The Holocaust, Israel and 'The Jew'
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Kopstukken Van De Nsb
KOPSTUKKEN VAN DE NSB Marcel Bergen & Irma Clement Marcel Bergen & Irma Clement KOPSTUKKEN VAN DE NSB UITGEVERIJ MOKUMBOOKS Inhoud Inleiding 4 Nationaalsocialisme en fascisme in Nederland 6 De NSB 11 Anton Mussert 15 Kees van Geelkerken 64 Meinoud Rost van Tonningen 98 Henk Feldmeijer 116 Max Blokzijl 132 Robert van Genechten 155 Johan Carp 175 Arie Zondervan 184 Tobie Goedewaagen 198 Henk Woudenberg 210 Evert Roskam 222 Noten 234 Literatuur 236 Colofon 238 dwang te overtuigen van de Groot-Germaanse gedachte. Het gevolg is dat Mussert zich met enkele getrouwen terug- trekt op het hoofdkwartier aan de Maliebaan in Utrecht en de toenemende druk probeert te pareren met notities, toespraken en concessies. Naarmate de bezetting voortduurt nemen de concessies die Mussert aan de Duitse bezetter doet toe. Inleiding De Nationaal Socialistische Beweging (NSB) speelt tijdens Het Rijkscommissariaat de Tweede Wereldoorlog een opmerkelijke rol. Op 14 mei 1940 aanvaardt Arthur Seyss-Inquart in de De NSB, die op 14 december 1931 in Utrecht is opgericht in Ridderzaal de functie van Rijkscommissaris voor de een zaaltje van de Christelijke Jongenmannen Vereeniging, bezette Nederlandse gebieden. Het Rijkscommissariaat vecht tijdens haar bestaan een richtingenstrijd uit. Een strijd is een civiel bestuursorgaan en bestaat verder uit: die gaat tussen de Groot-Nederlandse gedachte, die streeft – Friederich Wimmer (commissaris-generaal voor be- naar een onafhankelijk Groot Nederland binnen een Duits stuur en justitie en plaatsvervanger van Seyss-Inquart). Rijk en de Groot-Germaanse gedachte,waarin Nederland – Hans Fischböck (generaal-commissaris voor Financiën volledig opgaat in een Groot-Germaans Rijk. Niet alleen de en Economische Zaken). richtingenstrijd maakt de NSB politiek vleugellam. -
COMPENDIUM 2021 Stichting Werkgroep Herkenning
Werkgroep Herkenning COMPENDIUM 1981 – 2021 ERVARINGEN VAN KINDEREN EN KLEINKINDEREN VAN ‘FOUTE OUDERS’ Gonda Scheffel-Baars Cuny Holthuis-Buve Paul Mantel Teun van der Vaart Een uitgave van de Stichting Werkgroep Herkenning Derde druk © 2021 Stichting Werkgroep Herkenning Vestigingsadres: Grotekreek 28 8032 JD Zwolle Postadres: Rijksstraatweg 193 1115 AR Duivendrecht Kamer van Koophandel: 41131339 ING BANK: NL24 INGB 0005 2857 97 Mobiel: +31 (0)6 330 57 003 E-mail: [email protected] Website: https://www.werkgroepherkenning.nl/ Voor actuele contactgegevens raadpleeg altijd de website: https://www.werkgroepherkenning.nl/ © Stichting Werkgroep Herkenning INHOUD Inleiding 6 0.1 Opzet van het compendium 0.2 Terminologie 0.3 Bronnenmateriaal DEEL I Hoofdstuk 1 Historische achtergronden 10 1.1 Inleiding/vooraf 1.2 De NSB in de jaren ’30 1.3 Mei 1940 en de beginjaren van de Duitse bezetting: de Nieuwe Orde 1.4 Nationaal-socialistische nevenorganisaties van de NSB: 1.4.1 De NSVO (Nat. Soc. Vrouwen Organisatie) 1.4.2 De Nationale Jeugdstorm 1.4.3 Nat. Soc. ‘fronten’ en ‘gilden’ 1.4.4 De WA (Weer Afdeling) 1.4.5 De SS 1. Nederlandse of Germaanse SS 2. Nederlandse vrijwilligers in de Waffen SS aan het Oostfront 3. Standarte ‘Westland’ 4. Standarte ‘Nordwest’ 5. Het Nederlandse Vrijwilligerslegioen 6. De Landstorm 1.4.6 De Landwacht 1.5 Dolle Dinsdag en daarna 1.6 Winter ’44 en voorjaar ’45 1.7 De arrestaties Hoofdstuk 2 Stichting Werkgroep Herkenning 31 2.1 Doelstellingen 2.2 Definiëring van de doelgroep 2.3 (Leeftijds)categorieën -
University of Groningen Right-Wing Extremism in the Netherlands
University of Groningen Right-Wing Extremism in the Netherlands Lucardie, Anthonie IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2000 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Lucardie, A. (2000). Right-Wing Extremism in the Netherlands: why it is still a marginal phenomenon. Paper presented at Symposium Right-Wing Extremism in Europe, Berlin, Germany. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 25-09-2021 Right-Wing Extremism in the Netherlands: Why it is still a marginal phenomenon Dr. Paul Lucardie Documentation Centre Dutch Political Parties University of Groningen (The Netherlands) Paper presented at the Symposium Right-Wing Extremism in Europe Organized by the Academy for Politics and Current Affairs of the Hanns Seidel Foundation, Munich in cooperation with the European Centre for Research and Action on Racism and Antisemitism (C.E.R.A.), Paris at Berlin, 3 – 5 November 2000 2 Introduction At present, right-wing extremism seems a really marginal phenomenon in the Netherlands. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Vraaggesprek Met Dick Kampman Over Zijn Onderzoek Naar
Vraaggesprek met Dick Kampman over zijn onderzoek naar stereotypering van de NSB en hoe dat kon blijven bestaan Introductie tot: ‘Kritische beschouwing over collaboratie’ (2011) en het nog uit te komen ‘Stereotypering van NSB en NSB’ers’ (2015) door J.L.M. Ebberink november 2014 1 ISBN 978-90-73947-00-9 NUR trefwoorden: sociologie, geschiedenis Uitgeverij Informatie Dokumentatie Algemeen Groningen, 2014 http://www. uitgeverida.nl Uitgegeven naar aanleiding van de bijeenkomst van de Werkgroep Herkenning op 20 november 2014 2 Voorwoord De bedoeling van dit geschriftje is een introductie te geven op de twee wetenschappelijke uitgaven van Dick Kampman: Kritische beschouwingen over collaboratie: stereotypering van de NSB (2011) en het vervolg erop, dat binnenkort uitkomt. Deze studies zijn door hun taal en methode vooral voor een wetenschappelijk georiënteerd publiek geschreven. Het idee kwam op om de vondsten die hij gedaan heeft tijdens zijn onderzoek naar vooroordelen en stereotypering wat breder uit te dragen. Het onderzoek zelf is eigenlijk niet samen te vatten omdat het om bewijsvoering gaat, waarbij alle overwegingen meetellen. Om het wetenschappelijk jargon zo veel mogelijk te mijden kwam het idee van een interview naar voren. Als socioloog heeft Dick Kampman onderzoek gedaan gebruik makend van wetenschappelijke methoden. Om het te lezen is wetenschappelijke voorkennis handig. De boeken zijn echter ook door leken te lezen. Maar dat vereist dan wel geduld. Dit is een poging om aan degene die nóch het geduld nóch de voorkennis hebben om zich in de boeken te verdiepen, te laten zien wat Dick Kampman beoogd heeft met zijn onderzoek en wat hij helaas heeft moeten constateren. -
Otives and Impediments in Describing War Memories: the Tragedy of the Jews
171 HENRY SCHOGT, UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO M;otives and impediments in describing war memories: the tragedy of the Jews / . Although the number of Dutch people killed discrimination, persecution, deportation and in the Second World War is less than a third extermination - but therefore dangerous, of the number of people who died in the city because it tends to simplify and devalue and to of Leningrad alone, where the official death invite making unjustified comparisons. So toll of the blockade surpasses 600,000, the when I use the term, it only refers to the scars that the war left are equally deep in both uniquely gruesome tragedy of the Jews in the places, and in both places there is constant Second World War. preoccupation with the war years. But there the resemblance ends. Whereas Leningrad was It is not easy to classify the extensive literature never .occupied ... by the Germans, the that deals with the fate of the Dutch Jews (or Netherlands went through five years of Jewish Dutchmen), nor can one always German rule. During those years there were separate literary and non-literary works. many deeds of aggression and injustice Moreover, there are a great number of novels perpetrated by the occupying forces, but one about the war years in which the persecution stood out above all others in its of the Jews and the onderduik (hiding) are incomprehensible cruelty and brutality: the mentioned but are not the major theme, such extermination of the Jews. Of the 200,000 as Simon Vestdijk's Pastorale 19431• It would Dutch·war victims, halfwere Jews. -
Western Europe
Western Europe Great Britain National Affairs OIGNS OF SLOW BUT DISCERNIBLE economic recovery in 1993 —such as a drop in interest rate, reduced inflation, and even a small decline in unemploy- ment — did nothing to halt the unremitting decline in the political fortunes of Prime Minister John Major's Conservative government. The Tories lost to the Liberal Democrats in by-elections for two hitherto safe parliamentary seats — Newbury in May and Christchurch in July — and in local elections in May, when the Conserva- tives lost control of all but one county council. The most likely cause of the government's unpopularity was its own disunity. Internal dissension, for example, dogged the progress of the bill to ratify the Maas- tricht Treaty on European Union. In March the government lost a key vote on the bill by 22 votes, and Major had to call for a vote of confidence in July, which did insure final ratification of the treaty. The Labor party limited itself to profiting from the government's unpopularity and to updating its image and organization. Under leader John Smith's impetus, the party's annual conference in September voted to abolish the bloc vote enjoyed by the trade unions, in a bid to enhance the party's appeal to middle-class electors. Despite appeals by the Board of Deputies of British Jews and other groups, the government's Asylum Bill, which would limit the number of political refugees admitted to Britain, was passed by the House of Commons in January. Israel and the Middle East The draft peace accord signed by Israel and the Palestinians in September was welcomed by all political parties and opened the door to a more positive stance by Britain in Middle East politics. -
Memory As Politics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community
Memory as Politics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community by Katarzyna Korycki A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Katarzyna Korycki 2017 Memory as Poltics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community Katarzyna Korycki Doctor of Philosophy Department of Poltical Science University of Toronto 2017 Abstract This work traces how the past is politicized in post-transition spaces, how it enters the political language, and what effects it produces. Expanding the framework of collective memory literature and anchoring the story in Poland, I argue that the narratives of past communism structure political competition and affect the present-day imaginary of common belonging - that is, they determine political positions of players and they reveal who is included in and excluded from the conception of the ‘we.’ First, I develop the concept of mnemonic capital - a politically productive symbolic resource that accrues to political players based on their turn to, and judgment of, the past - and demonstrate how the distribution of that capital results in sharply differentiated political identities. (I identify four positions generalizable to other post-transition settings.) Second, I trace how narratives of the past constitute the boundary of the ‘we’. I find that in their approaches and judgments of communism, the current political elites conflate communism and Jewishness. In doing so, they elevate the nation and narrow its meaning to ascriptive, religion-inflected, ethnicity. Third, I argue that the field of politics and the field of belonging interact and do not simply exist on parallel planes. -
This Cannot Happen Here Studies of the Niod Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies
This Cannot Happen Here studies of the niod institute for war, holocaust and genocide studies This niod series covers peer reviewed studies on war, holocaust and genocide in twentieth century societies, covering a broad range of historical approaches including social, economic, political, diplomatic, intellectual and cultural, and focusing on war, mass violence, anti- Semitism, fascism, colonialism, racism, transitional regimes and the legacy and memory of war and crises. board of editors: Madelon de Keizer Conny Kristel Peter Romijn i Ralf Futselaar — Lard, Lice and Longevity. The standard of living in occupied Denmark and the Netherlands 1940-1945 isbn 978 90 5260 253 0 2 Martijn Eickhoff (translated by Peter Mason) — In the Name of Science? P.J.W. Debye and his career in Nazi Germany isbn 978 90 5260 327 8 3 Johan den Hertog & Samuël Kruizinga (eds.) — Caught in the Middle. Neutrals, neutrality, and the First World War isbn 978 90 5260 370 4 4 Jolande Withuis, Annet Mooij (eds.) — The Politics of War Trauma. The aftermath of World War ii in eleven European countries isbn 978 90 5260 371 1 5 Peter Romijn, Giles Scott-Smith, Joes Segal (eds.) — Divided Dreamworlds? The Cultural Cold War in East and West isbn 978 90 8964 436 7 6 Ben Braber — This Cannot Happen Here. Integration and Jewish Resistance in the Netherlands, 1940-1945 isbn 978 90 8964 483 8 This Cannot Happen Here Integration and Jewish Resistance in the Netherlands, 1940-1945 Ben Braber Amsterdam University Press 2013 This book is published in print and online through the online oapen library (www.oapen.org) oapen (Open Access Publishing in European Networks) is a collaborative initiative to develop and implement a sustainable Open Access publication model for academic books in the Humanities and Social Sciences. -
Reconceptualizing the Alien: Jews in Modern Ukrainian Thought*
Ab Imperio, 4/2003 Yohanan PETROVSKY-SHTERN RECONCEPTUALIZING THE ALIEN: JEWS IN MODERN UKRAINIAN THOUGHT* To love ones motherland is no crime. From Zalyvakhas letter to Svitlychnyi, Chornovil, and Lukho. Whoever in hunger eats the grass of the motherland is no criminal. Andrei Platonov, The Sand Teacher Perhaps one of the most astounding phenomena in modern Ukrainian thought is the radical reassessment of the Jew. Though the revision of Jew- ish issues began earlier in the 20th century, if not in the late 19th, it became particularly salient as part of the new political narrative after the “velvet revolution” of 1991 that led to the demise of the USSR and the establish- * I gratefully acknowledge the help of two anonymous reviewers of Ab Imperio whose insightful comments helped me considerably to improve this paper. Ukrainian names in the body text are rendered in their Library of Congress Ukrainian transliteration. In cases where there is an established English (or Russian) form for a name, it is bracketed following the Ukrainian version. The spelling in the footnotes does not follow LC Ukrainian transliteration except in cases where the publishers provide their own spelling. 519 Y. Petrovsky-Shtern, Reconceptualizing the Alien... ment of an independent Ukraine. The new Ukrainian perception of the Jew boldly challenged the received bias and created a new social and political environment fostering the renaissance of Jewish culture in Ukraine, let alone Ukrainian-Jewish dialogue. There were a number of ways to explain what had happened. For some, the sudden Ukrainian-Jewish rapprochement was a by-product of the new western-oriented post-1991 Ukrainian foreign pol- icy. -
Paul Hanebrink, a Specter Haunting Europe: the Myth of Judeo‐ Bolshevism
REVIEWS 327 traditional path of judging the Nixon‐Kissinger initiative as a success story, giving them both credit for this monumental shift in global relations. Shadow Cold War is a useful and enjoyable book, and even though it fails to pay sufficient attention to the intelligence/ espionage angle of the Split, or to concerns over China’s nuclear program and, most notably, to Soviet military fears of potential war in the East, these omissions do not detract from its strong historical research and a treasure chest of rare archive material. VASILY V. GATOV University of Southern California Annenberg School of Communications and Journalism Paul Hanebrink, A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo‐ Bolshevism. Cambridge, MA & London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2018. The idea that Communism represented a Jewish conspiracy was one of the deadliest of the twentieth century: it fueled hatred, incited pogroms, and formed the backbone for Nazi anti‐Semitic ideology. The idea still resonates in our time and age: nationalists in Central and Eastern Europe use it promote their policies and demonize those whom they perceive as enemies of their nation. One only has to think of the claim that investor‐turned‐philanthropist George Soros, who happens to have a Jewish background, undermines Hungarian and Polish sovereignty. Likewise, right‐wing extremists throughout the Western world harbor anti‐Semitic and Judeo‐ Bolshevik sentiments and use catchcries such as “Jew will not replace us.” Much like Communism supposedly represented an “Asiatic” and “Jewish” threat to the “West,” structurally similar ideas fuel anti‐ Muslim rhetoric today. In his book, Paul Hanebrink does not study Judeo‐Bolshevism as an incarnation of the (medieval) myth of Jews subverting Christian societies. -
Memory, Politics and the “Populist” Moment
Memory, Politics and the “Populist” Moment Kate Korycki University of Toronto Paper prepared for presentation at the Canadian Political Science Association (CPSA) annual meeting at Ryerson University, Toronto, May 30 - June 1, 2017. DRAFT Comments and questions are most welcome. Please direct them to [email protected] Korycki/CPSA 2017/ Draft - do not cite without permission. Introduction In 2015, Poland held legislative and executive elections. Both were won by the Law and Justice Party (PiS).1 Its victories ended an almost decade-long reign of PiS’s main adversary, the Civic Platform (PO),2 and they obliterated from legislature the third major player, the Democratic Left Alliance3 - and they were surprising. They were surprising because they brought to power a party, which claimed that communism was still a clear and present danger in Poland. Since the election, the PiS’s maneuvers and policies, especially those relating to the media and the judiciary, have been characterized as populist and authoritarian: threatening democracy and the rule of law. They prompted demonstrations and protests from the concerned Poles, alarms from foreign commentators, and rebukes from the EU (Garton Ash 2016, Duval Smith 2015a, and 2015b, Rankin 2016). In this paper I concentrate on PiS’s electoral moves, and I take the party’s charge of persisting communism seriously. I do this in an analytical, not a substantive, sense - that is, I do not give credence to the notion that communism rules Poland, but I track the political productivity of such a construction. In doing so I contribute to the understanding of the discursive mechanisms implicated in the contemporary iteration of the so-called populist moment.