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Definiteness and Specificity in Runyankore-Rukiga

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Definiteness and Specificity in Runyankore-Rukiga DEFINITENESS AND SPECIFICITY IN RUNYANKORE-RUKIGA by ASIIMWE ALLEN Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Professor Marianna W. Visser December 2014 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za i DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification Date: 20 November 2014 Copyright © 2014 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii ABSTRACT This study investigates the manifestations of the universal categories of (in)definiteness and (non-)specificity in the Runyankore-Rukiga determiner phrase by means of discourse- pragmatic and morpho-syntactic considerations. Runyankore-Rukiga, like all other Bantu languages, exhibits no (in)definite articles, but there are various ways the language employs to encode the definiteness. Lyons’s (1999) semantic principles of definiteness and his definition of specificity are adopted for the study, as well as the Minimalist and Cartographic approaches to syntax. The data come from authentic written materials, recorded spoken discourse and elicitation (backed up by other native speakers’ grammaticality judgement). The study considers modified and unmodified (bare) nouns. Bare nouns are generally (save for those with inherent unique semantic features) ambiguous between (in)definite and (non-) specific readings Thus, an appropriate reading is contingent on a correct discourse-pragmatic setting. Nominal modifiers are categorized into three groups (Visser, 2008). Those which contribute unambiguously to the definiteness interpretation of head nouns, e.g., demonstratives, the functional elements -a and nya-, some quantifiers and the absolute pronoun. The second category includes nominal modifiers which have neutral semantic features of (in)definiteness and (non-)specificity, namely, adjectives, numerals, possessives as well as nominal and clausal relatives. Thirdly, nominal modifiers occur which are assumed to possess an inherent semantic feature of indefiniteness, for example, some quantifiers and the lexicalized element haine. The study investigates the inferences associated with the Initial Vowel (IV) when it occurs optionally in the inflectional morphology of nominal modifiers with the neutral feature of (in)definiteness and (non-)specificity in prenominal, and postnominal positions, as well as in positions when the head of the phrase is a pro category. The intricate relation of the core morpheme of the demonstrative and the IV is investigated. The study concludes that the initial vowel occurring optionally in the inflectional morphology of neutral nominal modifiers and with bare object nouns following a negative verb evolved from the core demonstrative morpheme and exhibits anaphoric features in the absence of a full lexical head as well as functioning as a functional category determiner, expressing specificity, contrastive focus and sometimes emphasis features. Indefinite nominal modifiers contribute to indefiniteness reading of their head nouns although the indefinite feature is not inherent in them, in that they Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii can appear in definite contexts as well. Indefinite quantifiers too allow the IV in their inflectional morphology as a determiner that mainly encodes contrastive focus or emphasis. The results from the study offer explanations of key areas of syntax, morphology and semantics relating to the Determiner phrase system from a perspective of no (in)definite articles, which constitutes a significantly major contribution to Bantu linguistic research. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iv OPSOMMING Hierdie studie ondersoek die manifestasies van die universele kategorieë van (on)bepaaldheid en (nie-)spesifisiteit in die Runyankore-Rukiga bepalerfrase deur middel van diskoers- pragmatiese en morfo-sintaktiese oorwegings. Runyankore-Rukiga, soos ander Bantutale, het geen (on)bepaalde lidwoorde (bepalers) nie, maar daar is ‘n verskeidenheid middele wat die taalkluster van gebruik maak om die verskynsels te enkodeer. Lyons (1999) se semantiese beginsels van bepaaldheid en sy definisie van spesifisiteit word aanvaar vir die studie, asook die Minimalistiese en Kartografiese benaderings tot sintaksis. Die data van die studie kom uit oorspronklike geskrewe materiaal, opnames van gesproke diskoers en elisitasie (ondersteun deur ander sprekers se grammatikaliteitsoordele). Die studie ondersoek naamwoorde wat respektiewelik omskryf en nie-omskryf word deur bepalers. Naamwoorde in die algemeen (behalwe dié met inherente unieke semantiese kenmerke) is dubbelsinnig tussen (on)bepaalde en (nie-)spesifieke interpretasies. Dus is ‘n gepaste interpretasie afhanklik van ‘n gepaste diskoerspragmatiese konteks. Naamwoordelike bepalers kan in drie groepe geklassifiseer word (Visser, 2008). Daardie wat ondubbelsinnig bydra tot die bepaaldheids-interpretasie van kern-naamwoorde, bv. demonstratiewe, die funksionele elemente –a en –nya in Runyankore-Rukiga, sommige kwantifiseerders, en die absolute voornaamwoord. Die tweede kategorie sluit in naamwoordelike bepalers wat neutraal semantiese kenmerke het ten opsigte van (on)bepaaldheid en (nie-)spesifisiteit, naamlik adjektiewe, telwoorde, possessiewe, asook nominale en sinsrelatiewe. Die derde groep is naamwoordelike bepalers wat beskik oor ‘n kenmerk van inherente onbepaaldheid, bv. sommige kwantifiseerders en die geleksikaliseerde element haine in Runyankore-Rukiga. Die studie ondersoek interpretasies geassosieer met die aanvangsvokaal (AV) wanneer dit opsioneel verskyn in die infleksiemorfologie van naamwoordelike bepalers met die neutrale kenmerk van (on)bepaaldheid en (nie-)spesifisiteit in prenominale en postnominale posisie, asook in posisies waar die kern van die naamwoordfrase ‘n foneties leë pro kategorie is. Die ingewikkelde verhouding van die kernmorfeem van die demonstratief en die AV word ondersoek. Die studie maak die slotsom dat die aanvangsvokaal wat opsioneel verskyn in die infleksiemorfologie van neutrale naamwoordelike bepalers en met ongemodifiseerde naamwoorde wat volg na ‘n negatiewe werkwoord, ontwikkel het uit die kern demonstratiewe morfeem en anaforiese kenmerke toon in die afwesigheid van ‘n volledige leksikale kern naamwoord, en ook funksioneer as ‘n funksionele kategorie, bepaler, met spesifisiteit, kontrastiewe fokus, asook somtyds beklemtoningskenmerke. Onbepaalde Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za v naamwoordelike bepalers dra by tot die onbepaaldheidsinterpretasie van die kernnaamwoord alhoewel die onbepaaldheidskenmerk nie inherent is aan dié naamwoorde nie, omdat hulle in bepaaldheidskontekste kan verskyn. Onbepaalde kwantifiseerders vertoon die AV in hul infleksiemorfologie, as ‘n bepaler wat hoofsaaklik kontrastiewe fokus of beklemtoning enkodeer. Die resultate van die studie bied verklarings vir sleutel-areas van die sintaksis, morfologie en semantiek rakende die bepaler frase sisteem vanuit die perspektief van (on)bepaalde lidwoorde, wat ‘n betekenisvolle bydrae maak tot navorsing in die Bantutale. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my supervisor Prof. Marriana Visser, words alone cannot express how grateful I am. You selflessly took me through this challenging long journey with a lot of patience. You withstood all my weaknesses and modeled me into a linguistics researcher. I can only say Yebare munonga! (Thank you very much!) My research consultants, Bebwa Isingoma Amooti, Celestino Oriikiriza, Levis Mugumya, Fridah Katushemererwe, Gilbert Gumoshabe, Aron Turyasingura, Justus Turamyomwe, Misah Naatumanya, Deo Kawalya. I am grateful for your immense contributions. You were always there for me whenever I needed your expertise. I wish to thank my friends in Stellenbosch, right from the bottom of my heart, Medadi Ssentanda, Lorna Okoko, Merit Kabugo, Florence Bayiga. I was fortunate to have you around. Thank you very much for the encouraging words, and thank you for your moral support. In a special way, I wish to thank Bebwa Isingoma Amooti for editing this dissertation. I would like to recognize the secretary for the Department of African Languages at Stellenbosch University, Ms. Surena Du Plessis. You are an amazing lady, willing to help at any time. You have also contributed a lot to the success of this project. Thank you very much and keep that spirit. I hereby acknowledge the funding that was awarded to me by the Graduate School of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University to pursue my full-time doctoral studies at Stellenbosch University. In the same spirit, I would like to acknowledge the financial support from Makerere University for travel and settling in funds from the Human Resource Department. I am further grateful to the Directorate of Research and Graduate Training, Makerere University for research funds. In a special way, I would like to thank my family who withstood my absence, and supported me morally and spiritually while I was away in South Africa for my studies. Thank you my husband, Aron Turyasingura, and my two adorables, Jed Ashaba and Jayne
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