggest corruption scandal in history.”[2] The analysis underneath tries to give an overview – although incomplete – of the rampant corruption imported by the US invaders and optimized by its installed Quisling government. -
Summary of the Shock Doctrine, by Naomi Klein. Allen Lane / Penguin Books, 2007
Summary of The Shock Doctrine, by Naomi Klein. Allen Lane / Penguin Books, 2007 The original book has 467 pages plus 70 pages of notes, in which the author mentions the sources for all her statements. Many of these sources are written records that became available to the public after 25 years. Summary by G.Goverde ([email protected]), December 2007, with consent by the author’s assistant. The summary is almost one tenth of the book, 44 pages Introduction Part 1 ch 1-2 Two doctor Shocks (Psychiatrist Ewen Cameron / The CIA, and Milton Friedman) Part 2 ch 3-5 The first test (the Southern Cone of Latin America) Part 3 ch 6-8 Surviving Democracy (Thatcher, Jeffrey Sachs in Bolivia, World Bank and IMF) Part 4 ch 9-13 Lost in Transition (Poland, China, South Africa, Russia, Washington, Asia) Part 5 ch 14-15 Shocking Times (Rumsfeld-Cheney-Bush, 9/11, the U.S., a corporatist state) Part 6 ch 16-18 Iraq, full circle (Erasing Iraq ) Part 7 ch 19-21 The Movable Green Zone (Tsunami; New Orleans; Israel) Conclusion PART 1: TWO DOCTOR SHOCKS Dr Ewen Cameron and Milton Friedman Introduction In September 2005 Naomi Klein is at the Red Cross shelter in Baton Rouge where dinner is being doled out to evacuees from New Orleans after hurricane Katrina. The news running around the shelter that day is that Richard Baker, a prominent Republican congressman from Baton Rouge had told a group of lobbyists: ‘We finally cleaned up public housing in New Orleans. We couldn’t do it, but God did’. -
After Saddam: Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq, MG-642-A, Nora Bensahel, Olga Oliker, Keith Crane, Richard R
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Arroyo Center View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. After Saddam Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq Nora Bensahel, Olga Oliker, Keith Crane, Richard R. -
2018 Securitization of Aid and Hybrid Peace in Humanitarian Space A
2018 Securitization of Aid and Hybrid Peace in Humanitarian Space A Case-Study of the Green Zone in Baghdad of Iraq Post-2003 Iraq’s Long Road to Peace: The Triumphal Arch of Baghdad in Iraq (Source: De Spiegel, 2013). BSc Thesis International Development Studies Wageningen University and Research Major: Sociology Name: Sylvia Dooper Number: 970204192100 Supervisor: Dr. Bram Jansen Preface ‘Walls that protect you, can also hem you in’ (The Atlantic, 2004). This quote underscores the message that I will put central in this bachelor thesis. The securitization of aid, in detail the bunkered architecture of compounds and the ambiguous way of life of expats inside these so- called ‘bunkers’, impedes the establishment of hybrid peace in humanitarian space. In other words, cooperation of both local and international actors is key for the establishment of peace. As the photo below illustrates, to rebuild a nation, working side to side with different people is the only pathway for success for the re-construction of a nation-state, such as in Iraq. Furthermore, I would not have been able to write this thesis without the help of my supervisor Dr. Bram Jansen. Therefore, I would like to thank him for all of his, ideas, suggestions and feedback which he provided me and enabled me further to write and finalize my thesis. Figure 1: Murals in Front of the Ministry of Public Works, Karkh District of Baghdad in Iraq. The Arabic transcript reads: ‘Let’s all build this nation together’. (Source: Jadaliyya, 2014). 2 Abstract The notion of the securitization of aid and hybrid peace in humanitarian space is applied to the Green Zone of Baghdad in Iraq Post-2003. -
Iraqi Interim Government
IRAQI INTERIM GOVERNMENT Announcement Ceremony Press Packet Iraqi Interim Government Summary • On 30 June, all governmental authority will be transferred to a fully sovereign Iraqi Interim Government. The Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist and Iraqis will govern their own affairs. • The Iraqi Interim Government will consist of a President, two Deputy Presidents, and a Prime Minister leading a Council of Ministers. The President will act as the Head of State. The Prime Minister will preside over the Council of Ministers and oversee the administration of the government. • There will also be an Interim National Council to promote constructive dialogue and create national consensus, to advise the new government, monitor the implementation of laws and approve the 2005 budget. The Interim National Council will be chosen by a National Conference, to be held in July, involving at least a thousand Iraqis from across Iraq. The Interim National Council will reflect Iraq’s diversity. • The judicial branch of government will be as set out in the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL). It includes a Federal Supreme Court, the highest court of the land, which has the authority to resolve constitutional disputes. • The Iraqi Interim Government was formed through a process of wide-ranging consultation with Iraqis, including political leaders, religious and tribal leaders and civic associations. The process was facilitated by Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Adviser on Iraq to the Secretary General of the United Nations, working in consultation with the CPA and the IIG. • The new Interim Government’s primary responsibility will be to administer Iraq’s affairs, in particular by providing for the welfare and security of the Iraqi people, promoting economic development and preparing Iraq for national elections to be held no later than 31 January 2005. -
Developing Iraq's Security Sector
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Developing Iraq’s Security Sector The Coalition Provisional Authority’s Experience Andrew Rathmell, Olga Oliker, Terrence K. Kelly, David Brannan, Keith Crane Prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research described in this report was prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD). -
1 January 31, 2020 Tishreen Revolution: Fighting for Iraq's Future the Screen of My Phone Is Filled with the Darkest Black
1 January 31, 2020 Tishreen Revolution: Fighting for Iraq’s Future The screen of my phone is filled with the darkest black I have ever seen–endless engulfing ink–unusual given the time of night; the streetlights should be on. Something is wrong. My chest tightens and anxiety grips me. The slightest movement, maybe the turn of a corner, reveals an inferno. A brilliant contrast of orange, yellow and red flames burst into the night sky, fingers of flame grasping for purchase in the abyss. I imagine the smell of the burning fabric. I feel the heat, almost hear the crackling of the flames. Relatively quiet up until now, suddenly yelling explodes from the phone speaker. I hear a phrase most Americans are familiar with, although probably discriminatorily. A man’s voice choked with emotion yells “Allahu akbar!” This popular phrase that is commonly associated with terrorists, in this context, is like an American saying, “Oh my God!” On January 26th, 2020, when people were flooding social media with the news that Kobe Bryant had been killed in a helicopter crash, I was sitting on my couch frantically trying to get in touch with my family in Iraq as I watched the tents they had been staying in at the protest site be completely consumed by fire. There is a revolution happening in Iraq right now. To understand what led up to the events in Nasiriyah, where my in- laws in Iraq live, one must go back to October 2019, in truth, even further, to 1991, but more about that later. -
Domino Democracy: the Challenges to United Foreign Policy in a Post-Saddam Iraq
J 202 EricM. Davis Domino Democracy:Challengesto US.Foreign Policy ill a Post-SaddamMiddle East 2u3 the real q\Jestion is what the United States means by democratization of the regio" i" these weapons systems a meaningful threat. To date, no weapons of mass destruction and how 'the policy of domino democracy will affect the citizenry of countries li, have been discovered despite vigorous efforts by the United States to locate these question. Por many Middle Easterners, the stated American goal of promoting dc:- weapons systems after occupying Iraq. In light of the extensive debate that developed mocracy ~n the region is viewed with deep suspicion. They point to past American, after the war in Iraq was officially declared to have ended in May 2003, and espe- support for many authoritarian regimes, including that of Saddam Hussein during th, I cially in light of the escalating American casualties, the continued problem of estab- 1980s, failure to support Palestinian reformists in their efforts to create a Palestinian fishing political and economic stability in Iraq, and the ongoing debates of whether state base~ on norms of political participation and transparency, and failure to brill' the Bush administration manipulated intelligence about Iraq's possession of weapons pressure On autocratic monarchies such as Saudi Arabia to inlplement democratic rl:~ 'of mass destruction to justify invading the country, an answer to this question has forms. Many Arab and non-Arab analysts also view domino democracy as a cover fOi gained significance. If the stated reason for the invasion was to remove the Ba'athist extendin~ u.S. -
The Parallel Security Apparatus: Examining the Cases of Baathist Iraq, Syria, and Iran
UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 12-15-2019 The Parallel Security Apparatus: Examining the Cases of Baathist Iraq, Syria, and Iran Donald Utchel Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Utchel, Donald, "The Parallel Security Apparatus: Examining the Cases of Baathist Iraq, Syria, and Iran" (2019). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 3853. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/18608810 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE PARALLEL SECURITY APPARATUS: EXAMINING THE CASES OF BAATHIST IRAQ, SYRIA, AND IRAN By Donald M. Utchel Bachelor of Arts – History University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2012 Master of Arts – International Relations Webster University 2014 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy – Political Science Department of Political Science College of Liberal Arts The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 2019 Dissertation Approval The Graduate College The University of Nevada, Las Vegas August 28, 2019 This dissertation prepared by Donald M. -
Special Report – Iraq
IRAQ TRANSITION – 33 Days and Counting… With only 33 days until the June 30 deadline for transferring authority back to the Iraqi people, the Bush Administration has its work cut out for it. Despite the White House’s obsession with Iraq after 9/11, there is still no credible plan for reconstruction and stability. The Center for American Progress continues to update the following “To Do List” to help keep tabs on the wide range of transition challenges facing the Coalition Provisional Authority and Administrator Paul Bremer. Paul Bremer’s To Do List Task Status Come up with plan U.N. special envoy Lakhdar Brahimi is working on plans to for governance of dismantle the US-appointed Governing Council and replace it Iraq with a new body of respected Iraqis, selected through a UN- guided consultative process. The new caretaker government will run the country until elections slated for early next year. The Administration has accepted Brahimi’s proposal, but it remains to be seen which individuals will be asked to serve in the government and appointed to key political positions. Secure new U.N. Negotiations are underway on a draft proposed by the United Security Council Kingdom and the United States. The resolution is instrumental resolution for outlining the international role surrounding the June 30 transition. Some Security Council members, including France and Germany, have expressed serious reservations. The current draft is unclear what ‘sovereignty’ the new Iraqi government will exercise. Specifically in the area of security, it provides no timeline for the international military presence and no details on who the ultimate authority will be regarding the use of force. -
The US Army and the Battle for Baghdad: Lessons Learned
C O R P O R A T I O N The U.S. Army and the Battle for Baghdad Lessons Learned—And Still to Be Learned David E. Johnson, Agnes Gereben Schaefer, Brenna Allen, Raphael S. Cohen, Gian Gentile, James Hoobler, Michael Schwille, Jerry M. Sollinger, Sean M. Zeigler For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3076 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019940985 ISBN: 978-0-8330-9601-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled Lessons Learned from 13 Years of Conflict: The Battle for Baghdad, 2003–2008, spon- sored by the Office of Quadrennial Defense Review, U.S. -
Sidelined: Human Rights in Postwar Iraq by Joe Stork and Fred Abrahams1
Sidelined: Human Rights in Postwar Iraq By Joe Stork and Fred Abrahams1 Human rights have had an inconsistent place in the Iraq crisis of 2003. The Bush administration’s campaign to build domestic and international political support in the lead-up to war sometimes invoked the appalling human rights record of Saddam Hussein’s government, though few believed this was a significant motivating factor behind the decision to go to war. After the battlefield successes of March and April, as its claims of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction lost credibility, the administration more insistently cited human right crimes to justify the war retrospectively. In the military occupation of Iraq and counterinsurgency operations, however, the United States and its partners have treated human rights issues as matters of secondary importance, demonstrating ambivalence toward human rights and humanitarian law concerns. They have too often set aside lessons from past international interventions that demonstrate the importance of rights monitoring and protection. This essay examines three aspects of this problem: the failure to deploy sufficiently trained and equipped forces for law enforcement responsibilities; the failure initially to protect mass grave sites or to ensure that professional forensic exhumations were conducted to preserve evidence of past atrocities; and the dogged resistance of the U.S. to any international role in efforts to address responsibility for serious past crimes in Iraq. The despotic and abusive rule of Saddam Hussein is gone, and Iraqis today can express themselves without fear of arbitrary detention, torture, or execution. Political parties and civic associations have emerged quickly, and many of the new associations are dedicated to one or another aspect of a larger human rights agenda, such as documenting cases of the “disappeared” or safeguarding and cataloguing documents of the myriad security agencies that were the infrastructure of Ba`thist repression.