Copyright by Rondel Van Davidson 1970 ^x^''--V

VICTOR CONSIDERANT: FOURIERIST, LEGISLATOR, AND HUMANITARIAN by RONDEL VAN DAVIDSON, B.A., M.A.

A DISSERTATION IN HISTORY

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

December, 1970 SOI

Mo.25 ACKN0V7LEDGMENTS

I am deeply indebted to Professor Lowell L. Blaisdell for his direction of this dissertation and to the other members of my committee. Professors Jacquelin Collins, Kenneth Davis, Lawrence Graves, James Harper, and George Robbert, for their helpful criticism. I would also like to thank Professor Louise Robbert of the Department of History at Texas Tech University, Professor Sylvan Dunn, Director of the Southwest Collection at Texas Tech Univer­ sity, and Madam.e Chantal de Tourtier Bonazzi, Chief Archivist at the Archives Nationales, Paris, France, for valuable assistance.

Ill CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii CHAPTER

I. BACKGROUI-ro AND EARLY LIFE, I808-I832 .

II. THE ENGINEER AS A FLEDGLING IN RADICAL SOCIALIST THEORY, I832-I837 . . . 25 III. THE RADICAL SOCIALIST AS THEORIST, 57 1837-1848 , 100 IV. THE SOCIALIST AS ACTIVIST, l837-l848 . ,

V. THE HUMANIST AS POLITICIAN, FEBRUARY 138 1848-NOVEMBER l848 , VI. THE PACIFIST AS REVOLUTIONIST, NOVEMBER 1848-JUNE 1849 , 181 VII. THE EXILE AS OPTIMIST, JULY l849- 222 DECEMBER l854 , 242 VIII. THE OPTIMIST AS DEFEATIST, I855-I869 . , IX. THE FRONTIERSM-AN AS SOCIALIST SAGE, 267 1869-1893 . BIBLIOGRAPHY 288

IV CHAPTER I

BACKGROUND AND EARLY LIFE, I808-I832

At noon, on December 28, I893, a funeral proces­ sion made its way down the Avenue de la Bourdonnais in Paris toward the cemetery at Pere-Lachaise. The cortege bore the remains of Victor Considerant to the famous city resting place for a final memorial service and then cre­ mation. Although few people noticed the procession, it included some of the leading French socialists of the latter part of the nineteenth century. Almost every school of radical thought had sent delegates to pay their last respects: Marxist, syndicalist, revisionist, and anarchist. Most noticeable, both by numbers and by rank of those in attendance, were the democratic socialists whose delegation was led by Jean Jaur^s and Alexandre Millerand. Upon reaching the Pere-Lachaise, the digni­ taries gathered to hear Monsieur Caumeau, the representa­ tive of the Municipal Council of Paris, bid adieu to this "Pioneer of socialism," the "great figure of the repub­ lican party, who lived for the Republic and not by the Republic."-^

Journal des debats (Paris), December 29^ I893, p. 3. Petite republiaue-^aris), December 30, lt-93, p. 2. For the reader's convenience, the author has translated all quotations from French contained in the text to English Born into the Empire of the great Napoleon, Victor Considerant's life stretched across the Congress Of Vienna, the Revolution of I83O, the Revolution of 1848, the Second Republic, the Second Empire, the Com­ mune of Paris, and the first two decades of the Third Republic, Considerant played an important role in the unfolding of many of these events. As the leading propa- 2 gandist and chief of the Fourierist school, he authored almost forty books and numerous pamphlets and essays, edited three newspapers, served in the Constitutional Assembly in 1848-49, was elected to the National Assembly in 1849, was a leading participant in the attempted coup d^etat of June 13, 1849, against Louis Napoleon, founded a Fourierist colony in Texas, opposed the Franco-Prussian War, and verbally supported the Paris Commune in I87I. On the basis of this record, Considerant has earned ranking as one of the outstanding contributors to the heritage

IW?"^ — W^' ^The Fourierist movement, founded upon the ideas of Charles Fourier (1772-1837), became one of the leading socialistic movements in western Europe during the period from 1837 to 1848. Brilliant, but eccentric and reclu­ sive, Fourier advocated a form of Utopian socialism based upon communal type experiments. Because of the tedious, ambiguous, and often preposterous nature of his writings, Fourier's ideas did not take hold during his lifetime. The popularity of Fourierism during the thirteen years following his death can be attributed largely to the leadership and the propagandist activities of Victor Con­ siderant and his followers in the Fourierist school. q ^ of democratic socialism and as an important figure in the establishment of France's tradition of liberal, democratic government.

Victor Considerant's importance does not derive from the few successes he attained during his lifetime. His political life was full of frustrations. What few victories he attained were usually short-lived. For example, Victor's efforts in the National Assembly in 1848-49 to make France into a social, democratic republic stood no chance against the resurging Right, while his attempt to establish a Fourierist phalanstery in Texas was a miserable flop. Nevertheless, throughout his ca­ reer, he remained imbued with the principles of the En­ lightenment: the belief in the basic goodness of human­ ity, faith in the perfectibility of mankind, belief in natural laws, and reliance on the scientific approach to the problems of society. Never losing faith in man's ability to seek, find, and create a better environment for all classes of people, Victor Considerant' s life v/as dedicated to that search. Aside from the fantasy that man could solve his social problems by life in a phalan­ stery, Victor held ideas which can still arouse reason­ able hope: economic reorganization to provide opportu­ nity for all and to stabilize the economic situation of the state, the abolition of class conflicts, the securing of individual liberties, the establishment of government by the people, the abolition of war, and the destruction of nationalistic rivalry through the unification of Europe, Although his ideas were rejected during his life­ time, some of them continued to influence a later genera­ tion of more practical minded men who made an immediate reality of democratic socialism. Some of the seeds of democratic socialism are to be found in the concepts of Victor Considerant,

For the beginnings of this poignant career, one must look in the little city of Salins, located in the Jura departement in the old Franche-Compte area not far from the Swiss border. On October 12, 1808, Considerant's life began in a stable, middle-class family. From the very beginning, Victor reaped the benefits of enlightened paternal guidance. His mother, Suzanne Courbe, was the daughter of the Notary of Salins. Although she v/as in­ telligent and well educated, she was shy and sensitive and apparently played a secondary role in the life of her son. Victor's father, Jean-Baptiste, a distinguished humanist and author, was the dominant influence in Victor's early development. Jean-Baptiste Considerant, the son of an employee of the salt-works in Salins, already had dem­ onstrated liberal republican tendencies. When the V/ars of the French Revolution erupted, he immediately volun­ teered to serve in the defense of the new Republic. Rapidly rising to officers' rank, Jean-Baptiste evidently c ^ served the Republic well as an aide-de-camp in the Army of Italy.3

After Napoleon came to power in 180O, Jean- Baptiste resigned his position in the army and returned to Salins to begin his scholarly and intellectual pur­ suits. At the time of Victor's birth in 1808, he was serving simultaneously as the librarian for the College of Salins and as operator of a printing shop which was housed in the buildings of the college. In l8l2, the college appointed him Professor of Humanities and in 1821 Professor of Rhetoric. While performing his duties as Professor and librarian, Jean-Baptiste engaged in personal research and study, publishing and translating various English, Spanish, and Latin works. The most significant of these was The English Fox by the British author,

ti -i^ m ••! •••••• 1111 -^ M ••! •• w — - John Gay. Jean-Baptiste's contemporaries described him as a man of remarkable intelligence, v;ith a high character and a strong humanitarian sense of self-sacrifice and

'^Hubert Bourgin, Victor Considerant, son oeuvre (Paris, 1909), p. 11. Hereafter referred to as Bourgin, Considerant. Georges Gazier, Jean-Baptiste Considerant de Salln~1771-l827 (Besancon, 1909)^ pp. b-12. Here­ after referred to as Gazier, Jean-Baptiste. pi Wi • •- • » II"! II ^"-^ •• H IH I ^Gazier, Jean-Baptiste, pp. 12-19. For the reader's convenience, the author has translated all titles of French books in the text from French to English. devotion. At once a foe of hypocrisy and of material­ istic accumulation, he was concerned primarily with in­ tellectual and spiritual pursuits. One of his friends said of him: "This rare man sees nothing, feels nothing, expresses nothing even similar to the vulgar." His biog­ rapher, George Gazier, argued that Jean-Baptiste most certainly would have made a name for himself in letters if his economic and domestic situation had not forced him to spend most of his time eking out a meager existence for himself and his family.^ Little is known about Victor's early life before 1818. It is certain that his parents had very high aspi­ rations for him, for they worked diligently to provide him with the best education possible. When Victor was six, they enrolled him in the Brissot Boarding School in Salins. At that time, this school was one of the best primary schools in Jura. In school, Victor buoyed his parents' hopes by demonstrating an aptitude for mathe- matics, calculations, and mental organization.

^Ibid., pp. 21-24.

^Pierre Collard, Victor Considerant, I808-I893, sa vie, ses idees (Bijon, 191O), pp. 1-3- Hereafter referred to as Collard, Considerant. Maurice Dommanger, Victor Considerant, sa vie, son oeuvre (Paris, 1929), p^; TOT Hereafter referred to as Domrnanget, Considerant. Madame C. Coignet, Victor Considerant. sa vie, son oeuvre (Paris, 1895), p. 2. Hereafter referred to as Coignet, 7 Victor Considerant, however, was not a bookworm or a recluse. Blessed with an overt and personable char­ acter, he developed normal and active relations with other young people in the community. As a youngster who lived at the foot of the Jura Mountains in a rustic and scenic environment, he developed an affinity for nature and outdoor activities. Victor became fond particularly of fishing in the mountain streams, a sport which pro­ vided him with amusement during the hectic and burden- 7 some life he led in manhood. In later years, Victor alluded to another influ­ ence on his development in the Jura community of Salins. Writing in Social Destiny, he mentioned that he had been extremely impressed by the ancient agricultural co­ operatives which existed in and around Salins. To Victor these co-operatives demonstrated the economic possibili­ ties and benefits of collective action. It was natural that his youthful mind should compare the efficiency of these associations with that of the needless fragmenta­ tion and diffusion of the Salinese wine growers which

Considerant. Madame Coignet, a cousin to Victor's wife, has written a valuable, although favorable, account of her personal knov/ledge of some of the significant events in Victor's life.

'^Coignet, Considerant, pp. 70-71. Collard, Considerant, p. 3. 8 appeared to him as a "wretchedly flagrant monstrosity."° By the age of ten, it was clear that Victor had inherited from his father an excellent mental capacity, a strong and independent character, a spirit of justice, and from both his father and mother, compassion. Madame Coignet, stated that at this age Victor was "a charming boy, open-hearted, affectionate, with a quick intel­ lect."^

Upon completing his studies at Salins in I818, Victor Considerant was sent to the Royal College of Besanfon for the expressed purpose of preparing himself for one of the leading universities in France, the Ecole Polytechnique at Paris. Here, Victor was introduced to those ideas which were destined to capture his imagina­ tion and to dominate his life, the doctrine of Charles FourierTn • . 10 At Besancon, Victor continued to concentrate on his studies. For eight years, he immersed himself in the study of grammar, various fundamentals, and Greek and

^Victor Considerant, Destinee sociale (Paris, 1848), I, p. 347. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Destinee.

Q

-^Coignet, Considerant, p. 2.

•^ Ibid., p. 11. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 11. 9 Latin classics. Although performing v/ell and graduating high in his class, Victor began to rebel against this "fastidious work," which seemed to him to be useless and irrelevant.-^-^ At an early age, Victor gave expression to that spirit which, throughout his life, drove him away from academic reclusion and toward active participation. Although he spent most of his time on formal studies, Victor came in contact with a small group of Fourierist activists led by Just Muiron and Clarisse Vigoureux. Just Muiron, highly esteemed in Besancon and employed in an important position at the Prefecture, was one of the early proponents of Fourierism. Madame Vigoureux, v/idowed at an early age, came from an aristo­ cratic family and maintained a high position in the social and intellectual circles of Besancon. Having been v/on to the doctrine of Fourier by Muiron, Madame Vigoureux had helped him organize a small group dedicated to the 12 study of Fourier. In the home of Madame Vigoureux, Victor Considerant was introduced to the ideas of Fourier. Victor's father, being of modest means, had opened his home to boarding students attending the college of Salins. While attending

11 f Considerant, Destinee, II, p. 275. 12 Coignet, Considerant, p. 11. 10 the school at Salins, Madame Vigoureux's son, Paul, had lived in the Considerant home. Thus, Victor found the Vigoureux home opened to him in Besancon and passed most of his holidays there. Madame Vigoureux, who possessed a strong character and a piercing intellect, came to have a profound influence on Victor. Madame Coignet described this "unique" matron of Fourierism as "pleasant, of rare beauty, . . . refined and elevated, far from seeking frivolous success in the world, she, always confined in a restricted circle, was occupied v/ith things of the spirit. Her reserved attitude, sometimes made her ap­ pear aloof, held admirers at a distance, and, even in the intimacy of friendship, she never let herself go. She had a high mind, scornful of banality and convention, and at the same time, an extraordinary imagination and an anxious sensibility, which often tormented her." -* Although he was unable to spend any time seriously studying this new doctrine, Victor participated in many conversations and discourses of the Fourierist group v;hich met regularly at the home of Madame Vigoureux. Thus, by the age of seventeen, he v;as thoroughly familiar v:ith the prevailing criticism of society and capitalism and had a basic knowledge of Fourier's plan to reform the world. 14

^%bid., p. 12. l4 Ibid. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 11. 11 Coincidentally, the eccentric master himself, Charles Fourier, was born in Besancon and resided there until he was nineteen. Although Fourier had attended the Royal College of Besancon, it does not appear likely that Victor had any direct contact with his mentor during this period. Considerant biographers Maurice Dommanget and Hubert Bourgin have hinted at the probability of sev­ eral early encounters between the two, but offer no evi­ dence to substantiate their supposition. -^ Proudhon also attended the Royal College at Besancon, and he was there at the same time as Considerant. Although they probably knew each other at Besangon, they did not develop a close relationship. In later life, when they became rival critics of society and capitalism, neither ever alluded 1 to any Besangon encounter. ft In addition to a son, Madame Vigoureux had two daughters. While at Besancon, Victor became infatuated with the younger daughter, Julie. Reserved, kind, at­ tractive, and later self-sacrificing, Julie Vigoureux exhibited those qualities which Victor Considerant found

•^Both Bourgin and Dommanget cite Madame Coignet as their source on this question. Madame Coignet, how­ ever, does not mention any such encounters in her book. Moreover, in all his writings, Considerant never indi­ cated that he met Fourier at this early period.

Dommanget, Considerant, p. 11. 12 irresistible. An amorous relationship developed which led to a most successful marriage. "^'^ On completing his studies at Besancon in 1826, Victor Considerant entered the Ecole Polytechnique at Paris. Besides having a reputation as one of France's finest schools of engineering and technology, the Ecole Polytechnique was a center of radical political philoso- phy.1 8 In the 'Ecole' , Victor concentrated on mathematics and engineering, also taking courses in chemistry and physics. He continued to do well v/ith his academics and graduated in I828 toward the top of his class. ° During this sojourn in Paris, Victor began to demonstrate a disenchantment with society and material­ istic endeavors. Victor's chemistry and geometry note­ books have been preserved for posterity in the Archives Nationales. These notebooks demonstrate an advanced understanding of chemistry and geometry as well as a methodical mind. They also indicate a growing disillu­ sionment with academic studies. In the margins of these

I'^Coignet, Considerant, pp. 22, 52-53-

-^^Georges Duveau, l848, the Making of a Revolu­ tion, trans. Anne Carter (Nev7 York. 1965), p. 37. Hereafter referred to as Duveau, 1848. 19 Coignet, Considerant, p. 12. Dommanget, Considerant, p. 11. 13 notes on chemistry and geometry, one finds a great amount of doodling--drawings, sketches, and often satirical com­ ments. These comm^ents express much boredom and contempt for the social irrelevancy of mathematics.^^ Victor's letters to Madame Vigoureux and to her son, Paul, during this period, indicate an increasing concern over social injustice and a growing contempt for worldly conditions. In these letters, he continually referred to the evil economic and social conditions in Paris. Frequently alluding to his "melancholy" and "re­ morse" over these conditions, Victor began to speak of the need for reform.2 1 In one letter to Madame Vigoureux, which he closed with the statement that "We are in a cruel universe," he expressed disgust with his own inactivity 22 with regard to social and political injustice. Finally, in a letter to a close friend of his father, Victor re­ nounced his life as a mathematician and gave an indica­ tion of what his future life might become. Writing on May 31, 1828, he stated: "Our (the students') life is so

^^"Notes prises par V. Considerant a 1'Ecole Polytechnique," in Archives societaires, housed in the Archives Nationales, Paris, France. Hereafter referred to as A.S.

^"^Diverse letters, 1826-29, in Ibid.

^^Letter to Clarisse Vigoureux, January 20, 1828, in Ibid. 14 monotonous, one day is so similar to the other, that life here is immobilized, and you know that immobility in­ spires nothing. Yes, deliver me from this absurd regi­ mentation. I often cry out in my furor against the dis­ cipline and the despotic beat of our drummers. It is very hard for a child of freedom to be in prison at the age of tv/enty."^ In this state of mind, Victor was ripe for the ideas of Charles Fourier. Moreover, Considerant's back­ ground in mathematics left him socially and politically naive. Although he had familiarized himself with those concepts in Besancon, he had not had time to steep him­ self in such matters. In Paris, however, he became a thoroughgoing disciple of the "Prince of Utopians." When Victor went to the capital, he brought with him copies of Fourier's major v/orks: the Theory of Four Movements, 1808, and the Treatise on the Domestic-Agricultural Asso­ ciation, 1822. Nov; he immersed himself in these works. Immediately his sensitive and compassionate spirit re­ sponded. Notwithstanding Fourier's bizarre imagination and disorganization, the Utopian's more humane ideas captured Victor: the idea of universal association for the purpose of rejuvenating and organizing humanity, the idea of attractive work by grouping workers in a series.

^^Letter to Thelmier, May 31, 1828, in Ibid. 15 and the concept of a just and harmonious society. Victor Considerant saw in Fourier's system, minus the fantastic trappings, the solutions for the economic and social problems of nineteenth century France. Soon after reading Fourier's two books, Victor wrote to Paul Vigoureux, stating that he had developed a great "infatuation" for Fourier and his ideas of harmony PR f and attraction. -^ Before graduating from the Ecole Polytechnique, in a letter to Madame Vigoureux, he ex­ pressed his ambition to be a disciple of Fourier: "Pre­ sent to Monsieur Fourier my homages worthy of his genius and relate to me everything of interest which he teaches you. Ah I if I could find him still in Franche-Comte, then I would be content! I believe that he will be obliged to treat his disciple to a coup de baton, as was done by the ancient Greeks; ..." 26 It is probable, although not certain, that Victor had occasion to meet Fourier while in Paris. Eugene de Mirecourt, a popular biographer who was a contemporary of Considerant, stated flatly that Fourier, having heard of

24 Coignet, Considerant, p. 12. Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 11-12. -^Letter to Paul Vigoureux, May, 1826, in A.S. 26 Letter to Clarisse Vigoureux, July 15, 1828, in Ibid. The term coup de baton implies cudgelling. 16 his new follower, sought out Considerant for an inter­ view. A widely circulated account of the alleged meet­ ing came from a biographical sketch by this author. Upon termination of the interview, Victor was reported to have stated: "Master, you have created a universe; it is 27 necessary now that I colonize it!" Since no other sources are able to vouch for the accuracy of this anec­ dote, it is not absolutely verifiable. Nevertheless, it is certain, that Victor and Fourier did meet on several pO occasions while Victor was in Paris. Having decided to devote himself to the doctrines of Charles Fourier, Victor Considerant, at the age of eighteen, began a career of activism. From his first year in Paris, he began to proselytize his fellow stu- dents at the Ecole Polytechnique. Jules Lechevalier, at the time a Saint-Simonian and student at the Ecole, told of Victor Considerant's Fourierist enthusiasm. According to Lechevalier, Victor had special attributes which made him a successful propagandist: an engaging personality, a sense of dedication, an enthusiastic spirit, a way v/ith words, and a good education. He won a number of converts

Eugene de Mirecourt, Les Contemporains, No. 99: Considerant (Paris, 1858), p. 1^. Hereafter referred to as Mirecourt, Considerant. pO Bourgin, Considerant, p. 11. 17 at the Ecole.^^ In addition to proselytizing, Victor demonstrated a concern for individuals in distress. In I827, a lib­ eral bookseller and printer in Paris, a man by the name of Sanson, was arrested and imprisoned for sedition. Victor and some of his friends kept the bookshop open and aided the fajnily of the prisoner. Wcien the printer was released from jail a few months later, his business was intact and his family had been cared for.-^ Upon graduation from the Ecole Polytechnique, late in 1828, Victor Considerant entered the Corps of Engi­ neers as a commissioned officer with the rank of Second- Lieutenant. He was transferred immediately to Metz where he was enrolled in the School of Military Instruction. While there, he became involved increasingly in radical socialist activities. Although he performed his military duties to the satisfaction of his superiors, Victor ex­ panded his proselytizing, held public lectures, corre­ sponded extensively \'J±th Fourier, and immersed himself in socialistic writings and in the literature of the Enlightenment. ^1

2Q ^ ^Jules Lachevalier, Etudes sur la science sociale (Paris, l834), p. 15. ^ Petite republique (Paris), December 31, l893, p. 2. O") Considerant, Destinee, II, pp. 66-67. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 12-15. 18 In 1829, Victor's first year in Metz, Fourier published The New Industrial and Associated World. This new work by the master provided a rallying point for the young disciple, and he waited with much anticipation to 32 see v/hat the general impact would be. He was not dis­ appointed. Fourier's publication received widespread publicity and was favorably revievjed in some of the jour- nals.^^ In fact, Victor published, in the Mercure de France of March 13, I830, a "Notice on the New World." This, Victor's first publication, v;as an exposition of the fundamental principles of the doctrine. As in his later publications, Victor attempted to present the basic tenets of Fourierism, stripped of most of its incoher- encies and generalities. He emphasized the concepts of harmony and attraction and their practical application to social reorganization.-^3 4 Victor had not been at Metz much over a year when the Revolution of I830 occurred in Paris. The young socialist received the overthrow of Charles X with enthu­ siasm. On August 4, he wrote Madame Vigoureux concerning

^^Letter to Clarisse Vigoureux, January 26, I829, in A.S.

•^•^Coignet, Considerant, p. 13-

^ Ibid., p. l4. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 13. 19 his activities during the crisis. He had become in­ dignant at those who wanted to "await on the events in Paris," and proposed that the city of Metz be alerted in order that the National Guard might be mobilized. He also requested that the Prefect be arrested and that a new revolutionary municipal government be installed. Both propositions were rejected by the Constitutional Committee of Metz. He, along v/ith other impatient of­ ficers, went so far as to remove the fleurs de lis from the epaulettes of their uniforms. He informed Madame Vigoureux that he "burned" to march on Paris.-^-^ Ten years later, he wrote that at the time he believed "that this simple change in government would usher in the Golden Age of France" and "the insurrectional canon of July would enfranchise the people."-^ With the establishment of a more constitutional monarch in the person of Louis Philippe, all types of socialist literature appeared. Considerant redoubled his propagandist activities.-^' Among his peers, he circulated

^^Letter to Clarisse Vigoureux, August 4, I83O, in A.S.

•^Victor Considerant, De la politique generale et du role de la France en Europe (Paris, Ib^O), pp. 116- 117. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Politique generale.

•^'Dommanget, Considerant, pp. 13-l4. 20 the works of Fourier and organized weekly discussion groups. Spreading beyond the confines of the military school, the movement gained popularity among the inhab­ itants of Metz. With the approval of his military supe­ riors, Victor conducted a series of public lectures at the town hall, where he ardently and methodically pro- pounded the theories of harmony and association.^

Victor's correspondence with Fourier reflected his activities. On September 27, I831, Considerant vjrote the bachelor theorist concerning his endeavors: "Our affairs are in a very good state; they understand you here and your name is pronounced with admiration. I have held five meetings already. "-^^ On December 7, I83I:, he wrote that, as a result of his ardent activities, his comrades had nicknamed him "Phalanstere." In this letter, he declared: "A goodly number of them have decided to study your discovery seriously; it was resolved that we will have conferences at my house twice weekly, to study and to develop the system," and he concluded: " I con­ sider the affair that I commence here as very important, because if I succeed with fifteen of these comrades, the

^"coignet, Considerant, p. 13. Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 13-l4.

•^"Letter to Fourier, September 27, 1831, in A.S. 21 remainder will be involved quickly, and, the next year, these officers dispersed to all points of France will 40 serve our cause in disseminating your science." Finally, on January 5, I832, he wrote: "I am full of hope and devotion, and my life v/ill be fulfilled if, for the happiness of humanity, I can contribute by placing your name higher than all the glories of the earth. I salute you with love and veneration." In the same letter, he set forth an outline of his presentation at the public lectures: (1) the critical state of society, (2) the necessity for a profound and pacific reform, (3) the principles of the science of association, (4) the suc­ cessive forms of social organization, (5) the analysis 4l of man, and (6) the constitution of a socialist regime. Victor's activities reaped results. Among his military companions he gained a rather large follov/ing. In addition, the public lectures were well attended. On many occasions, the people filled the town hall to capac­ ity. Some of Victor's converts were rather notable, par­ ticularly Jules Lechevalier, the former Saint-Simonian. Since Lechevalier ultimately made important literary con­ tributions to Fourierism, he represented a significant

Letter to Fourier, December 7, 183I, in Ibid.

Letter to Fourier, January 5, I832, in Ibid. 22 addition to the movement.4 2 In spite of Victor's ardent devotion to the doc­ trines of Charles Fourier, the correspondence betv/een the disciple and the master reflects a growing dissatisfac­ tion of the activists with the inaction of the cranky 43 "leader." -^ In September, I831, Victor expressed an anxiety over the lack of precision in the doctrine and requested further explanatory information from Fourier. According to Victor, the "conquest of fifty or sixty young men" depended on such clarification. He also urged the master to draft a new publication which would ex- plain certain points.4 4 Receiving no response, Victor renewed his requests for information and clarification. Again he encouraged Fourier to produce and publish: "The time has come for a strong blov/, and the integral publica­ tion of your science is, I believe, the best means of success." -^ These demands were repeated throughout I83I and 1832 v/ith no success. Fourier's inaction proved to be a source of contention and a serious handicap for the

42 Ibid. Coignet, Considerant, p. 13. Bourgin,

Considerant, p. 16. Dommanget, Considerant, p. l4.

diverse letters, l832-l834, in A.S.

^^Letter to Fourier, September 7, I83I, in Ibid.

-^Letter to Fourier, October 6, I83I5 in Ibid. 23 lift next few years. While other young men of Victor's age were enter­ ing into bourgeois society, the young Fourierist was in­ tent upon rejecting the status quo. Although he attained the rank of captain, Victor Considerant grew dissatisfied with his career in the army. In fact, he v;as frustrated over man's inhumanity to man and his own apparent inca­ pacity to rectify the situation. Writing to an old friend of his father, Victor declared that the life he was leading was "detestable" and expressed fear that he would never be happy and content. ' His sensitive and explosive nature could not endure the regimentation of military life. As a child of the Enlightenment, Victor believed in the basic goodness of humanity and in the perfectibil­ ity of man through the reorganization of his environment. The question was how he could best aid in bringing about man's betterment. Fourier's inaction and obstinance had engendered resistance among his chief followers. They turned to the young officer at Metz as the one to

lifi / Hubert Bourgin, Fourier, Contribution a I'etude du socialisme frangais (Paris, 1905), pp. 433-449. Here­ after referred to as Bourgin, Fourier. Coignet, Considerant, p. l4. '^Letter to Thelmier, February 21, I83O, in A.S. 24 demonstrate a more active leadership than the eccentric old master. Dominated by youthful idealism, Victor did not hesitate. Contrary to the wishes of his family, he sent his resignation to the Minister of War, Marshal Nicolas Soult. In his letter to the great Napoleonic general, Victor stated that he was not resigning for lack of esteem for his country, but because he saw "in the doc­ trine of Fourier the solution for the world," and he wished to devote himself entirely to the dissemination of the doctrine.4 Q^ In an interesting response, the general declared: "Monsieur, the State-Major Corps has need of good officers like yourself. I therefore refuse to accept your resignation, but I will grant you an unlimited leave of absence. If you do not succeed in your plans of re­ form, you will be allowed to retake, in the army, the rank with which you departed."-^ Abandoning a secure and pos­ sibly brilliant career, in the spring of I832, Victor Considerant went from Metz to Besancon to plan strategy for an uncertain future as a radical socialist activist and leader.

Coignet, Considerant, pp. l4-15. Bourgin, Fourier, pp. 449-45"^

49Coignet , Considerant, p. 15. ^^Ibid., p. 16. Mirecourt, Considerant, p. 17. CHAPTER II

THE ENGINEER AS A FLEDGLING IN RADICAL SOCIALIST THEORY, I832-I837

During the years I832 to I837, Victor Considerant advanced to a position of leadership in the national and international Fourierist movement. He organized a Fourierist school, the Ecole societaire. In 1832 he helped to found, and from 1832 to l834, he edited a newspaper, the Phalanstere. Furthermore, he authored three separate works which did much to popularize the ideas of Fourier: Social Destiny, I834, Three Discourses Pronounced at the City Hall, 1836, and the Necessity of a Final Political Col­ lapse in France, 1836. Finally, he conducted numerous con­ ferences throughout France. These activities of Victor and the Ecole societaire were achieved in the face of much opposition and apathy. The master, Charles Fourier, re­ mained indifferent, taking no initiative, giving no advice, 1 and offering no encouragement. In addition to Fourier's inaction, a serious schism developed among the proponents of the doctrine. By the end of 1837, nevertheless, pri­ marily through the efforts of Considerant, the basis had been laid for a national and international movement which ultimately would claim thousands of adherents in Western Europe and the United States.

•^Coignet, Considerant, p. I9. 25 26

On leaving Metz, Victor Considerant returned to Besanjon, where he made plans for the future with the assistance of the old group of Fourierists led there by Just Muiron. Paris, where Fourier resided, was designated the most logical place to establish a center for propa­ ganda. Thus, late in I832, Victor moved to the capital city and established himself permanently. Other disciples followed him: Aynard de la Tour de Pin, Baudet-Dulary, Jules Lechevalier, Amede'e Paget, Charles Pellarin, Hip- 2 polyte Renaud, and Clarisse Vigoureux. Incorporating themselves and accepting underwriters, this group formed the Ecole societaire, an official organization dedicated to establishing the- principles of Charles Fourier. In forming the organization, the followers rejected the name of Fourier and decided on the term societaire. They wanted to indicate that the movement did not worship an 4 individual but rather a broadly based social science. Before completely immersing himself in the work of the Ecole, Victor Considerant married Julie Vigoureux,

^Ibid., p. 16. ^Literally translated, Ecole societaire means Association School. ^Rather than the awkward translation, the official title, Ecole societaire, will be utilized throughout this work. Considerant to Quest, November l4, l835, in A.S. Coignet, Considerant, p. 17. 27 the daughter of his close associate, Clarisse Vigoureux. In love with Julie since their early encounters at Besanjon, Victor had been planning to marry her for some 5 time. On June 7, I829, in a letter to Clarisse Vigoureux, 6 he had asked formally for her daughter's hand. The union proved most compatible. Madame Coignet stated that they married for love, a not too common occur­ rence in the nineteenth century. Throughout the marriage, Julie proved to be a friend as v/ell as a wife. Madame Coignet has described her as follows: "Julie Vigoureux did not have the proud beauty and fineness of her mother. . . . But she was tall, slim, of elegant shape, and her 7 beautiful blond hair gave sweetness to her energetic head. Her countenance was very charming. One read there intelligence, correctness, force, kindness; and her life was proof that she had all these qualities. Reminding one of the relationship between Jenny von Westphalen and another radical socialist of the period, Karl Marx, Julie

^Diverse letters, in A.S. Considerant to Clarisse Vigoureux, June 7, I829 in Ibid. '^A lock of Julie's hair has been preserved in the Archives socie^taire in Paris. The lock, which is in a letter of Julie's written to Victor while exiled in Bel­ gium in 1849, substantiates Madame Coignet's description. o Coignet, Considerant, p. 26. 28 remained devoted to her husband throughout his tormented and often uprooted existence. Far from hindering the work of Victor by absorbing or jealous demands, she was "a faithful companion, valiant and full of self-denial, . . . She voluntarily went into exile with her husband in 1849, going to the Texas frontier in I856 and remaining there until I869 when the ban was lifted on Considerant in France. As the daughter of Clarisse Vigoureux, she doubt­ less was steeped in the philosophy of radical socialism and, therefore, was favorable to the endeavors of her hus­ band. Victor needed such a companion.

The first undertaking of the Fourierist activists in Paris was the establishment of a weekly newspaper. On January 5j> I832, indicating the need for a propagandist organ to Fourier, Considerant had written: "A newspaper is necessary for us. I believe we can organize a small one. This newspaper should be purely scientific. It should not be necessary to inquire into day to day events. . . . One half the space will be reserved for the master, all when you desire it. We V7ill fill in whatever space is left, concerning the organization of the association and the discussion and attention of the public on this subject.

^Ibid. l^Considerant to Fourier, January 5, 1832, in A.S. 29

Under the joint editorship of Madame Clarisse Vigoureux, Baudet-Dulary, and Victor Considerant, the first edition appeared on June 1, 1832, with the title, "Phalan­ stere, newspaper for the foundation of an agricultural and industrial phalanx associated in work and management." On September 7, I832, the title was modified to: "La Reforme industrielle, newspaper proposing the foundation of a phalanx, union of 1,100 associated in the work of cul­ tivation, manufacturing, and management." Finally, on January 4, I833, it became the "La Reforme industrielle, nev/spaper of the general interests of industry and of prop­ erty teaching the art of organization in association, the work of cultivation, manufacturing, management, commerce, education, and the sciences of the beaux-arts." As Victor had predicted, the paper was an organ of doctrinal propaganda, very narrov/ in scope. Its an­ nounced purpose, according to Considerant and Lechevalier, was to acquaint the French people with a theory which pro­ posed "to change the conditions of life, of eating, of lodging, of work, and of the income of the poor classes." The paper was created "for the object of provoking the sub­ stitution of the mode of combined work for the incoherence of exploitation which reigns in the best factories and shops." The only means to attain this goal would be the establishment of a phalanx. Limiting itself to the

•^-^Phalanstere (Paris), I, pp. 4-5. 30 dissemination of the pure doctrine, most of the newspaper was reserved for the production, in serial form, of the works of Charles Fourier. Other contributors included Considerant, Lechevalier, Baudet-Dulary, Clarisse Vigoureux, Julien Blanc, X. Chambellant, Charles Pecqueur, Amede^e Paget, Charles Pellarin, and Morize. Since the paper was not really a newspaper but more like a scientific journal, it had a limited audience.

Considerant's most important contribution to the Phalanstere was a series of articles entitled, "The'orie societaire." In these essays, he expounded the basic ideas of the master in a clear and easily accessible man­ ner. In analyzing the shortcomings of the present social and economic order, Victor scathingly attacked laissez- faire capitalism. According to Considerant, an evaluation of his contemporary economy revealed a mechanical and fatal concentration of power and v/ealth. The augmentation of production had been accomplished by the suppression of small farmers and small industry. The result was a "spolia­ tion of the masses by an all-powerful minority." He continued: "Competition for salaries surrenders the pro­ letariat, feet and hands bound, to a nev/ kind of lord. The populous masses will compose an immense vassalage, salaried when they can find a salary, living from day to

^^Ibid., I and II. 31 day when they can find a living." ^ According to Victor, a new revolution was needed--a pacific and social revolu­ tion. He wrote: "The revolution of the last century was made for political rights and for principles more or less abstract, by lawyers, merchants, idealogues, . . . against lords, princes, clergy, and the courts. It was a quarrel between the elevated and educated classes. This revolu­ tion produced 93. The revolutions of the future will be made for positive rights, the living interests, by the population that civilization has left in a neglected state, coarse, and half savage. It will be, in all its nakedness, the war of those who do not possess against those who possess. ..." Thus, fifteen years before the publica­ tion of the Communist Manifesto, Victor Considerant pro­ claimed the inevitability of a class struggle. Considerant's solutions, hov;ever, were different from those of Karl Marx. According to the Fourierist, the answer could be found in a pacific and evolutionary reorgan­ ization of society. Political panaceas were not the an­ swer. The government could not use its power to regulate and control economy. One cannot address oneself to power for the interest of harmony. In fact, Victor wrote: "One

•^^"La civilisation ruinant ses pauvres," Ibid., II, p. 27. l4 Ibid., p. 25. 32 never harmonizes interests by force, and . . . whatever force is being used is proof that there is no hannony."^ The solution was to harmonize hostile interests through a new combination, a phalanx. There is nothing wrong with man, Victor asserted, the problem is in his environment. Man can accomplish his social destiny only by realizing the development of all his faculties and passions. He wrote: "Man is necessarily in relationship, in intimate correlation, by substantial and organic predisposition, with the universal society of beings and of things." The environmental structure vjhich would foster harmony, allov7 man to associate freely, provide equal opportunity for all classes, and at the same time, liberate the free expression of all man's desires was the phalanx. 17 Thus, Considerant utilized the Phalanstere to develop the social and economic proposals of Fourier. Although they reached a limited audience, Victor Considerant's articles in Phalanstere were valuable in clarifying and explaining some of Fourier's ideas. A disciple from the provinces, writing to Lechevalier, stated: "Here is a fact. I have often given five or six editions

•'-^"Grave question sociale soulevee par le National," Ibid., II, p. 257. 1 fi "Description du Phalanstere," Ibid., I, p. 7. -^"^Ibid., pp. 23-34. A more thorough account of the structure of the phalanx can be found on pages 39-^2. 33 of the newspaper to be read rather selectively; they never made an impression on the readers. Next, I read to them the articles of Considerant on the theory of association. They have always illuminated them (the reader); . . . ""^ Another convert, writing to Victor in I833, stated: "You have introduced me to the theory of association, you have sustained my first step in the study of this sublime science. ,,19 The newspaper, over-all, was not successful. It was too narrovj, too circumscribed, too concerned with metaphysical discussions. Victor, unable to expand the paper's circulation, realized its impotence. In a letter to Lechevalier, he v/rote that in the provinces he found people^s conception of the Phalanstere to be "ridiculous, false, cold, and of bad effect." A leading Fourierist from Lyon, Le Moyen, wrote to a friend in Paris that the 21 paper was too "inflexible" and too "theoretical." Again, on June 22, I833, he wrote: "I am strongly of the opinion that the newspaper must be sustained. But it will never have any more subscribers, even any other readers, than the disciples, the fervent disciples, as long as it remains

Le Moyne to Lechevalier, July 2, l833, in A.S. •^^Dedicace to Considerant, August 5^ l833^ in Ibid. ^^Considerant to Lechevalier, June 30, I833, in Ibid. ^•^Le Moyne to Transon, March I6, 1833, in Ibid. 34 indigestible. It will not satisfy the butterfly, the 2? Cabbalist, nor the composite order." In February, I834, the Ecole societaire abandoned Phalanstere. It was not replaced until July, I836, by a new paper. La Phalange. ^ When Phalanstere ceased to appear, Victor turned to another form of propaganda--books. For some time he had envisioned a single publication which would present to the people of the world a clear, concise, yet complete, description of the social form proposed by Fourier. He had been working on the manuscript for such a book since the spring of I833, completing it that October. Due to a lack of funds, he was unable to publish any of this work until September I834, and then only volume one. Volume two was not issued until I838. Both volumes appeared under the title. Social Destiny.^2^4 Volume one of Social Destiny represents the most lucid and concise exposition of the doctrines of Charles Fourier. It remained, throughout the nineteenth century, the "bible" of the Fourierist movement. As one of Con­ siderant 's biographers, Maurice Dommanget, states: "In these grand lines, the thought of Fourier is faithfully

^^Le Moyne to Pellarin, June 22, l833, in Ibid. ^^Collard, Considerant, pp. 47-48. ^^^Considerant to Fourier, September 1, l833; to Greir, October 10, l833; to Fourier, October 12, 1833, m A.S. 35 reproduced, analyzed, explained, but with regards to the apparel1 caudal, the sea of lemonade and other transfor­ mations of the future announced by the master, Considerant proceeded to that which Doctor Ange Guepin came to call later, a 'useful weeding.' Without saying anything he ballasted the doctrine from these eccentricities." ^

Social Destiny is divided into two parts. Part one presents the goals of the book, delineates Fourier's social, economic, and political critique of modem society, and outlines the successive stages of man's progressive development. Part two analyzes and explains Fourier's proposed social and economic reorganization, the phalanx. In the introduction Victor wrote: "My goal is to give an elementary exposition, clear and easily intelligible, of the social organization deduced by Fourier from the laws of human nature." According to the author, the applica­ tion of Fourier's system will create a "perfect society." This society, based upon the commune or phalanx, will lead to "general peace and the confederation of all peoples; the organization of all useful work; the harmony of

^Dommanget, Considerant, p. 17. In this passage Dommanget and Doctor Guepin are referring to the fact that Considerant conveniently ignored some of Fourier's most fantastical and objectionable ideas, such as his concepts on immortality, on free love, and his Alice-in-Wonderland imagination. ^^Considerant, Destinee sociale, I, p. 1. 36 interests, individual and collective; the integral develop­ ment of human facilities; the fusion of all classes; per­ fect freedom for the individual in the general sense; and industrial attraction and unity of action."2 7 As depicted by Considerant, the prevailing social and economic structure was out of joint. "Vfhat kind of society is this," he asked, "this which summons to one point thousands of men, and tells them: 'come, the work­ shops are open, here are wages for you and your children;' trains them to do a certain kind of work, and then, having mechanized them, and encircled them within the iron ring of determined fate, says to them: 'now we can pay you only half wages, quarter wages, or no wages at all, for there is no work for you.' What manner of society is 28 this?" Like Sismondi, John Stuart Mill, Saint Simon, and other economic critics of the period, Considerant un­ masked nineteenth-century liberalism, particularly that liberalism which worshipped at the altar of laissez-faire capitalism. To Victor, unregulated capitalism had re­ sulted in industrial anarchy and in commercial monopoly. It engendered "proletarian servitude" and "pauperism of salaries." He argued that the first feudalism, the feudalism of the Middle Ages, had attached the serf to the

^'^Ibid., p. 23. ^^Ibid., p. 26. 37 person of the lord and to the lend. It had created a sys­ tem of direct servitude. The second feudalism, or the "capitalist dictatorship," surrendered the mass of "in­ dustrial serfs" to the class which possesses the instru­ ments of capital and credit. Laissez-faire capitalism organized a system of "indirect servitude." Under the pretense of free competition, the masses lost their free- • doms. They were victims of a triple competition which left them impotent: competition between the employers, competition between the workers, and competition from machines. This oppressive system of free enterprise led directly to social antagonism and class warfare--a social conflict between the employer and the employee. The price for refusing to resolve this class antagonism v7ould be revolution. ^ In addition to mass oppression and class v/arfare, Considerant felt that the system of unregulated capitalism leads directly to monopolies and to an unequal distribution of wealth. Those inequities in the econcniic structure were responsible for depressions and cyclical tendencies in the French economy. Considerant posed a sii^iple .ques­ tion: Carry this cruel and stupid system, to the- extrerr.e consequences. Suppose that industri:iization succeeds in replp^ing all the v.'orkers v'ith ir.ac'iineG 38

and in arriving at the abolition of wages? You will realize thus the ideal of the economists, produc­ tion will be most inexpensive. It is the absolute victory of capital over labor. But what will be­ come then of your immense products? Where will they be placed? Who will purchase them? And if the populations consent to dying of hunger peace­ fully and legally, in respecting that which you call order and sacred right of property, will you not see your productive mechanism collapse on it­ self and crush you under its ruins?30

In summary he wrote: "The present social form is contrary to the general interests of the individual and of people. It impoverishes and deprives the social body."-^ Being an eternal optimist, Considerant quickly moved from criticism of the surrounding economic conditions to an analysis of what he considered to be man's destiny to improve his earthly conditions. Again, all his presen­ tation was based upon the ideas of Fourier. According to Destinee sociale, throughout history man had been continu­ ally improving his environmental state, and he would con­ tinue to do so. Man was perpetually moving forward, progressing from, one stage to a more improved stage. Victor outlined seven stages of history: 1. Edenism, 2. Savagery, 3. Patriarchy, 4. Barbarism., 5- Civiliza- 32 tion, 6. Guarantism, and 7. Social Harmony. Although Western Europe was in the fifth stage, Civilization, that

3^Ibid., pp. 150-151. ^-^Ibid., p. 68. ^^Ibid., p. 83. 39 stage was on the decline; and the world was on the verge of moving to the next phase, Guarantism.^^

Like Marx, Considerant was best at criticizing capitalism. He became Utopian when he dealt with solu­ tions. For him it was a question of organizing the people in relation to the work in such a way that all human passions would serve beneficial ends, and in turn, produce sufficient goods to satisfy all human needs. He wrote: "The first of numerous conditions which must be fulfilled to establish a good social organization is to produce the greatest amount of riches possible, so that the riches will be reflected on everyone; to give to all members of the social body the means to satisfy the needs and varied demands of individual nature, so that life will be for all a splendid well-served

banquet, and not as today a poor and miserable table vrhere the starving guests dispute and quarrel over morsels. tt34 The satisfaction of human wants was the ultimate goal. The Fourierists believed that the phalanx, or in­ dustrial hive, was the elementary social unit which would produce the desired reorganization. The phalanx should be composed of 1,800 to 2,000 persons--men, women, and chil­ dren. The object would be to combine the work of approxi­ mately 400 families, uniting in this structure sufficient

33ibid., pp. 98-128. 3^Ibid., pp. 26-27. 40 power to feed, cloth, lodge, educate, and govern all mem­ bers in social and economic accord. The picture of a large hotel complex is conveyed. There would be one mag­ nificent central building surrounded by industrial estab­ lishments and cultivated fields. Considerant even de­ tailed the various rooms and their dimensions. One could live in the hotel at the scale best suited to one's pur­ pose: first, second, or third class, with just as much privacy as one desired.-^-^

Although everyone would be required to work, all vocational endeavors should be enjoyable. The principal activities were to be those of agriculture, manufacturing, commerce, and domestic economy; art, science, and educa- tion; self-government and social intercourse. Since there would be something that everybody liked to do and a good use for every human impulse, there was no reason why all could not perform the tasks they most enjoyed. To accom­ plish these ends, v/ork was to be organized in what Victor called "series." Special corporations would be established for every branch of industry. Individuals v;ould enroll in only those corporations for whose occupation they had a natural aptitude and preference. People did not have to be bored or fatigued by working continually at one task. Since everyone has his own set of tastes and his own com­ bination of passions, it would be possible for one to

35ibid., pp. 283-302, 323-341. 41 gratify them all by engaging in various activities. Any­ one could rotate from one occupation to the next at will. This system constitutes what Considerant and Fourier called attractive industry, where every person's labor becomes pleasure because all choose their occupations in accordance with their natural instincts and desires. Besides making everyone happy, Fourier's system, as described by Consider­ ant, vms to result in increased production. Efficiency would be achieved through centralization and planning. Since there would be no overproduction, there would be a demand for all goods, and conversely, enough products for all the demands. Further, to stimulate industrial effi­ ciency, each "series" would compete against rival groups. In their opinion, production v;ould increase and profits would run as high as 30 percent.-^ Considerant made it clear that Fourier's system was not a form of communism. He believed in equality of opportunity but not in equality of remuneration. These communes were to depend upon private capital, and private property holding could be retained. The phalanx would serve simply as the tenant. The question of remuneration did not rest on equality. Considerant abolished salaries in the association and established a system of dividends which v/ould be distributed to all the members in proportion

3^Ibid., pp. 237-282, 303-322, 342-358. 42 to the amounts of capital, skill, and labor contributed by each. At the end of the year, the value of all produc­ tion would be divided, three twelfths for skill, four twelfths for capital, and five twelfths for labor.^'^

With regards to the political structure, Consider­ ant was vague. All work of direction and administration was to be regulated by the election of peers, with voting based upon universal suffrage. These elected officials were to serve as judges as well as administrators. Al­ though a single "monarch" v;ould head the administration, he would have little power and would serve only as an elected minister charged with the responsibility of en­ forcing the laws of the commune. Sovereignty was to be vested in the people who elected him. With regards to lav/s, they would be formulated and initiated by a system of direct legislation. Finally, social and cultural intercourse was em­ phasized, and an elaborate method of education was to serve as the fulcrum of the system of social harmony. Considerant's educational process accentuated the develop­ ment of the arts: painting, sculpturing, writing, and music, particularly the opera. As with the economic sys­ tem in the phalanx, the educational process would be based

^^Ibid., pp. 170-195. ^^Ibid., pp. 302-308. 43 upon the utilization of the free expression of human passions.-^-^

Those who are familiar with the Utopian system of

Charles Fourier will recognize Social Destiny as an expli­ cation, pure and unwavering, of the basic concepts of the master. It presents Considerant not as an innovator or as an original thinker but as an organizer of thoughts, a clarifier of ambiguities, and most important, a populari- zer of ideas. He revealed the doctrine with minute exacti­ tude and lucidity. In addition to explanation and clari­ fication, the book exhibited exuberance and enthusiasm-- an enthusiasm which was contagious. In closing, Victor wrote: "We do not conclude by saying: it is impossible, because it is too beautiful. We conclude religiously, to the contrary: it is too beautiful not to be truth itself, ,.40 the social destiny of man, the will of God on earthl"

Social Destiny became the leading Fourierist propa­ ganda piece of the nineteenth century. For years, it stood 41 up as the most readable explication of the doctrine. Its impact was immediate. An associate, writing to Victor

^^For a detailed account of Considerant's expos^i- tion on culture and education, see Considerant, Destinee sociale. III. ^Considerant, Destinee sociale, I, p. 359.

^^Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 29-30. Collard, Con­ siderant, p. 88. Domman/:^et, Considerant, pp. 17-18. 44 concerning the value of this new publication, stated: "Few people can be made to read the works of Fourier with­ out much preparation. The work which succeeds best is !l42 Social Destiny. Another Fourierist wrote that it was invaluable in producing a gripping and emotional impact 43 upon the readers. Of all the works published on Fouri­ erism during this period. Social Destiny sold by far the most copies. Eight hundred copies were purchased before the second volume was completed. 44 Its popularity reached such proportions that Pope Gregory XVI felt compelled, by a decree of September 22, I836, to ban Considerant's book.^5 Le Temps, in evaluating Victor's work on February 12, 1839, wrote: "When one has the power of logic and the high intelligence of M. Victor Considerant, one does not need so much spirit. It is important, however, that Con­ siderant 's teachings contain more sincerity and more dig­ nity than Fourier's, because it is important today for all serious men to examine closely this analysis of Fourier.

n.4 6

42 Pouliquen to Considerant, October l4, I836, in A.S. ^3cotte to Considerant, January 17^ l837, in Ibid. ^^Gagneur to Considerant, November 23, I838, in Ibid. ^^La Phalange (Paris), November 10, 1836, p. 1. ^^Cited in Dommanget, Considerant, p. I8. 45 Victor had more to say than v;hat he penned in Social Destiny. On December 11, 1835, a socialist confer­ ence convened at the Hotel de Ville, or city hall, of Paris. Considerant, a keynote speaker, presented a dis­ course concerning the relationship of man's passions to the social structure. A few months later, in I836, this speech, along with two other discourses presented at the same time by Fourierists, Charles Dain and Eugene d'Izalguier, were published in book fonn under the title. Three Discourses Presented at the City Hall.

This essay contains important revelations concern­ ing Victor's attitudes toward nature, man's passions, God's relationship to man, and organized Christianity, particularly Catholicism. According to Victor: "All beings flee from suffering and gravitate toward joy; it is a universal 47 law." Considerant conceived of this law as a social cri­ terion. Suffering indicates something amiss in the social order. Conversely, general happiness reflects social recti­ tude. Since God has created man for happiness, he has given man passions as the means for realizing this happi­ ness. To render man content, society must be structured so as to develop and utilize these passions which God has created. In attempting to suppress man's desires, the

^^Victor Considerant, Trois discours prononces a I'Hotel de Ville (Paris, 1836), p. 34. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Trois discours. 46 existing social system worked contrary to natural order and to God's divine will.^^

Victor pointed an accusing finger at the estab­ lished church in particular and doctrinaire religion in general as the chief malefactor in disrupting God's plan. Berating the dogma of original sin, he wrote: "A voice is raised and has said: God is good; there is a purpose for all things in the creation of God; man has received intelligence, force, and passion; he thus has a role on earth--he must govern the earth. . . . Believe that God is good, believe that man is good, believe that the social form is vicious, believe that it is necessary to correct society and not the nature of man, believe that the sub­ version of natural faculties is a fatal principle, and that the development of natural faculties is the happy principle, . . ." ° The established church was the anti- Christ. He wrote: "The means utilized by Christianity since the eighteenth century has been impotent and con- n50 trary to that proposed by Jesus." Victor saw the funda­ mental dogmas of Catholicism as morally inadmissible. According to Victor: "This religion is a religion of en­ slavement, m.ade by slaves; it has attached itself above all

^^^Ibid., pp. 34-41. ^^Ibid., pp. 46-47. ^^Ibid., p. 49. 47 to the formula of a dogma which has declared human nature nSl impotent and evil. ^ Christian dogma worked to negate the progress that mankind has achieved over the past few centuries. Since the church has failed to solve man's problems, other means had to be utilized to establish social and economic rectitude. To Victor, the answer was simple. He concluded: "If Jesus of Nazareth were to re­ turn today he would become a disciple of Fourier of Besan­ con and would be most ardent of all in the teaching of 52 that science which is the salvation of men." Thus, in his discourse at the Hotel de Ville, Considerant revealed the moral nature of his philosophy. He believed in a supreme being, and he held that man was created for a worthwhile purpose by that being. Moreover, as a student of the New Testament, he believed in the teachings of Christ, but only as those teachings were applicable to the problems of nineteenth century society and not, in his opinion, as they had been perverted by the church. Through­ out his career, Victor attempted to correlate the teachings of Christ to the Fourierist movement. Considerant's attack on established religion pro­ duced an immediate reaction. To identify Jesus Christ with Fourier was too much for the Catholic propaganda

51jCb_id., p. 83. ^^Ibid., p. 87. 48 organs. On December l8 and 19, both the Gazette de France and the Univers religious bitterly castigated Fourier's disciple, denouncing him as a "heretic" and a "revolu­ tionary." The Gazette accused him of having "undertaken in the name of arrogant logic, to stigmatize and to condemn the religion of Jesus Christ and to impose blasphemy on a segment of society. "-^-^ Notwithstanding this particular negative reaction, Victor's discourse, in stirring so much controversy, did much to place his name and his ideas be­ fore the general public. He was pleased with the over-all 54 results. Considerant published another work in I836, en­ titled. Necessity of a Final Political Collapse in France. In this book, the Fourierist reiterated his social and religious criticism and called for a new order. He wrote: "The evil is not that some have too much, but that nearly all do not have enough. "-^-^ Suffering is universal. The struggle between men would not cease until a "grand social workshop" should be established; this workshop would render production adequate to needs, because "the

^^Cited in Bourgin, Considerant, p. 33. ^Pouliquen to Considerant, October l4, 1838, and October 24, I838, in A.S. ^^Victor Considerant, Necessite d'une derniere debacle politique en France (Paris, ^lb3o), p. 4«. FTere- after referred to as Considerant, Necessity. 49 satisfaction of physical needs is the elementary condition S6 of social concord."^ From social criticism, Victor turned his attention to the conflict between freedom and order. He attacked the conservatives for demanding order at the expense of liberty and the radicals for advocating freedom at the complete negation of order and stability. Victor believed that these terms, order and liberty, were syn­ onymous because order came only after freedom had been es­ tablished. The only order which would survive would be an "order produced by the accord of interests--and it is this solely that one can call order. It is thus the condition sine qua non of liberty. . . . Liberty is the prerequisite of order, as order is the condition of liberty." Man must find the conditions to establish the coexistence of these terms. He wrote: "Order and liberty can result only from 57 the perfect harmonization of interests." Fourier's phalanx would create the perfect balance between order and 58 freedom. Necessity of a Final Political Collapse excoriated the value of political activity. Although Victor had ex­ pressed indifference toward politics in Social Destiny, he did not fully develop his thinking on this matter until

^^Ibid., p. 106. ^'^Ibid., pp. 14-15. 5^Ibid., pp. 78, 108. 50 1836. To Considerant, the problem was social and not political. Political reform would not ensure social and economic amelioration. He cited England and the United States as examples. Although both had liberal governments, their economic structures were as chaotic and unjust as that of France. Political activity was actually harmful because it distracted from economic and social reform. He felt that the basic fallacy in political action was that parties were extremely narrow in outlook. They were self-seeking and embraced only their own special interests.

They were "guilty of indifference to the interests of the nation," and they "sought only to divide the country."5 9 Thus, if social reforms were to be realized, political parties had to be abolished, or, at least, made ineffec- .- -. ^0 tual. Although work on his publications, the newspaper and the three books, took up most of Victor Considerant's time, he did manage to conduct several Fourierist confer­ ences. Between 1828 and 1832, at Metz, he had developed an effective method of oral propaganda through a series of lectures. In the capital, he expanded his proselytizing by means of conferences at Houdan, Besan^ion, Orleans, Montargis, and Lyon. The most successful lectures were

^^Ibid., pp. 1-2, 10. 60 Ibid., pp. 1-12, 30-76. 51 those at Montargis and Lyon. At Montargis, in I833, his efforts resulted in the creation of a local Fourierist or­ ganization. He reaped even more success at two subse­ quent conferences at Lyon in 1833 and 1834. On both occa­ sions, he spoke to overflov; crowds at the Palace of Saint- Pierre which housed the bourse. As a consequence of his 1834 lecture, the two leading socialist newspapers of Lyon, L'Echo de la Fabrique and L'Echo des Travailleurs, carried a favorable series of expositions on the doctrine of Fourier. Victor's orations had the effect of enlisting hard-core activists in the Fourierist movement in populous centers throughout France.

While Considerant v/as promoting various propaganda media in I833, a small group of Fourierists, led by Charles Baudet-Dulary, attempted to establish a phalanx at Conde- sur-Vesgre in the forest of Rambouillet near Houdan, France. Baudet-Dulary, a prosperous deputy from Seine-et- 62 Oise, purchased 500 hectares of uncultivated land and organized a corporation, calling for capital subscriptions of 1,200,000 francs to finance the project. He and his collaborators brought in vrorkers and began constructing buildino;s. The results were disastrous. Only about

^•^Madaule to Fourier, October 1, I833, Tamisier to Considerant, October 25, l835, in A.S. Collard, Con­ siderant, pp. 86-87. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 33.

^^A hectare is 2.4711 acres. 52 400,000 francs was collected through subscription, not enough to complete the agricultural buildings already un­ der construction. Not more than 200 people came to live in the commune. The promoters fell to quarreling among o . 63 themselves. By lo34, the entire project was in ruins. Victor Considerant's role in this enterprise is unclear. His enemiies enjoyed associating him with the disaster at Conde-sur Vesgre, and later writers charged him with being the sponsor of the undertaking.6 4 These accusations appear fallacious. Victor had very little to do with the experiment of Baudet-Dulary. His participation was strictly theoretical, giving the undertaking some moral support and, on one- occasion visiting the grounds of the experiment. Although he desired success for the proposed phalanx, he never wholeheartedly supported it, and he did not expect it to survive. Victor continually warned against plunging into such an endeavor without adequate preparation and financial support. Conde-sur-Vesgre had neither.°^ After the collapse of the experiment, Con­ siderant officially repudiated the undertaking. Writing

63coignet, Considerant, p. 20. Collard, Consider­ ant, p. 22. ^^irecourt, Considerant, p. 22. Democratie pacifique (Paris), April 3, 1^44. ^Considerant to Fourier, August 17, l833, in A.S. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 20-21. Collard, Considerant, pp. 49-51. 53 in 1844, he stated that Baudet-Dulary had not come close to utilizing the basic tenets of Fourier. There had been no attempt at a true phalanx. Only one tenth of the pro­ posed buildings were erected. Nothing was accomplished except the cultivation of a few hectares of land. Contra­ dicting his attackers, Victor denied having taken an active role in the enterprise. At the height of Considerant's activities, a schism developed in the Ecole societaire. A group of Fourierists from the Jura, led by Victor's old mentor Just Muiron, rebelled against the leadership in Paris, particularly against what they termed the "exclusive tactics" of Victor Considerant. On July 24, I836, Muiron issued from Besan- jon a proposal for a new Phalansterian Union. In a letter to Considerant, one of the supporters of the statute wrote: "Just Muiron has good reason to try to develop more unity between Paris and the provinces, because you must confess that the Parisian monopoly has suffocated the Besan_gon Fourierists at every turn. We know nothing of your projects and of your hopes. Don't you realize that often we have had reason to feel profoundly discouraged? A few days later, Muiron wrote to Considerant: "Be less defiant tov/ards us and more just to the idea of the subject of the

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), April 3, l844, p. 3. 'Gagneur to Considerant, August 13, 1836, in A.S. 54 union that all desire."^^

The basic conflict between Muiron and Considerant was related to organizational structure. Muiron desired a tightly constructed framework in which the various groups in the provinces would play an equal role with that of Paris. Considerant feared such a union. He desired a loose structure which would enable the various organiza­ tions to work independently of each other, and thereby, attain a broader base of support. 6Q Victor, unwilling to see Muiron and his powerful following bolt the Ecole societaire, worked diligently for a compromise. Through his efforts, an entente was struck between himself and Muiron. On October 10, 1836, a "Project," signed by Considerant and Muiron and circulated to the leading Fourierists, announced an accord between the two factions. By the terms of the agreement, Muiron abandoned his proposed union. In return, Considerant r agreed to establish a central bureau in Paris. This bureau would register all persons "who desire to contribute actively to the propagation and to the realization of Phalansteranism." The contents of the register would be submitted to all phalansterians on request. The bureau

Muiron to Considerant, August 17, I836, in Ibid. ^^Tamisier to Considerant, August 8, 1836, Renaud to Considerant, September 8, 1836, in Ibid. 55 would serve also as a center of communications and in- 70 formation.

Although the compromise reunited the vast majority of Fourierists, one small segment remained obdurate. This group, led by Edouard de Pompery, founded a new organiza­ tion, the Institut societaire, and published a rival news­ paper. However, this splinter group proved to be small and ineffectual, posing no threat to the growth of the

/ /. Ecole societaire.7 1 By the summer of l837, Considerant had consolidated his position of leadership in the Fourierist movement. An event in the fall of that year hurled him into a posi­ tion of sole directorship. On October 9, I837, Charles Fourier, at the age of sixty-five, passed away. During the immediately preceding years, Fourier had lived in semi- seclusion in a small and desolate room near the Hotel de Hollande on the rue Richelieu. In the fall of l837, he was confined to bed. Madame Vigoureux asked him to stay at her apartment where she could take care of him. He re­ fused. The last few days before death came, he would not permit anyone to enter his room. On the morning of

70"projet de Circulair," cited in Bourgin, Con­ siderant, p. 39. '^•Vidal to Considerant, August 9, l837, in A^. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 4l. Mirecourt, ConsideranYT^p. 23. 56 October 9, the housekeeper found him on the floor. Madame Vigoureux and Considerant were summoned immediately. They 72 found him dead. Alone he had lived, alone he died. The following day, October 10, Charles Fourier's funeral took place at the Eglise de Petits-Peres. Before burial in the cemetery of Montmartre, Victor Considerant pronounced the final eulogy: "Fourier belongs not to a small number of men who understood his teachings. He be­ longs to all humanity. . . . For us, guardians of a sacred deposit, we must conserve in this inferior world, until the day of triumph, the soul which lived in this body. We must faithfully preserve and transmit his ideas for future generations, . . . To us, his disciples, we have now only to raise a monument to his memory: that monument is a phalanx." On the marker, a resume'' of the doctrine served as an epitaph: "The series distributes harmonies; the attractions are proportional to the destinies."'7 4

'Coignet, Considerant, p. 21. '''^Cited in Ibid., p. 22. 74. Ibid. CHAPTER III

THE RADICAL SOCIALIST AS THEORIST, l837-l848

The years 1837 to l848 witnessed the cresting of Fourierism. With the death of Charles Fourier, Victor Considerant became the epicenter of the national and inter­ national movement. Under his leadership, Fourierism emerged as one of the most broadly based socialist move­ ments of the decade, influencing economic and political de­ velopments in France specifically and more generally throughout Western Europe and the United States."^ During the twelve years which preceded the Revolu­ tion of 1848, the ideas of Victor Considerant were ex­ pressed in all modes of propaganda: newspapers, pamphlets, books, lectures, and conferences. In addition, he entered the political arena, serving as a member of the Municipal Council of Paris and running for a position as representa­ tive in the lower Chamber. To understand Considerant's role and impact it will be necessary to analyze his politi­ cal, social, and economic ideas before surveying his ac­ tivities. This chapter, therefore, will deal with his

-^Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 36-90. Coignet, Con­ siderant, pp. 23-3'2"i Dommanget, Considerant, pp. 18^14?. (ieorge Lichtheim, The Origins of Socialism (New York, I969), pp. 70-71. Hereafter referred to^as Lichtheim, Origins. Maurice Lansac, Les Conceptions methodolo^iaues et sociales _de Charles Fourier (Paris, 192b), pp. 25-2T: Hereafter referred to as Lansac. Fourier. 57 58 thought as it v/as represented in the two newspapers which he edited. La Phalange, 1836-43, and Democratie pacifique, 1843-49, and in his major publications: Social Destiny, II, 1838, III, 1844, Peace or War, 1839. On General Poli­ tics and the Role of France in Europe, l84o. Bases of Posi- f /. 0 ive Politics: Manifesto of the Ecole Societaire Founded by Fourier, l84l, On Sovereignty and the Regency, l842. Railroads, l844. Abridged Exposition on the Phalanx System of Fourier, l845^ The Principles of Socialism: Manifesto of Nineteenth Century Democracy, l847^ Two Comjnunisms, l847. The Theory of the Right of Property and of the Right to Work, l848, and Socialism before the Old World, or the Living before the Dead, l848. The next Chapter will deal with his life and activities and his impact on French political development. Collectively, Victor Considerant's ideas, as re­ flected in his publications during this period, embody his thought at the apex of his influence. Although he con­ sistently upheld the basic tenets of Fourier, Considerant, modifying strict Fourierism to make his program practical and palatable, began to advocate political activity, government planning, and regulation of the economy. In the areas where he deviated from Fourier, he had his greatest impact. It is in this phase of his career that we find him to be a forerunner of democratic socialism. 59 For maximum clarity, we shall examine the famous Fourierist's social and economic ideas first and his politi­ cal concepts second. Finally, Considerant's relationship to Marxism and to Romanticism will be explored thoroughly. In the sphere of social and economic thought, Con­ siderant kept up the drumbeat of criticism which he had launched in the first volume of Social Destiny. According to Victor, the Revolution of I789 had created economic anarchy. In destroying the old order, the Revolution had failed to erect a new one. "The Revolution," he. wrote, "has surrendered society to absolute laissez-faire govern- 2 ment, to anarchical competition, and to blind warfare." This laissez-faire system led to a disorganized and chaotic society. No basis for social and economic stability existed, and no system of organization existed to bring economic 3 justice to the masses. To Considerant, the system of free enterprise was the foundation stone of social and economic anarchy. Eco­ nomic disorganization resulted in unlimited competition, and unlimited competition created monopolies. Because of free enterprise, all small business and industry capitu­ lated to giant corporations: "Our system of free

^De^mocratie pacifique (Paris), August 1, l843, p. 1.

^La Phalange (Paris), II, p. 217. 60 enterprise is a colossal mechanism of enonnous power, which incessantly sucks up the national riches to concen­ trate them in the great reservoirs of the new aristocracy and which creates the starving legions of the poor and the proletarian." Speculators and parasites, people undeserv­ ing of their position of power and wealth, dominated society. In Considerant's view, "Always the parasite speculator collects from a single casting of his net more gold than one hundred thousand laborers of which their toil feeds a province. Alv/ays the great capital, acting as a war machine, batters down the small producers and the in- 5 termediate classes themselves." Throughout his career Victor consistently attacked speculators, bankers, and high financiers for their quick money schemes which were successful usually at the expense of the lower classes. The concentration of v/ealth in the hands of these parasites was the premier threat to social and economic well-being 6 in France. In the growth and development of the French rail­ roads, Considerant recognized the evils of speculation and

Victor Considerant, Principes du socialisme. Manifeste de la democratic au XlXe siecle (Paris, 1^47), p. 11.—Hereafter referred to as uonsiderant, Principes.

^Ibld., p. 37. ^Ibid., pp. 30-38. De^mocratie pacifique (Paris), 1843-1849, passim. 61 of monopolies in blatant form. Demonstrating much fore­ sight, he noted the enormous economic consequences if the railroads were left to the selfish interests of the finan­ cial giants of Europe. Under the system of free enterprise the railroads would exploit the poor, make or destroy ur­ ban areas, dominate communications, control commerce and trade, and affect the national defense. Without regulation the railroads would creat-e giant monopolies which would 7 have the financial and political power to control France. Referring to the railroads, he wrote: No one doubts that the political, industrial, commer­ cial, and social state of the world must be rapidly and profoundly transformed by the execution of the new and colossal work which is undertaken today. The fate of the- country depends on the usage of this immense pov/er. Well conducted, well managed, uni­ formly employed in the true interest of France and civilization, this new organ can produce magnifi­ cent results of prosperity, of unity, and of gran­ deur. Poorly employed, the energy of this instru­ ment can disrupt the social, industrial, and commercial economy of the country and compromise, from top to bottom, its political future.^

Another example of exploitation v/hich resulted from free enterprise was the concentration of property in

the hands of the financial barons. To Considerant, the

question of property vms at the basis of unequal

^Democratic pacifique (Paris), January 11, l844, et passim": Victor Considerant, Chemins de fer (Paris, T844), pp. 3-11. Hereafter referred to as Uonsiderant, Chemins de fer. ^Democratic pacifique (Paris), June 12, l844, p. 1 62 distribution of the wealth. Under the existing system, an absolute contradiction existed between the "natural rights" and the "legal regime." Considerant believed that all man­ kind had a "natural and immutable right to property." The prevailing system of. property rights was false and arti­ ficially imposed by a few on the majority. Since property was the major source of all natural wealth, Considerant realized that the concentration of property placed the wealth of the nation in the hands of a few.^

The system of laissez-faire capitalism and the re­ sulting monopolies created serious economic, social, and political problems. As earlier indicated, Considerant was one of the first to note the cyclical tendencies in un­ regulated capitalism. According to the Fourierist, the creation of monopolies and the consolidation of wealth es­ tablished a "vicious circle" which would stop the flow of products and result in economic chaos and instability. Because only a few controlled the money, the masses, whose salaries continually depreciated as a result of the system, were unable to purchase all the goods. The outcome was 10 over-production followed by economic depression. He

9La Phalange (Paris), II, p. ^585. Victor Con­ siderant ,~"The^rre~~d^dro3^ travail (Paris, lb4bj, pp. 3-11, 34. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, ££opri_£te. •^^emocratie pacifique (Paris), August 1, l843, p. 1. Considerant, Principes, pp. 20-22. 63 felt that "The most civilized nations collapse under the deadly weight of over-production, and the legions of workers, falsely stripped of purchasing power by the con­ ditions of their salary, cannot participate in the consum­ mation of this exuberant production! Is it not logical that this inhuman industrial regime which threatens fatal ruin to the consumers and which so miserably remunerates the workers destroys itself by closing all markets and channels of consummation?" In addition to internal instability, the free en­ terprise system with its over-production and cyclical ten­ dencies led directly to economic imperialism. Because of over-production and the masses' deficient purchasing power, nations sought foreign outlets for their goods. He wrote: Industrial nations try mightily to achieve foreign outlets for their manufactured goods. England, tormented by an excessive amount of goods, makes superhuman efforts to pour her products over all lands. She opens by cannon shot the closed doors of the Chinese Empire. She incessantly crosses the globe with arms in hand demanding consumers. . . . And on her coast, in Ireland, and in her own bosom, from Cornwall to Sutherland, and in her immense possessions of the Old and New World, the innumer­ able masses of workers are decaying and dying or revolting, because the absurd rigors of the system of free competition do not pennit them to consume the strict necessities.i^

l^Considerant, Principes, p. 23.

l^Ibid., pp. 11-12. 64 With the inequities of the social and economic structure, class conflict was inevitable. Throughout Con­ siderant 's writings, the terms "class struggle" and "class warfare" frequently appear. According to the Fourierist, the deplorable conditions of the majority of people could not continue indefinitely. The masses would not starve v/hile the "feudal lords" amassed great riches. If reform did not come v/ar would erupt between the haves and the have nots. As he put it: "Society as a whole is more and more splitting into two great classes--a small number pos­ sessing all or nearly all the domain of property, of com­ merce and of industry; and the great numbers possessing nothing, living in an absolute collective dependence on the holders of the capital and the machines of work, compelled to hire out for an uncertain salary and always losing their pov7er, their talents, and their forces to the feudal lords of modern society."1 3 Since such intolerable conditions could not prevail, either reform or revolution was in­ evitable: "The capitalist and the workers are in flagrant warfare. The workshop of production, of distribution, and nl4 of remuneration is only an eternal field of battle. Throughout his career, Victor Considerant held firmly to the conviction that the ultimate remedy for

13 Ibid., pp. 11-12. l^Ibid., p. 20. 65 societal ills resided in Fourier's system of universal harmony and association through the phalanx. Nothing short of total reorganization would suffice. During the twelve year period prior to the Revolution of l848, how­ ever, he deviated from doctrinaire Fourierism. Considerant realized that his perfect society could not be brought into being by traumatic alteration. He was willing to accept evolutionary progress to attain more perfect ends. Com­ prehending the need to broaden his basis of support and desiring to make Fourierism more palatable to a greater number of people, he embarked on a campaign to achieve major reform in an undramatic way. He worked to adapt his doctrine to the prevailing realities. In l84l, Considerant wrote: "The Ecole societaire aims at the establishment of the full development of human freedom, but only as the crea­ tion of such conditions can be attained practically vjithin the framework of existing social conditions and only as the development of individual freedom can be reconciled fully with general order. . . . The virtual needs of progress and of liberty must be subordinated to the present exigen- 15 cies of stability and order." Considerant went out of his way to assure people troubled by the fear of anarchy that his system was not a radical philosophy but merely a method

^Victoi; Considerant, Bases de la politique positive: Manifeste de I'Ecole societaire (Paris, 1^4';^), pp. 49-33. ilereafter referred to as Considerant, Bases. 66 for economic and social reorganization which, in fact, would provide stability. Thus, he declared: "The attempt to establish Fourier's system of association can be an in­ novation only in the economic sphere. With regards to other areas, the communal association must conform, more scrupulously than any other, to the laws, to the habits, to the customs of the nation." Because of the "peace­ ful" and "practical" nature of the Ecole socie^taire, Con­ siderant believed that its program v/ould appeal "to the sincere men of all parties, from all classes, from all re- ligious sects, and from all nations."1 7 As a pacifist and vociferous opponent of all forms of violence, Considerant consistently counseled against in­ citement to revolution. Although he predicted class war, he vievjed such a conflagration as a result of the refusal to bring on needed reforms. Revolution was not inevitable. Since class struggle was created artifichlly by the "vicious organization of contemporary society," it was not funda­ mental. Revolution only further alienated the classes and -] o replaced one form of "feudalism" with another. Con­ siderant announced: "We proclaim radically faulty the

^^Ibid., p. 71. -^^Ibid., p. 108. Ibid., pp. 50-53. La Phalanr.e (Paris), I. pp. 510, 530, TTT'p. 217. Considerant, mncipes, pp. 42-43, 71. 67 present state of affairs, but we proclaim as insane the violent overthrow of this state of affairs, and we demand the evolutionary transformation of this situation to a better state by the methods and mxcans which reason approves, which experience confirms, and v/hich all interests can ac- cept. fil-^9 In short, it was possible to reconcile the classes through reform and reorganization. Reform, however, must be immediate. Since most people shied away from the concept of the phalanx system, he propounded the gradual dismantling of the laissez-faire system by increased state ov/nership and regulation--a con­ cept not too dissimilar to that of Louis Blanc. The two best examples, again, of Considerant's departure from pure Fourierism were his solutions for the problems of the rail­ roads and of private property. Because of their immense economic, social, and political value, the railroads should not be left to the giant corporations. The people should be allowed to control the railroads through the machinery of national government.^*^ Regarding his concept of govern­ ment regulation, Considerant wrote: "The abandonment of the railroads to the monopolistic corporations is the

^^Considerant, Bases, p. 39. ^^Considerant, Chemins de fer, ^pp. 29^30. La 68 system of the Middle Ages; its exploitation by the State is the system of liberty. . . . It is necessary that the railroads remain in the hands of the State which represents all the people. The state is the people, the entire na­ tion. A monopoly exercised by the state is no longer a monopoly. The State is a universal corporation of which 21 all the citizens are the stock holders." In his atti­ tude toward the railroads, Considerant foreshadowed that of a few of the American Populists at the end of the nine­ teenth century. The abolition of private property v/as not a part of Considerant's program. Since he held that property holding was a "natural right," he assumed that all humans were entitled to ownership. According to Victor, two types of capital existed--primitive or natural capital and created capital. Natural capital consisted of all natural resources, particularly land. Created capital included all products and wealth produced by labor. V/hile created capital needed to be distributed in direct proportion to the cooperation of each individual in its production, in accordance with Fourier's formula of five twelfths for labor, four twelfths for capital, and three twelfths for talent, natural capital required re-distribution to each generation on an equal basis. Each individual had a

^Wmocratie pacifique (Paris), June 20, l844, p. 1. 69 natural right to an equal share of all non-created capi- 22 tal. In the existing state of affairs, according to the Fourierist, natural capital had been rendered indisposed by the usurpations of individual property holding. The small minority had cornered the land. As things stood, however, property reapportioranent was impractical. Con­ siderant realized that the pov/erful property owners would never become reconciled to a re-distribution of land hold­ ing. In his thinking, an alternative existed. To compen­ sate those v/ho were deprived of natural capital and to keep the masses from being subservient to the property owners, the government must guarantee the right to work to all French citizens. If the proletariat were unable to obtain property, then they should receive productive and justly remunerated employment. He wrote: "The condition sine quo non for the legalization of private property is that society grant to the proletariat the Right to Work and that it assure to them the means of subsistence equal 24 to their rightful share of natural capital." One year

^^La Phalange (Paris), II, pp. 585-593. Con- siderant, "Propri^te", pp. 9-23. 23- siderant (Paris) ^^'considerant, ProprieW, pp. 24-25. 70 before the publication of Louis Blanc's Organization of Work, in I839, Victor Considerant introduced the famous phrase which became the rallying cry for the socialists in l848-49--the right to work.^^

In addition to his favorite subjects of railroads and property holding, Considerant made other proposals which reflect his confidence in state ownership and govern­ ment regulation. One of his best known recommendations called for the creation of a new governmental position of cabinet rank, a Minister of Progress. According to Victor, the Minister of Progress would be charged with the task of formulating and implementing plans for social and economic reform. Intensive studies of various proposals would re­ sult in the augmentation of those programs deemed useful on an experimental basis. Two divisions would exist under the Minister of Progress: a Division of Industrial Progress would be responsible for technical inventions and industrial, commercial, and agriculture reorganization; a Division of Social Progress would be responsible for studying and es­ tablishing systematic propositions for social amelioration.

For example, the Minister of Progress would have the respon- 26 sibility for guaranteeing the right to work. In other

^^The term "right to work" is associated generally with Louis Blanc and his publications. ^Considerant, Bases, pp. I6-I9. 71 recommendations, Considerant proposed the creation of a government owned savings bank. This bank would loan money to the lower classes on a long-term, low interest rate basis. This system would prevent the poor from being ex­ ploited by the financial monopolies. The savings bank would put more money in circulation and give impetus to the general economy by increasing production consumption. ' Finally, Considerant called for a total reorganization of the tax structure. He supported a plan for lowering the taxes on the poor classes and for the establishment of a progressive income tax which would fall heavily on the wealthy entrepreneurs and land owners.'^^

Before turning to Considerant's political ideas, mention should be made of his attitude toward the programs of other contemporary socialists. One of the great trag­ edies of 1848 was the inability of all the social and political critics to unite and form a solid front in their efforts to establish a social democracy in France. While attempting to destroy despotism, the republicans, social­ ists, and anarchists too often engaged in polemics among themselves. These divisions in the ranks of the critics of the July Monarchy prevented them from seizing the day in 1848-49.

27ibid. La Phalange (Paris), I, p. 953 28Democrati e pacifique (Paris), June 27, l847, p. 3 72 Rather than accept the tenets of any other socialist movement, Considerant attempted to make Fourierism flex­ ible enough and popular enough to draw these rival philoso­ phies into his own fold. Believing that all competing socialist systems contained dangerous and false tenets, Considerant criticized them accordingly. In particular, the communalistic socialists all had major defects. Ba- bouvism was a form of communism which was totally unac­ ceptable. It was based upon revolution, hatred, anti- individualism, and totalitarianism. Babeuf had espoused a system "ultra negative," "ultra coercive," "violent," "subversive," and "despotic." His program only replaced one form of totalitarianism with another. Owenism was nothing more than a modern version of Sir Thomas More's Utopia. The cooperative system of Owen was negative be­ cause it sought to destroy property rights and individual and personal rights derived from capital. It put too much faith in education and not enough emphasis on the passions of man. Since it advocated total equalitarianism, Owenism was more sentimental than scientific and completely im­ practical. Etienne Cabet's Icarian communism was simply Owenism transported to France, but with a more negative cast. Calling for too much centralization, Icarianism looked backward to "vague" and "confused" platitudes. The system was also impractical, because Cabet demanded too much self-sacrifice. Although correct in its analysis of 73 capitalism, Saint-Simonism also contained negative prin­ ciples and authoritarian repression. It would create an unnatural hierarchy and a rigid social structure which would allow little individualism. In addition, the Saint- Simonian system of distribution, "from each according to his capacity, to each according to his work," was unjust. This fomiula did not provide enough equity for other fac- 29 tors, such as, capital and talent. Louis Blanc, with his system of state regulation, received no less censure than the Utopians. Considerant believed that Blanc's plan to reorganize industry into communal corporations was basically sound, but he faulted him for making this' system totally dependent on the state. The state, without a doubt, had to control certain eco- nomic institutions such as insurance, canals, railroads, and credit banks. But the state ought not to own and operate the entire economy. Under Blanc's system, indus­ trial, commercial, and agricultural administration would be subject to an excessive equalitarianism and to the vagaries of the electoral process. According to Consid­ erant: "One cannot remake, one will never remake, a so­ ciety with governmental decrees."^ Considerant's reaction

^Victor Considerant, Le Socialisme cleyant le vieux monde ou le vivant devant les morts (Paris, 1^49}, pp. 31- 37^ Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Socialisme. Victor Considerant, Les Deux communismes (Paris, l^h'f), pp. 20-28. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Communismes. 30considerant, Socialisme, pp. 87-95. 74 to Blanc's program appears to be an instance of incon- tency. Given his stress on amelioration during the period between I837 and l848, Considerant should have been able to work closely with Blanc. Such was not the case. Al­ though no serious antipathy existed between the two, they were not able to coordinate efforts at the moment of great opportunity in 1848-49. Of all the critics of the July Monarchy, Consid­ erant most vigorously excoriated Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. As with other radicals, Considerant accepted Proudhon's criticism of capitalism. According to Victor, however, Proudhon had almost no constructive plan. He placed all his faith in a national bank system which would grant free credit to the working class. He rejected all ideas con­ cerning the organization of work and industry. Proudhon's system demanded complete individual freedom with no re­ strictions. Although Considerant opposed various programs on the basis that they would destroy individualism, he did not go so far as to accept anarchy. Considerant sought a compromise between excessive individualism and social order. To him, Proudhon was nothing but an iconoclast. His program was destructive and dangerous.^ Thus, Con­ siderant, differed from all other radicals. It would seem fair to say that he was not exempt from the criticism

31lbid., pp. 99-111. 75 always directed at his radical contemporaries, that is, each felt that no program was correct except his own. As previously indicated, in his early writings, Considerant had renounced all political action as irrele­ vant. In the 1837 to 1848 years, however, he abandoned Fourierist apoliticalism in favor of thoroughgoing ac­ tivism. Considerant came to appreciate the practical ne­ cessity for political involvement. During this period, he called for a new political party. To this new move­ ment, he gave the name pacific democracy.^ The new or­ ganization v/as not to be a political party in the general sense, but a broadly-based movement seeking to utilize political forms to bring about economic and social justice Politics was a means to an end.-^-^

Considerant's rejection of surrounding political combinations was complete. The party of the right, as rep­ resented by Francois Guizot, looked to the past. It was the one most hostile to reform and to the lower classes. Guizot represented reaction and blind stupidity. His party must be rejected. The party of liberalism, as rep­ resented by Thiers, was worse because it was deceptive. Although Thiers talked a game of internal reform, he had

^Pacific Democracy was also the title Considerant gave to his new newspaper which appeared in August, l843. •^^Considerant, Bases, pp. 1-4. Democratie pacifique (Paris), August 1, pp. 1-4. 76 no principles and he sought only self-preservation and success. Thiers worked to maintain the status quo through the rhetoric of laissez-faire government. The liberals had not fulfilled the promises of 1830. Thiers was an op­ portunistic politician who had duped the French people since I830. Besides his negative internal program, Thiers' bellicose foreign policy could lead to an unnecessary and destructive war. To Considerant, the party of radical re­ publicanism was no better than the liberals or the conserva­ tives. This group sought to destroy the constitutional monarchy through revolution, violence, and coercion. Revo­ lution in France would bring on another European war. Since all the prevailing political parties were either re­ actionary or revolutionary, Considerant believed that none 34 offered worthwhile solutions. Social and economic amelioration, according to the Fourierist, could come through the efforts of a new politi­ cal party--a party committed to peaceful but far-reaching reform through the democratic channels of the constitu­ tional monarchy. Throughout the period, l837-l848, Con­ siderant supported the concept of constitutional monarchy.

^Victor Considerant, La Paix ou la guerre (Paris, lS39);> PP- 5-25. Hereafter referred to as ^Cojisiderant, Paix. Victor Considerant, De la Souverainete^ et de la regence (Paris, l842), pp. 17-18. Hereafter referred to as Considera^nt. Souveraine'^te. Victor Considerant, De la politique ge'nerale et de role de la France en Europe "(Paris, l«4o), pp. 122-142.^ Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Politique ge'ne''rale. 77 According to Victor, sovereignty rested with the people of a nation. Although the government could not be placed above the people, when the nation, with much care, es­ tablished a government and a legislative power, as France had done in I830, sovereignty lay with those representa­ tive institutions. In France, sovereignty was held not by the King but by the corporate powers of the monarchy, the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Peers. Considerant wrote: "The union of these three powers is the organ and correct agent of the interests, the ideas, and the intelli­ gent will of the nation. "-^ The King was not the sovereign monarch but the head of the governmental administration.-^' Considerant's concept of a constitutional monarchy was thoroughly democratic. He advocated "a constitutional regime with an hereditary monarchy and an elected chamber" as the only practical democratic form. This type of par­ liamentary monarchy, while providing rational regulation and stabilization, would reflect the will of the nation at large. Victor often expressed reservations concerning universal suffrage, on occasion directly opposing enfran- chising everyone. His attitude toward universal suffrage

/ / 35considerant, Souyerainete, pp. 2-5. Democratie pacifique (Paris), August 1, lb43, pp. 7-8, November 21, 1847, p. 1. ^^Considerant, Souverainete"/. r, p. 11. ^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), August 15, l844, '38ibid., August 1, 1843, p. 8, August 17, l843, p. 2. 78 has caused some writers to declare Considerant an opponent 39 of democracy.-" Nothing could be farther from the truth. In 1842, he wrote: "We say that it is evident in principle to all men of good faith that the right of concurring on the foundation of the national sovereignty and of determin­ ing the laws which regulate all citizens cannot, without insulting justice, be denied to the immense majority of citizens, to a single citizen even, under pretext that they do not pay enough taxes, or under all other analogous pretexts." The franchise, however, must be distributed prudently. Idiots, barbarians, and illiterates should not be allowed to exercise the vote. In fact, many of the French proletarians, under present conditions, were incap­ able of voting rationally. These people must be prepared to vote in the future. It was the duty of society to de­ velop each individual to his fullest intellectual poten­ tial to the point that all persons could participate freely 41 in government. Regardless of his expressed fears concern­ ing universal suffrage in France during the l830's and l840's, Considerant envisioned an ultimate situation when all would be enfranchised.

3%oger H. Soltau, French Political Thought in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1959). PP. 15^-159. Paul Chanson, Trois socialistes francais (Paris, 1945), pp. 113- ll6. Hereafter referred to as Chanson, Trois socialistes. Considerant, Souverainete, pp. 22-23. "^Ibid., pp. 23-27. 79 Since full sovereignty lay with the monarchy and the elected assemblies and since one worked through these bodies to attain reform, the constitution and laws which govern a parliamentary monarchy must be flexible and easily revised. On this issue, Considerant cited the British Utilitarian, Jeremy Bentham, and his book. The Handbook of Political Fallacies, in which the author made a scathing attack on immutable laws while calling for constitutional reform in England. Considerant always supported the con­ cept of natural rights. In his mind, there were two types of laws: natural rights and legal rights. The natural right was the law of human spirit, "the law of intelligence and reason." The legal right was only the law which was decreed to protect the natural right. It was imperative that the system of legal rights be in com.plete accord with natural rights. To maintain a close relationship between laws and natural rights, the constitutional and legal sys­ tem must continually change. Laws must fluctuate to meet 42 the needs of new situations and problems. To provide a more democratic process, the Ministry or Cabinet must be responsible to the legislative bodies and not to the monarch. Considerant realized that an alliance between the King and the Ministry would recreate absolute monarchy. The only way for the Ministry to be

^^Ibid., pp. 7-9. l4-l6, 59-66. 80 sensitive to the needs of the nation was to make it de­ pendent on the legislative bodies. Until the collapse of the monarchy in l848, Considerant consistently advocated administrative refonn which would make the Ministry re­ sponsible to the two elected Chambers. On many occasions, he called for the resignation of the Ministry following repudiation of their program by the Chambers. ^ Considerant's concept of pacific democracy was very similar to the British system which emerged by the end of the nineteenth century. He propounded a constitutional monarchy responsible to the people through a form of ex­ tensive, but limited and regulated, suffrage. He advocated a legal system which continually reformed and updated its laws to accommodate itself to new needs and new situations and to guarantee peaceful and orderly change. In the area of foreign relationships, Victor Con­ siderant was an internationalist. He devised a grandiose project for the unification of Europe with Constantinople as the administrative center. The basis for Considerant's plan came from ideas previously expressed by his mentor, Charles Fourier. According to Considerant, humans were progressing toward a more harmonious relationship. There were three epochs in history. During the first, the

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), February l4, l844, p. 1. January 29, lb45, p. 1, February 10, l845, p. 1. 81 barbaric epoch, man lived for war alone. The world was in complete chaos. Man now was living in the second period, the diplomatic or civilized epoch. During this period of transition, science, art, human intelligence, industry, commerce, and communications developed. Since war was no longer absolute, diplomacy was gradually replacing war as a means for regulating international relations. Although the second period represented a definite progression, the epoch of diplomacy was imperfect. As nationalism developed, states became selfish and egotistical, competing for eco­ nomic, territorial, and military prowess. Diplomacy had not solved the problems. Since diplomacy was based on treaties, it was dependent upon the good will and integrity of the signators. When diplomacy failed, war was the only alter­ native. In fact, the alliance system was perpetuating wars. The period of diplomacy, according to Considerant, was transitory and must be replaced by the third period, the epoch of unity. This new epoch would be characterized by peace and harmony among nations unified through a Euro- 44 pean federation of states. In Considerant's mind, France's new political goal must be the unification of Europe. France was the only power capable of directing such an undertaking. England

Considerant, Politique ge^nerale, pp. 1-2, 36-49, 76-79. 82 could not accomplish the task because she was interested only in dominating the seas for the purpose of economic imperialism. England was a "social vampire." Russia could not lead a movement of unification because her his­ torical goal had been "to overrun the continent." He stated: "Every Czar works to expand and to make terri- torial gains.

France could unify all Europe peacefully and vol­ untarily because she had no territorial aspirations. Ac­ cording to Victor, the first step in unification should come from an alliance between France and the German states. Although recognized as a difficult task, France should ally with Austria first, and Prussia would follow quickly. Since they were the most susceptible to the feelings of freedom and socialism, the French and German peoples would be the most compatible. After Austria and Prussia, the remainder of the German states would be forced to enter the relationship. Because this Franco-German alliance would offer protection to the smaller states against the imperialistic tendencies of England and Russia, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, Egypt, Turkey, and others would be easily persuaded to join the confederation. Then, the United States should be en­ couraged to participate. Since their navy could help force

^5ibid., pp. 8-9, 19-21. 83 England to respect freedom of the seas, the United States would be an important addition. Also, such an alliance would be in the best commercial interest of the growing power in the Western Hemisphere. Finally, after all Europe was unified except England and Russia, these two powers would be forced to join--England for commercial reasons, Russia because she would be paralyzed otherwise. The new congress of European nations, with its cen­ tral administration at Constantinople, would be at first a loose federation v/hich would solidify into a stronger union through years of successful cooperation. The con­ gress would arbitrate all international disputes and terri­ torial conflicts. It would regulate commerce and industry, abolishing all international trade barriers. Such a sys­ tem would end war and bring about economic stability at the international level. Although Considerant noted that his system would be branded as idealistic and Utopian, he concluded: "We have come to the point in history when we must replace the old political maxim: 'To have peace it is necessary to prepare for war,' with the human and Christian maxim: 'To have peace it is necessary to organ­ ize for peace,' . . . For the old formula: "it is neces­ sary to divide to rule,' we must substitute henceforth the formula: 'It is necessary to associate to rule.'" '

^^Ibid., pp. 21-25, 86-98. ^'^Ibld., p. 102. 84 Victor Considerant's ideas on European unification were over a hundred years before their times. Although too idealistic, particularly with regards to the possible relationship between France and the German states, he demonstrated much foresight concerning the evils of na­ tionalism, imperialism, and military alliances.

With the economic, social, and political aspects of Victor Considerant's thought in mind, it is now pos­ sible to examine his relationship to Marxism and to Roman­ ticism. The nature of the connection of Considerant's thought to that of Karl Marx is a perplexing problem which has interested a number of scholars. Some, most notably Georges Sorel, Morris R. Cohen, Harold J. Laski, and W. Techerkesoff, have gone so far as to charge that Marx and Engels plagiarized from Considerant's Manifesto of Pacific Democracy, first published as the introduction to his newspaper, Democratie pacifique, in l843 and later in book form under the title. Principles of Socialism: Mani- festo of Nineteenth Century Democracy, in l847. Georg Brandes states, in his biography of Ferdinand Lassalle, that the Conmiunist Manifesto v/as "almost a mere transla- tion from Victor Considerant. ... Maurice Lansac, a

Samuel Bernstein, "From Utopianism to Marxism," Science and Society, XIV, No. 1 (Winter, 1949-50), p. 6l. Hereafter referred to as Bernstein, "Marxism." Morris R. Cohen, The Faith of a Liberal (New York, 1946), p. 111. Georges Sorel, La decomposition du marxisme (Paris, n.d.), p. 32. 2^Q neor^^; Pr-^nHps, Ferdinand I'^ssale (No'-r York, 192^), p. 115." 85 French historian, has argued that all Marx's ideas came from Fourier and Considerant, including Marx's proposals for a new society. Lansac writes: "it is above all in the reconstructive part of Marxism that one perceives clearly the Fourierist coloration."^ Other historians, such as Maurice Dommanget and Paul Chanson, while stress­ ing the differences between Considerant and Marx, neverthe­ less hold that there was a close relationship between the SI ideas of these two nineteenth-century socialists. Fi­ nally, writers such as Hubert Bourgin have stated that Con- S2 siderant's influence on Marx was slight and indirect. As we have seen, the Fourierist was no communist. Although his Manifesto of Pacific Democracy foreshadowed some of Marx's concepts, there are marked differences be­ tween it and the Communist Manifesto, and the charge of plagiarization is unfounded. Regardless of certain simi­ larities in thinking, basic differences set Marx and Con­ siderant apart. Considerant's influence on Marx appears to be limited to ideas, specifically in the area of criticism of laissez-faire government. Although Marx resided in

5*^Lansac, Fourier, pp. 119-134. ^•^Dommanget, Considerant, pp. 199-209. Chanson, Trois socialistes, pp. 9b, 104. ^Bourgin, Fourier, pp. 574-575. 86 Paris from the fall of l843 through l844 and in Brussels from January l845 to January 1848, there is no evidence 53 that the two socialists ever met. It is certain that Marx was thoroughly familiar v/ith some of Considerant's key works, particularly the Manifesto of Pacific Democracy and 54 his newspapers. In their analyses of laissez-faire capitalism, one notes a definite similarity between the Manifesto of Pacific Democracy and the Communist Manifesto. Throughout Marx's and Engels' declaration, the rhetoric parallels Considerant's. Such words as "class struggle," "class war," "feudal lords," "oppressed proletariat," and "exploitation," profusely appear in both manifestoes. In a few places, even sentences demonstrate a striking simi­ larity. For example, Marx stated: "Society as a v/hole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other-- bourgeoisie and proletariat." Considerant had said al- 56 most the same five years earlier.

^^Dommanget, Considerant, pp. 199-201. ^ Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, l848- 1830, ed. C. P. Dutt (New York, 1951j, p. y^. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, ed. Harold J. Laski (New York, 19o7), PP. 119-112, 53-55. Hereafter referred to as Marx, Manifesto. Letter to Considerant from an unknown source, n.d., in A.S. ^^Marx, Manifesto, p. 132.

•^ Supra., p. 66. 87 In addition to phraesology, Marx pointed to the same societal defects as had Considerant. In his mani­ festo, Marx indicated the problems of unregulated capital­ ism: the growth of monopolies, the concentration of wealth, exploitation of the masses, class antagonism, speculation, over-production, cyclical tendencies in the national econ- 57 omy, and economic imperialism. Considerant had enun­ ciated and analyzed all these problems, not only in his Manifesto of Pacific Democracy, but in his newspapers and other writings long before the publication of Marx's classic. Although both writers attacked the social and eco­ nomic structure with almost identical analyses and both called for the complete reorganization of society, the similarity ends at that point. Anyone who reads the two manifestoes will note that following the criticism of capitalism, Marx and Considerant went their separate ways. Moreover, Considerant, who lived until I893 and was fami­ liar with all Marx's writings, certainly would have made the charge of plagiarism himself if such a charge had been valid. Although Marx's ideas tov/ard laissez-faire capitalism were influenced by Considerant, the argument that Marx copied the Manifesto of Pacific Democracy is not supported by

5'i^Marx, Manifesto, pp. 132-149.

^^Supra., pp. 31-32, 37-39, 6I-67. 88 solid evidence.-^^ To substantiate the thesis that Marx was not merely a copier of Considerant, analysis should be made of the im­ portant areas of divergence between the two. Marx looked to class war and revolution to overturn the prevailing sys­ tem. Although Considerant recognized the possibility of such a conflict, he rejected revolution as a solution. Being a pacifist, Considerant denounced all forms of vio­ lence and war. His idea was to bring about societal reor­ ganization through the good will and harmonious interplay of all classes. Whereas Marx appealed only to the prole­ tariat, Victor called for all classes to unite and work together. While the Fourierist saw progress as a result of class amelioration, Marx saw progress through conflict. Closely related to their differences over revolu­ tion, Considerant rejected Marx's reliance on coercion and repression. To Considerant, the dictatorship of the pro­ letariat would be no better than the reigning system of oppression. Marx advocated the use of what he termed "despotic inroads" to abolish the old class structure. Considerant comprehended that no stable situation could be established through coercion. To the Fourierist, Marx's

5%ernstein, "Marxism," pp. 132-149. ^Qsupra., pp. 40-42, 51, 68-69, 79- Marx, Mani­ festo, pp. 1^9-160. 89 idea that the working class, once in political control, would give up its domination and that society would move somehow from the dictatorship of the proletariat to a classless structure was unrealistic and more Utopian than the concept of class reconciliation. Karl Marx put his finger on this basic difference when he wrote: "They (the disciples of Fourier, Saint-Simon, and Owen) endeavor, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonism. They still dream of ex­ perimental realization of their social Utopias, of found­ ing isolated phalansteres, of establishing 'Home Colonies,' or setting up a 'Little Icaria"--pocket editions of New Jerusalem--and to realize all these castles in the air they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the 52 bourgeois." Although Marx was ridiculing the Fourierists, Considerant would not have objected to his basic analysis. Finally, regarding the perfect society, Marx and Considerant differed on many points. Although both advo­ cated a progressive income tax, state control of the means of communication and transportation, the combination of agricultural and manufacturing industries, and free public school education for all children. Communism was too

"-^Supra., pp. 33^ 4l, 51, 75-79. Considerant, Communismes, pp. 20-24. Marx, Manifesto, pp. 158-I62.

^^Marx, Manifesto, p. I76. 90 equalitarian for Considerant. Considering a totally class­ less society as too unrealistic, Considerant, as we have seen, renounced the confiscation of private property and the abolition of all right of inheritance. Although Marx was unclear on his system of remuneration, Considerant be­ lieved that Communism called for an unjust parity. Victor's system granted remuneration according to a balance between capital, talent, and work. Although Marx's program has been praised as providing a link between utopianism and realism, much of Considerant's objections to Communism have validity. It is difficult to see how Considerant's concept of class harmony and economic rectitude through communal association is any more Utopian than Marx's concepts of the withering away of the state, the disintegration of the dic­ tatorship of the proletariat, and the establishment of a totally classless society. In the final analysis, Considerant must be viewed as a forerunner of democratic socialism rather than of Com­ munism. Consistently rejecting revolution, coercion, and total equalitarianism, he envisioned a system of social and economic cooperation through the means of political democ­ racy at the national and international level. The question of Victor Considerant's relationship to Romanticism is a more difficult problem. Almost all

^^Ibid., pp. 160-162. Supra., pp. 43-44, 75-76. 91 students of nineteenth-century social and intellectual history have classified Considerant as a Romantic. In the two classic accounts of the relationship between Romanticism and French socialism. Social Rom.anticism in France, I83O- l848 and Socialism and Romanticism in France, both David 0. Evans and H. J. Hunt have placed Considerant in the 64 mainstream of the Romantic movement. In recent years, George Lichtheim, in his excellent analysis. The Origins of Socialism, has written: "The first thing to be said about Considerant is that his thinking formed part of the general stream of Romanticism." Relying heavily on H. J. Hunt's interpretations, Lichtheim has as evidence of Roman­ ticism, Considerant's rejection of classicism, rationalism, liberalism, and the Revolution of I789. In addition, Lichtheim has stated that Considerant worshipped mankind and demonstrated an "indulgence for the fashionable cult of the macabre." In a footnote, Lichtheim has indicated that this "indulgence" resulted in sympathy for mental ill­ ness, the exaltation of morbid tendencies, and an exag- gerated sympathy for the criminal. Lichtheim's

^^H. J. Hunt, Le Socialisme et le romantisme en France (Oxford, 1935). PP. 150-i^i, 2bl. David 0. Evans, Social Romanticism in France, l830-l848 (New York, 1969), pp. 5, 12, 48-50, I3l-133~ Hereafter referred to as Evans, Romanticism. ^^Lichtheim, Origins, p. 71. ^^Ibid., p. 73. ^'^Ibid., p. 249. 92 conclusions appear to be derived from too cursory a survey of the works of Considerant and too heavy reliance on H. J. Hunt. A thorough search of Considerant's writings demonstrates absolutely no evidence of an "indulgence for f)R the fashionable cult of the macabre." After a close analysis of the Fourierist's writ­ ings, this author must conclude that Considerant was a product of the Enlightenment and not part of the general stream of Romanticism. He based his proposals on an assump­ tion of Enlightenment thought: the doctrine that mankind is naturally good and that it is only institutions which have perverted society. Considerant's entire concept of social reorganization depended upon faith in the ration­ ality of man, natural laws, deductive reasoning, and human progress through the proper application of science and technology. All that was needed was for man to get on the right track. Fourier's concept of the phalanx represented the culmination of Victor's search for a natural law or a social science which would govern man's relationship to man. Referring to the Fourierists as "social engineers," who proposed a social mechanism destined to utilize all the

^^An indication of Lichtheim's knowledge of Con­ siderant is given by the fact that he used an accent over the e in Victor's surname. Considerant did not use an accent anywhere in his name. 93 "force of a motorized carriage," he recognized his doctrine as "a theory which demands verification by experience."^ Acknowledging his debt to the Enlightenment, Considerant wrote: "in finally introducing social progress to the field of science and experience, this concept of social reform effects, in the order of progress, a renovation analogical to that which Bacon effected in the order of physical science, but much broader and deeper, and incom­ parably more important for humanity."'^

Throughout his writings, Considerant referred to the Philosophes in favorable terms. On several occasions he drew an analogy between his position in the l840's with that of the Philosophes in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In referring to the old regime's attitude toward Voltaire and company, Victor wrote: "They (the aristocracy and the Church) could not conceive of another social order, any other regime than the existing order, the old order, the ancient regime. In their eyes, the Philosophes were ludicrous and absurd, odious UTOPIANS."' According to Victor, the ruling bourgeois took the same attitude toward nineteenth century socialists such as himself. He con­ cluded that socialism was merely the natural culmination

^9La Phalange (Paris), II, p. 545. Considerant, Bases, pp. 1-2, 4l, ^6, 82. Considerant, Souverainete, pp. b-8, supra., 40-4l. 70considerant, Bases, p. 11. '^-^Considerant, Socialisme, p. 11. 94 of the Enlightenment concepts of justice, liberty, and 72 fraternity.

Although he demonstrated slight Romantic tenden­ cies in limited areas, Considerant's concepts did not parallel the general characteristics of social and politi­ cal Romanticism. First, Considerant rejected the doctrine of neo-primitivism. He had no use for Rousseau's concept of the noble savage. Said Considerant: "He (Rousseau) expounds narrow and savage brutality; he logically execrates art, science, and progress; he anathematizes thought it- 73 self." Relating primitivism to social anarchy, Consid­ erant propounded a societal structure which would regulate and harmonize naturalistic tendencies. Considerant did not advocate, as some have assumed, communal experiments in isolated natural surroundings. He generally opposed pastoral communalism as having no relevance to the social problems of urbanism. According to Victor, Fourierist experiments must be undertaken in "great centers of activity 74 and publicity." In I855, as we shall see, he attempted an experiment on the western frontier of the United States

72 Ibid., pp. 5, 9-10, 24. 73 Victor Considerant, De la politique nouvelle convenant aux interets actuels de la Societe"^ et de ses conditions de developpement par la publicite'' (Paris, l843), p. 5. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Nouvelle convenant. '^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 31, l846, pp. 2-3. 95 only out of desperation. He had been exiled from his home­ land and was being harassed in Belgium. Prior to his exile, he had refused consistently to come to the frontier 75 of the United States to establish a community. Second, Considerant did not abandon a rationalistic emphasis, as did so many Romantics. As previously noted, the formation of his entire system utilized deductive rea­ soning and the scientific approach. He sought to transform society "by ways and means which reason can approve and which experience can confirm, ... M76 Moreover, he worked 77 to conform Christianity to the philosophy of "pure reason." Third, Considerant was not overly concerned with the search for purpose--one of the few characteristics which is an underlying trait of all Romantics. He did not seek mean­ ing in traditional Christianity or in some form of mysticism or supernaturalism, nor did he see mankind as a transcendent god. Considerant propounded a religion based upon human values and human needs rather than on supernaturalism. Al­ though he placed faith in the basic goodness of man, Con­ siderant believed strongly in a supreme being. For Con­ siderant, meaning already existed, and God had given man powers of reason to create a system based upon the Christian

'^^Diverse letters to Albert Brisbane, in A.S. '^Considerant, Bases, p. 39. '^'^Considerant, Nouvelle convenant, pp. 5-7. 96 principles of brotherly love. Although he never professed any form of deism, Considerant's view of God was analogous to that of the Enlightenment.

Fourth, Considerant did not express an exaggerated sympathy for criminals, as asserted by Hunt and Lichtheim. He called for improved crim.inal legislation and penal re­ form. He did express desire to change a system which "punished individuals that society had abandoned without ,,79 means of existence. But his attitude was based upon the rational understanding that the inequities of society forced some to resort to criminal activities in order to survive. To Considerant the use of punishment was less effective than getting at the roots of crime. His attitude and tone toward criminals was no more sentimental or roman- 80 tic than that of any clear thinking humanitarian. Fifth, Considerant was extremely anti-nationalistic Extreme patriotism generally characterized nineteenth- century French Romantics. While socialists and Romantics clamored for a war to recover the left bank of the Rhine for France, Considerant countered with a plan for a Euro­ pean confederation based upon a Franco-German alliance.

"^^Supra., pp. 48-49. Considerant, Socialisme, pp. 127-131, 210-214. Victor Considerant, Le Socialisme c'est le vrai christianisme (Paris, l849), passim. "^^La Phalange (Paris), I, p. 379. SOibid., I, pp. 497, 528, 625, 722, 913, II, 361. 97 Such an attitude was antithetical to almost all French Romantics.8 1

Sixth, Considerant has been charged with Romantic tendencies because of his concept of class conciliation rather than the Marxian concept of proletarian unity and revolution. In this respect, the Fourierist is guilty. As indicated, Considerant appealed to all classes for co­ operation in reforming society and opposed a class con­ frontation. The question is whether his attitude placed him in the mainstream of Romantic thought. Although Con­ siderant 's approach certainly demonstrated over-optimism and idealism, it does not follow that advocating concilia­ tion and class harmony is a general characteristic of nineteenth-century Romanticism. If this is true, then al­ most all non-Marxist concepts of social progress, not only in the nineteenth but the eighteenth and twentieth cen- 82 turies as well, must be labeled as Romantic. Finally, Considerant has been placed in the Roman­ tic category because of his emphasis on individual freedom and the free expression of human passions. Excessive in­ dividualism based upon the liberation of passions from all restraint was one of the foundation stones of nineteenth-

^^Supra., pp. 84-87. Lichtheim, Origins, pp. 73, 250. ^^Supra., pp. 33, 51, 75-76, 79, 91-92. Evans, Romanticism, pp. 53-68. 98 century Romanticism. -^ While Considerant's conception of the passions suggests some affinity to Romanticism, a more thorough comprehension of his philosophy indicates that this is a surface similarity. He held that human passions were God-given and therefore useful. But he opposed creat­ ing anarchy by setting these passions completely free. His entire phalanx system was an attempt to effect a com­ promise between individual freedom and social order. Con­ siderant sought to establish an orderly and hannonized society which could utilize human passions for the better- ment of the community as a whole. In this century, the late anthropologist Ruth Benedict had a conception of social harmony analogous to Considerant's. In analyzing what she considered the pattern of good culture. Dr. Bene­ dict utilized the word synergy--an old term used in medi­ cine and theology to signify combined action. According to Benedict, the good society, one with a high rate of synergy, will create a situation "where any act or skill that advantages the individual at the same time advantages the group," as opposed to a society with no synergy "where

every act that advantages the individual is at the expense of others."8 s Considerant was seeking such a society--a

83Evans, Romanticism, pp. 66-67, 73, 76, 81. ^^Supra., pp. 41-43, 47, 51, 77. Considerant, Bases, pp. 49-53. ^^Ruth Benedict, "Patterns of the Good Culture." Psych ology Today, IV, No. 1 (June, 1970), pp. 53-55, 74- 777- 99 structure which would end aggression and conflict and, at the same time, preserve the rational expression of indi­ vidual freedoms. In summary, Considerant's ideas as expressed in his writings, 1837-48, depict him as a humanitarian seek­ ing a reorganization of society through peaceful, evolu­ tionary methods. His concept of economic and social sys- tematization reflects an Enlightenment philosophy based on belief in human progress through the application of reason and social science. The value of his proposed social structure rested on the premise that such an organization would create a proper and effectual balance between indi­ vidual freedoms and the needs of society in general. His affinity to Romanticism is at most marginal and perhaps minimal. CHAPTER IV

THE SOCIALIST AS ACTIVIST, l837-l848

In l842, Wilhelm Weitling, the famous Swiss socialist and unsuccessful rival of Karl Marx for control of the League of the Just, which became the Communist League, concluded his most important publication, Guar- antees of Harmony and Freedom, with a long quote from Victor Considerant. Designating Considerant as the "Saint Paul of Fourierism," Weitling attributed his own Utopian socialist ideas to the influence of the disciple of Fourier. The Swiss tailor's testimony is only one exam­ ple of the immense influence Victor Considerant exerted throughout Europe and the United States during the years 1837 to 1848. The eminent British philanthropist, Arthur Young, was the most generous contributor to Considerant's newspaper; Albert Brisbane, the American Fourierist, recognized Considerant as his mentor and looked to him for advice through their extensive correspondence; and the Belgian Minister of the Interior, Charles Rogier, became the disciple of the French Fourierist. On April 27, 1847, while Considerant presided over a numerously attended

Carl Wittke, The Utopian Communist. A Biography of VJilhelm Weitling (Baton Rouge, 1950), pp. 17-1», 33,

100 101 banquet honoring the anniversary of the birth of Charles Fourier, similar celebrations were being held in thirty- four cities in France, in almost all the major cities of Europe, and as far away as New York City and Rio de 2 Janeiro.

In France, Victor Considerant became a social and political figure of considerable note. A popular frequenter of the salon of Charles Nodier, the literary figure at whose home the Romantic writers gathered, he established close personal relationships with literary figures such as Alexandre Dumas the Elder and Eugene Sue. His influence on Sue was important. In a letter to Considerant, published in the De^mocratie pacifique, on February 7, l845. Sue acknowledged his debt to Considerant and the Ecole societaire for the social concepts found in Sue's two popular novels. The Mysteries of Paris and The 3 V/andering Jew. Also, as a radical political activist, Considerant frequently was the recipient of attacks by the

2 Diverse letters, in A.S. Collard, Considerant, p. 102. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 31-32. Ernest Discailles, Le socialiste francais Victor Considerant en Belgique," Bullentins de 1'Academic Royales de Belgcique, XXIX (1895), 70^5-709. Hereafter referred to as Discailles, "Considerant." Democratie pacifique (Paris), February 7, l845, p. 2, September 12, 1^43, p. 1, August l4, l845, p. 1. Coignet, Considerant, p. 27. Eugene Sue, Entretiens socialistes et ddmocratiques sur les pretends et la prochaine presidence (Paris, lb4(:j), pp. 25-60. 102 two leading establishment newspapers, the Journal des Debats and Le Constitutionnel. Further, on November 28, l843, Considerant won a seat on the Municipal Council of Paris over six opposing candidates, and he served in that capacity until the Revolution of l848. By l847, despite the narrow suffrage, he had become a serious contender for a position in the Chamber of Deputies, running second only to the government's candidate from the district of li Montargis. Considerant's appearance provides insight into his influence. He had a way with people. Madame Coignet described accordingly: "No man exercised mxore authority by the sole attraction of his nature. Physically tall, thin, and supple, Victor Considerant possessed natural elegance, and graceful movements. His features were ac­ centuated and delicate; his look illuminating, his smile full of good will and kindness. Abundant chestnut hair, worn long according to contemporary fashion, framed his noble and charming head." He utilized his good looks and mannerisms to their fullest potential. In personal rela­ tionships he exercised powers of seduction. In the opinion of his admiring biographer, he always demonstrated himself as "personable," "cordial," "amicable," "charming," and

^Democratie pacifique (Paris), November 29, l843, p. 1. November 29, lb47, p. 3- 103 "affectionate." Always repulsed by the ostentatious, he never demonstrated any signs of vanity or pretentious­ ness. Despite his sensitive and easygoing countenance, Considerant emitted an ardor of conviction and an almost religious fervor. His passionate and enthusiastic coun­ tenance caused friends and opponents alike to take notice of his line of argument. Coignet wrote: "In speaking, his sym^pathetic personality, his sincerity, his warmth, his spirit, captivated his listeners."^

Considerant's life paralleled his character traits. Rejecting materialistic goods and pleasures, he became "the servant of an idea." Having given up financial security, he and his wife depended upon a meager income from the sale of his newspapers and books. They lived these years, l837-l848, in the small rooms of an old hotel on the rue de Tournon. Again, Considerant's wife, Julie Vigoureux, played an important role in his life of dedica­ tion. In l842, Julie wrote to Victor: "Your entire life must be consecrated to the cause and I will hang myself immediately if I cause you to take a false route. . . . The more rugged the path, the more necessary it becomes to take such a path." Victor's self-sacrifice and personal

^Coignet, Considerant, pp. 23-26. Dommanget, Considerant, p. 29.

Julie to Considerant, August, l842, in A.S. 104 dedication engendered respect for himself and the Fourier- 7 ist movement.'

As already noted, when Fourier died in October, 1837, Victor Considerant emerged as the undisputed chief f / of the Ecole societaire. On October 22, a leading Fourierist wrote to Victor: "Henceforth, it is on you that rests all our hopes; we know of no person who gives as much guarantee to our cause, who demonstrates such distinguished talents and zeal, and such absolute devotion, and to whom the premier place was more justly acquired. For our part, we assure you of our devoted cooperation for all that you undertake for the success of the social- o ist cause." Another wrote: You, therefore, are called, my dear Victor, to take the heritage of Fourier 1 It is up to you to con­ tinue the great work of the Master; it is necessary for you to bear the heavy cross on your shoulders, and to carry it across our egotistical civilization until a phalanx is established v.-here you can de­ posit the ashes of the great mani Thus, the goal of your destiny is fixed, irrevocably fixed; all other tasks at present are impossible for you; you must devote yourself to the success of the doctrine; you have in the eyes of your partisans, in the eyes of all the world, that responsibility! But you have not awaited the death of Fourier to sacrifice your future; for a long time you have shared his devotion; you have done so with your talent, your being, your fortune, your ambition. You have left

'^Coignet, Considerant, pp. 25-26, 33-34.

^Poulequin to Considerant, October 22, l837. in A.S. 105 all to take the greatest share of the burden; also you are at the height of your mission, and what a mission, great God I Is there one more beautiful and more healthy? One can say also, is there one more difficult and more painful?9 At the age of twenty-nine, Considerant readily accepted this new challenge. He set about his task with an opti­ mistic faith which radiated visions of success. As the new chief of the Ecole, Considerant uti­ lized numerous channels to exert influence, particularly, publications, conferences and lectures, and political in­ volvement. Although the major ideas expressed in Consid­ erant 's writings have been studied, mention should be made of the specific impact of individual publications, par­ ticularly his tvio newspapers. La Phalange appeared from July 10, 1836, until July 30, l843. Published, in turn, tri-monthly, monthly, bi-monthly, and finally tri-weekly. La Phalange v/as the only official organ of the Ecole societaire. As with the first Fourierist newspaper, Le Phalanstere, the second paper remained too narrow in scope. Considerant confined the paper largely to reprints of portions of various Fourierist books, particularly his and the master's, and to detailed discussions of the analy­ sis of doctrinaire principles. On many occasions. La Phalange became embroiled in internal conflicts among

^Benoit to Considerant, December, l837, in A.S. 106 Fourierists. Its limited scope prevented it from having much influence outside the circle of Utopian socialists. By l843. La Phalange had become financially insolvent, and Considerant, encouraged by other Fourierist, abandoned the purely Fourierist paper for a more comprehensive, politi- / in cally oriented newspaper, Democratie pacifique.-^^ On August 1, 1843, a daily newspaper, with Con­ siderant as Editor-in-Chief, replaced La Phalange. The appearance of this more comprehensive paper coincided with the expansion of Considerant's thinking and with his in­ creased involvement in contemporary politics. In an Ap­ peal to the Readers of La Phalange, Considerant indicated the direction which Democratie pacifique would take. He wrote: "It is necessary to prove to our friends that we can draw from the association concept national and inter­ national politics, social economy, literary criticism, art, science, and philosophy, which is applicable to present facts, to present problems." According to Considerant, the newspaper would appeal to all concerned citizens of France, Fourierist or not. He wrote: "The

Gagneur to Considerant, November 23, I838, Cantagrel to Considerant, September 6, l84l, Cantagrel to Young, September 17, l842, Considerant to Paget. Decem­ ber 27, 1839, Devillus to Considerant, October 4, l84l, Alliez to Blanc, April 13, l84l, in A.S. Collard, Considerant, pp. 70-71.

11^Cite. d in Bourgin, Considerant, p. 74. 107 newspaper will not be written in a style solely intel- ligible to the members of the Ecole societaire; it will be accessible to people of all intellects. One will be deceived in taking it for the narrow expression of a smal] sect; it will be, to the contrary, the broad expression of the grand principles of justice, of humanity, of liberty, of peace, of organization, and of association v/hich agrees with the most real and present interests of the future. ""^^

In an effort to relate Fourierism to contemporary life, Considerant fulfilled his pledge to enlarge the program of his newspaper. Each day, Democratie pacifique carried complete national and international news coverage, book reviews, literary criticism, accounts of scientific and philosophical developments, and polemical editorials.^ Considerant's new approach reaped immediate results. By nineteenth-century journalistic standards, Democratie pacifique succeeded well. By l847, it had prospered finan­ cially, claiming over 1,200 underwriters and several thou­ sand regular readers. One of the leading French socialist organs of the l840's, Democratie pacifique exerted much influence on the Paris political scene. Serving, in l847, as one of the most vociferous critics of the Louis Philippe

12 -^^Ibid.

13n^DemocratiT e pacifique (Paris), l843-l849, passim 108 regime, it played a role in creating an atmosphere of rebellion prior to the l848 crisis. Following the Revo­ lution, Considerant's paper took the lead in attacking the candidacy and the presidency of Napoleon III. The newspaper floundered after Considerant's exile in June, 1849, and collapsed in November, 1851.^^

Other publications by Victor Considerant made an impact during this period. From I837 through l848, he published approximately twenty books and numerous pamphlets and broadsides. Four of Considerant's most popular books. Basis of Positive Politics: Manifesto of / the Ecole Socie^taire Founded by Fourier, l84l. Abridged Exposition of the Phalanx System of Fourier, l845. Prin­ ciples of Socialism: Manifesto of Nineteenth Century Democracy, l847, and Socialism before the Old World, or the Living before the Dead, l848, achieved several edi­ tions, and all sold several thousand copies. Along with Social Destiny, these four works represent major

•^^Ibid. R. Gossez, "Presse parisienne a des^tina- tion des ouvriers, l848-l850," Bibliotheque de la Revolu­ tion de~I»^b, XXIII (19^b), 134-135. Robert Pimienta, "La Propagande Bonapartiste en l848," Bibliotheque de la Revolution de l848, VII (1911), PP- 9-10, 95. Hereafter referred to as Robert-Pimienta, J'Bonapartiste." Louis Garnier-Pages, Histoire de la ReVolution de l848, VI (Paris, 1862),^pp. bl-b3, 20^-205. Hereafter referred to as Garnier-Pages, Histoire. 109 contributions to nineteenth-century French socialism.•'•^ The Basis of Positive Politics contained Considerant's expostulations in favor of a new political party dedi­ cated to social and economic reform through political institutions. It went through several printings and three French editions, l84l, l842, and l847. In l842, it was published in Spain. The Abridged Exposition of the Phalanx System of Fourier v/as an explanatory summary of the major concepts set forth in Social Destiny. It was the most popular explication of pure Fourierism of the nineteenth century. Abridged Exposition attained four editions, l845, l846, l848, and 1872. The text of this work came from" a very successful series of lectures given by Victor at Dijon, France, in l84l. Principles of Socialism, first published as the introduction to Democratie pacifique, in August, l843, under the title, "The Manifesto of Pacific Democracy," remains one of the most lucid critiques of liberalism and capitalism pub­ lished in the nineteenth century. Its impact on Marx and other socialists of the period was notable. Prin­ ciples of Socialism, Considerant's most influencial work, v/ent through three editions, two in l847 and one in l849. It was published in Italy in 1894. Socialism before the

-^^Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 82-83. Coignet, Con­ siderant, pp. 30-3rT Diuseppe Del Bo, ed., Charles Fourier e le Scuola Societalra, 18OI-I922 (Milan, 1957), pp^^ 11-14. Hereafter referred to as Bo, Societaira. 110

Old World, Considerant's most original work, contained a thorough analysis of almost all types of nineteenth cen­ tury European socialism. In the conclusion, Considerant made an impressive analogy betv/een socialism and the basic principles of Christianity. Socialism Before the Old World appeared in four editions, two in l848, one in l849, and one in 185O. All these v/orks played an impor­ tant role in extending the basis of support for Fourierism and gave impetus to the demands for social, economic, and political reform during the years which immediately pre- ceded the Revolution of 1848.-^

In addition to his own writings, Considerant v/orked diligently to place Fourier's works before the general public. From l840 to l845, he and Just Muiron edited and published, in six volumes, the Complete Works of Charles Fourier. With a few exceptions, this colossal task v/as accomplished with care and exactitude. Those few exceptions included some of Fourier's more radical atti­ tudes on contemporary morals. Out of concern for a pos­ sible adverse public reaction, Considerant and Muiron deleted several of Fourier's lines on the theory of free love and moral standards. Claiming that these topics had been treated "imperfectly by Fourier," the editors argued

-^^Bo, Societaira, pp. 12-l4. Dommanget, Considerant, pp. lb-30. Ill that they should not be included because they could not be properly understood. Despite these slight deletions, the publication of Fourier's Complete Works did much to rejuvenate the ideas of their late master. The new edi­ tion particularly was important because it contained here- 17 tofore unpublished manuscripts. ' In addition to writing, publishing, and editing, Victor Considerant effectively employed the technique of oral propaganda. From l834 to l837, because of involve­ ment with his publications, he was unable to conduct any conferences. But in I837, Considerant renev/ed his speak­ ing tour with lectures in Lille and Chartres. He also conducted a successful "social science course" at the Athene^e royal. In January, 1838, at the invitation of Charles Rogier, at the time the Governor of the Province of Anvers, Considerant conducted a series of lectures in Lie'^ge, Belgium. Considerant had met Rogier in 1826 while Rogier was visiting in Paris. The two became close friends, and Rogier, who soon became the Belgian Minister of Interior, brought Considerant to Belgium on several subsequent occasions. Of the foreign countries, Consid- -I o erant made his greatest impact on Belgium.

•'-'^Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 57-58.

l^Ibid., p. 49. Collard, Considerant, pp. 92-93 La Phalang'eTPQ-ris), I, pp. 593, 615, 793. (Considerant to Rogier, June 6, I85O, in A.S. 112

In l84l, Considerant renewed his verbal proselytiz­ ing in conferences held in Cluny, Dijon, Macon, Lyon, and Versailles. During this sequence of speaking engagements, he attained remarkable success. At Lyon, the hall in which he spoke was too small to hold the overflow crowd of about 1,600 people. The Dijon lectures attracted even more attention. The content of these lectures was re­ produced in Considerant's popular little book. Abridged Exposition of the Phalanx System of Fourier, and his dis­ courses stimulated much enthusiasm in the city. A Dijon newspaper wrote: "It is certain that the partisans of the ideas of Fourier are today more numerous in our city than they were before the passage of M. Considerant. The phalanstery theory has many friends in all classes of

society and in all political parties. Many people are / / 19 now reading the works of the Ecole societaire." ^ A sympa­ thetic Fourierist, who attended the Dijon conference, re­ corded his impressions. In his account, F. Bouillier emphasized the enthusiasm of the crowd and the oratorical prowess of the Fourierist. He v/rote: "Most people who know the name of Fourier know also the name of M. Victor Considerant; they know that for a long time he has been

^Cited in Considerant, Exposition, p. 53. La Phalange (Paris), I, pp. 308, 524, 5b7-5bb, II, p. 3"5?. Collard, Considerant, pp. 97-98. 113 devoted to the cause of Fourierism; that by his lessons and by his books, he has more than any other contributed to the dissemination of Fourierism; they know finally that under his auspices and under his inspiration appears a newspaper which is distinguished among all others for its innovation and for its prolific ideas." Discussing Con­ siderant 's speaking techniques, Bouillier continued: It is not surprising that M. Victor Considerant found himself, for his first lecture, in the presence of an immense auditorium filled to ca­ pacity. Those v/ho, immersed in the missionary zeal of the new doctrine, av/aited to hear an ardent and passionate preacher, v/ere immedi­ ately disabused. M. Victor Considerant did not address himself to sentimentality, nor to imagi­ nation, he did not preach, he taught, he demon­ strated, and his v/ords, so simple, so devoid of all pretention, demonstrated perhaps a faith and a confidence greater in the truth of his doctrines than in words animated by eloquence and by passion. The interests v/hich he has excited, the successes which he has obtained are due to the newness and to the truth of the ideas which he has developed.20

Since Considerant's personal reputation had become immense by l845^ his lectures were quite popular. During the two-year period, l845 and l846, he expended much time with speaking engagements. The socialist conducted con­ ferences in France at Beaugency, Saint-Quentin, Reims, Mezieres, Tours, and Lille, and abroad in Lausanne, Geneva, and Brussels. Concerning the conference at Saint-Quentin,

on F. Bouillier, Exposition de la doctrine de Fourier. Du cours de M. Victor Considerant (Lyon, 1841), JT~W. 114 a local newspaper characterized Considerant as "a man of faith working to establish unity, harmony, and universal happiness on this globe." The v/riter concluded: "The chief of the Fourierist school has given us a remarkable account, clear and concise, of the ideas of Fourier." At Tours, such large crowds gathered and overran the auditorium at the city hall that the police were called the following night to keep people without tickets from entering. Nevertheless, the auditorium entertained over- 21 flow crowds each evening. An account from the Rheims newspaper, L'Industriel de la Champagne, cited the favor­ able impact made by Considerant on the population of Rheims and congratulated him on his ability to clarify 22 and explain Fourierism. Considerant's l845 trip to Belgium produced im­ portant results. By the time of his conference, the most significant democratic newspaper of Belgium, the Debat social, had rallied to Considerant's cause and had printed many of his articles. In addition, many people had sub­ scribed to De'mocratie pacifique. The democrats in Belgium 23 particularly appreciated his anti-revolutionary stand.

^-^Bourgin, Considerant, p. 85. Collard, Consid­ erant, pp. 98-99. Democratie pacifique (Paris), July 13, T8457 P- 2, September 7, 1«^5, P« 2. ^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), October 8, l845, P- 1« •discailles, "Considerant," pp. 711-712. 115

On October 29, l845, Considerant began a series of ten lectures in the Philharmonic Hall of Brussels. Because Considerant supported parliamentary monarchy and evolutionary reform, every important democrat, republi­ can, and socialist attended. The hall was packed every night. A contemporary account read: "Considerant was an orator v/ho commanded the immediate attention of the audience. His high stature commanded respect; his lively looks and good spirit won confidence. His voice was clear and resonant, his sentences, easy and elegant, warmi and imaginative, had a tint of romantic mysticism which people relished. ... He spoke on the injustices of society, then on-Fourier. He recognized the impossi­ bility of putting in practice the complete system of the master. His arguments were eloquent, clear, and ra­ tional. "^^ Considerant's lectures made such a favorable im­ pression that a group of dignitaries decided to give a banquet in honor of the Fourierist before he returned to Paris. The banquet, held on November 10, produced toasts in honor of Victor from several notables, including Alexander Delhasse, the editor of Debat social, Louis Defre^, a member of the Municipal Council of Brussels, and

^Sbid., p. 7l4. 116 Lucien Jottrand, the head of the Christian Democratic party of Belgium. Considerant left promising to return 2S the following year. ^ Work on his book. Principles of Socialism, pre­ vented Victor from returning to the speakers circuit until l848. In February, he began a series of conferences at Liege, Belgium, v/hich was to include subsequent lectures at Tournai, Louvain, and Huy. The Journal de Liege re­ ported that ever 1,200 people attended the discourse and that much interest v/as generated by the Fourierist. The Liege conference, however, v/as interrupted, and the proposed lectures at the other Belgian cities were never held. On February 25:, the Journal de Liege announced: "The course given at the Hotel of Emulation by M. Con­ siderant is suspended. Events have forced him to return to Paris." That event V'/as the outbreak of the February Revolution. In addition to successes in Belgium, by l848, Considerant had organized affiliate Fourierist schools in Sv/itzerland at Geneva, Zurich, and Lausanne, in Italy at 26 Genoa and Florence, in Spain at Madrid and Barcelona.

^^Ibid.. p. 716-718. Democratie pacifique (Paris), November 13, 184-5, pp. 1-2.

^^Discailles, "Considerant," pp. 719-722. Collard, Considerant, p. 98. 117

In the midst of the publicity campaigns, the idea of a communal experiment received little consideration from Victor. The failure at Conde had reinforced Con­ siderant 's belief that the time for a phalanx had not arrived. In fact, throughout his entire career, Victor appeared wary of communal enterprises. According to him, people were not prepared properly for such a radical undertaking. The conditions must be perfect. Other mem- bers of the Ecole disagreeded. In April, l840, the British philanthropist and principal supporter of La Phalange, Arthur Young, began to harass Considerant about making immediate plans for the establishment of a phalanx. Other Fourierists, most notably Just Muiron and Albert Brisbane, 27 admonished the chief to make similar advances. At first. Young demanded that the property owned by the Ecole at Conde be utilized for a second experiment. Considerant, disagreeing, decided that financial expediency dictated the sale of the land at Conde. Despite the opposi­ tion of Young, in January, l842, Conde was sold for a nice profit. Considerant argued that it would be ruinous to ex- 28 pend money on a project which promised only failure.

^Young to Considerant, April 23, l840, Brisbane to Considerant, May 1, l840, Muiron to Considerant, July 30, 1837, September 4, l837, in A.S. ^ Young to Considerant, March 16, l84l, March 31, 1841, January 17, l842, Considerant to Young, January 25, 1842, February 12, l842, March I9, l842, in A.S. 118

With the growing conflict between Considerant and Young over Conde, the English philanthropist became inter­ ested in another location for a possible Fourierist colony. Disgusted with Considerant's inaction. Young committed himself to support an effort to build a phalanx at Citeaux near Dijon. From the beginning Considerant opposed the undertaking and attempted to dissuade the promoter. The leader's close associates reinforced his negative position 29 by informing him that the experiment could not succeed. ^ To a colleague, Victor wrote: "You cannot ignore that Citeaux has always been in our eyes an excessive, inoppor­ tune affair. In all our councils, we attempted to dis­ suade M. Young from the undertaking. It was made in spite 30 of us, and all that we predicted has unhappily arrived."-^ Never fully crystallizing, the enterprise at Citeaux failed miserably. No more than two hundred people ever participated. The project struggled along from late 1842 until it completely folded in late l845. During this period, Arthur Young dissipated much of his fortune on the abortion.31 %oung to Considerant, March l6. l84l, March 30, 1841, Considerant to Young, March 19, l842, April 4, l842, January 17, l842, De Bonnard to Considerant, January, 1842, in A.S. ^^Considerant to an unknown destination, n.d., in A.S. ^•'•Bourgin, Considerant, pp. 6l-62. Collard, Considerant, p. 67. 119 As with the attempt at Conde, the opponents of Fourierism made much of the failure at Citeaux and at- / tempted to connect Considerant and the Ecole with the fiasco. To combat these fallacious arguments, Considerant publically repudiated the Citeaux affair. In April, l844, at the peak of Young's experiment, the Democratie pacifique indicated that the time had not come for the establishment of a phalanx. According to Victor, the French people were not prepared for such an undertaking. It was his convic­ tion that "Citeaux in no way can be considered a phalanx experiment." After disavowing any relationship betv/een Citeaux and the Ecole societaire or with the ideas of Fourier, Considerant concluded by wishing Young success in his attempt "to realize a transition between the pres­ ent system of divided industry and the method of associa­ tion. "^^

Soon after the collapse of the Citeaux enterprise, in renouncing an attack on Fourierism by the Spectateur de Dijon, the Democratie pacifique announced: "No one has ever made, not at Citeaux nor anywhere else, an at­ tempt at the Fourierist theories of harmony, not anything that approached it. Far from having participated in the operation of Citeaux, M. Considerant did all that he

-^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), April 3, l844, p. 2. Mirecourt, Considerant, pp. 54-55. 120 could to dissuade the generous promoter."~^-^ Young's financial involvement with Citeaux de- prived the Ecole of its most significant contributor. By l84l, the newspaper. La Phalange, was in severe finan­ cial condition. On September 1, l84l, Julien Blanc, in a letter to Considerant, lamented: "It is necessary that he (Young) give us more money, because we are at the end of our rope." As Young became involved increasingly in Citeaux, Considerant pleaded with him to preserve funds for the Ecole, rather than dissipate them on an unprof­ itable adventure. In November, l84l, Considerant in­ formed Young that the newspaper would collapse if he dis­ continued his financial assistance. Young replied that he would fulfill his commitments to La Phalange. The British philanthropist had promised to pay 350,000 francs. Of this amount, he already had expended 230,000 francs. Discharging his responsibility, he completed his sub­ scription by sending the Ecole the remaining 120,000 francs during the next twelve months. After completing his obligation, however. Young no longer was willing to support Considerant's paper. Citeaux had absorbed all funds.^ The immediate result was financial insolvency

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), January 24, l846, p. 1. 34Blanc to Considerant, September 1, l84l, Con­ siderant to Young, November 2, l84l, November 21, l84l, April 4, 1842, Young to Considerant, December 27, l84l, March 31, l84l, September 10, l842, in A.S. 121 for La Phalange. The long range results were productive. The loss of Young's support and the collapse of the nar­ row and ineffectual La Phalange forced Considerant to publish a newspaper which could support itself through its own sales. The result was the Democratie pacifique v/hich, because of its larger scope, became a more in­ fluential propaganda organ.

Although his propagandist activities consumed much time and energy, in l843, Considerant threw himself into the political arena. To effect his concept of uti­ lizing political institutions for social reform, politi­ cal activism on the part of the leading Fourierist was a logical necessity. In l843, he entered the race for the General Council of the Seine, the municipal government of Paris, in the tenth ward. For a Utopian socialist, Considerant conducted a tough and practical campaign. The most notable plank in his platform advocated admin­ istrative reform for the municipal government of Paris. According to the Fourierist, the Department of the Seine needed a more unified central administration. The Gen­ eral Council was imbalanced between the upper and lower classes. The Left Bank, which embodied the majority of the poorer classes, did not have equal representation with the Right Bank. The system of representation must be re­ apportioned. In other significant proposals, Considerant 122 called for improved transportation arteries, wider streets, and free navigation of the Seine.~^-^

Despite the opposition of two influential news­ papers, Le National and the Journal de Debats, the Fourierist won an absolute majority on the first ballot­ ing against six candidates. He received 643 of 1,264 votes cast.-^ Fourierists everywhere hailed the election of their chief to a political office. One of Consider­ ant 's colleagues wrote: "In learning this morning of your nomination to the General Council of the Seine, I experienced a joy so great that it is not possible for me to express it to you. This will not be your last victory, others await. You will carry them all. To suc­ ceed, you need only good health. God will give you that, because he has chosen you to make truth triumph on earth." Another friend responded: "For you, for me, for all, I hope that your election is a gauge, the true manifestation of progress in the public mind, progress which must carry

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), October 21, l843, p. 1, October 24, 1«43, p. 1, November 11, l843, p. 1, November l8, l843, pp. 1-2.

^^Ibid., November 27, l843, p. 2, November 29, 1843, p. l7~November 30, l843, p. 1. Le National stated that Considerant's plan for administrative reform "was as clear as the ^ea of lemonade predicted by Fourier." The Journal de Debats accused Considerant of too much "Latin Quarter patriotism." 123 its fruits to the generations v/hich follow us." Fi­ nally, a third Fourierist wrote: "Grand victory won by our beautiful and noble cause. It is an immense step 37 ' in public acceptance."-^ The Democratie pacifique, no less ecstatic, praised Considerant for demonstrating a proper balance between social philosophy and practical politics. According to the editorial, France was the victor in the election. Paris needed a few philosophers in her government.--^ As a member of the government of Paris, Consid­ erant had a forum for the expression of some of his po­ litical concepts. He remained an active member of the Council until the Revolution of l848 when he was elected to the Constitutional Assembly. In general, he worked to increase government involvem.ent in the areas of com­ munications and public welfare. He proposed a plan for old age assistance, advanced a scheme for establishing a government ovmed rural home for foundlings, worked to improve fine arts facilities in Paris, served on the Com­ mittee of Public Instruction, and advocated a progressive

•^^Leclaire to Considerant, November 29, l843, Peaulejeune to Considerant, December 7, l843, Benoit to Considerant, December 9, l843, in A.S.

•^Democratie pacifique (Paris), December 10, 1843, p. 2": ^ 124 income tax which would shift the burden of taxation from the lower class to the wealthy entrepreneurs and land ov/ners. In November, l847, Considerant pushed a resolu­ tion through the Council requesting the national legis­ lature to extend the suffrage.-^^ Three pressing problems, the railroads, the mili­ tary fortification of Paris, and the starvation condi­ tions in the metropolis, drev/ considerable attention from the Fourierist Counselor General. As previously noted, Considerant advocated utilization of the railroads for the public interests rather than for private profit. Working through the General Council, he labored to bring the railroads under the control of the municipal and national governments, once going so far as to propose that the city build its ovm railroad lines. On numerous occasions, he opposed the consolidation of various rail­ road lines. He attacked particularly the railroad mo- nopoly of the Rothschilds.4 0 Regarding the strong fortification of Paris, Considerant took a negative position. In opposing the plan to increase the military defenses of the city, the

^%bid., February 1, l845, p. 2, January 8, l847, pp. 1-2, January 27, l847, p. 3, November 13, 1847, pp. 1-2, November 21, l647, p. 4.

Ibid., 1843-1849, passim. Considerant, Chemins de fer, passim. 125 Fourierist came into bitter conflict with another member of the Council, Francois Arago, a distinguished astrono­ mer and later Minister of War in the Provisional Govern­ ment of l848. Although he acknowledged some military merit in improving the defenses of Paris, Considerant opposed the plan for its political consequences. Accord­ ing to the socialist, fortifying Paris for v/ar would be a threat to European peace. When a power augmented its military strength, its neighbors had to do the same to preserve an equalibrium. An arms race v/ould result. This type of escalation, he concluded, would lead to increased tensions and finally to military confrontation. Also, and probably more significant for the socialist, he noted that the proposed forts and military installations might be used against the people to suppress legitimate opposi­ tion against a corrupt government at some future date. If Arago's plan of fortification had been implemented before 183O, the July Revolution never would have suc­ ceeded. According to Victor, France needed "moral force 4l not military might." Compassion for the poorer classes motivated Con­ siderant to demand that the city and national governments

^-^Democratie pacifique (Paris), March 8, l844, p. 2, March 9, 1844, p. 1. March 10, pp. 1-2, March 13, 1845, pp. 1-2, April 1, 1845, p. 1, May 5, l845, p. 1, June 6, 1846, p. 2. 126 create welfare programs which would prevent starvation. By late l846 and early l847, economic instability and an acute bread shortage caused mass starvation in the capital city. In December, l846, Considerant called on the national government to feed the hungry in Paris. Since the Guizot government refused to acknowledge the problem, the General Council, through the urging of Considerant, voted more and more money to purchase bread and soup for the indigents. During the height of the crisis, in l847, the Council purchased 36o,000 francs worth of bread for the last week of August and 370,000 francs worth for the first week of September. As the shortage increased, the price of bread soared. Con­ siderant, with no success, argued in the Council that the sale of bread must be taken out of the hands of pri­ vate enterprise and expropriated by the municipal govern­ ment. In any case, the city Council should regulate the price of bread. These proposals received no support, and the General Council of the Seine was financially incapable of solving the problem without assistance from the national government. On August 21, 1847, Considerant scathingly attacked the Guizot Ministry in an article entitled, "Yet, the Children Die I" In tracing his efforts through the Council to relieve the problem of hunger in the capital, Considerant showed how the government had blocked his efforts at every turn and how children were dying of 127 starvation by the hundreds. In a threat to the "irre­ sponsible" Ministry, he concluded: "There are some people who are motivated only by blows of the belt!" Active participation in the General Council of the Seine did not prevent Victor Considerant from becom­ ing embroiled in politics at the national level. From l843 to l848, the Fourierist increasingly came to attack the Louis Philippe regime and demanded numerous reforms. From a critical point, he frequently demanded the aboli­ tion of the September Laws of I835 which limited freedom of the press, called for the termination of the Concordat and advocated complete separation of Church and state, opposed a governmental tax on nev/spapers which he con­ sidered favorable to the wealthier papers, advocated cancellation of the controversial salt tax which fell most heavily on the poor, and, in general propounded a lighter tax load for the lower classes. Finally, in l845, he attacked the Supreme Court for overturning a law which guaranteed the "Right of Response." An 1835 law had given anyone the legal right to respond to a newspaper article which engaged in personal assault. The Fourierist

Ibid., August 21, l847, p. 1, December 27, l846, pp. 2-3, January 8, l847, pp. 1-2, February 13, 1847, p. 3, February 19, l847, p. 1, March 20, l847, p. 2, August 9, 1847, p. 2, August l4, l847, p. 1, August 15, 1847. 128 believed that the l835 law prevented despotism in the newspapers. As an alternative to the nullification of the "Right of Response," Considerant proposed two meas­ ures: the establishment of a special tribunal to review all cases of libel and the creation of a Chamber of Dis­ cipline v/hich would serve as a regulatory board by invok­ ing a set of standards for journalists. Neither proposal was considered by the Chambers. -^

From a positive point, Considerant propounded specific legislative reform and advocated a more active role on the part of the national government in the areas of economic regulation and of care for the displaced and unfortunate. On numerous occasions, he argued for elec­ toral reform and drastic extension of the suffrage, for constitutional reform v/hich v/ould make the Ministry re­ sponsible to the legislative assembly and not to the monarchy, and for government ov/nership and control of the railroads. He called on the government to establish institutions to provide care for the aged and for orphaned children. In his miost frequently repeated demand, he

^Ibid., November 8. l843, pp. 1-2, November l8, 1843, p. l7~November 20, l843, p. 1, February 6. l844, p. 1, April 18, 1846, pp. 5-6, February 11, l844, p. 2. July 10, 1844, p. 1, July 15, l844, p. 1, July 17, l844, p. 1, June 19, 1847, pp. 2-3, February 17, l845, p. 2, April, 14, 1846, p. 2, December 5, l845, p. 2, December 6, l845, p. 1. 129 urged the government to provide and guarantee all citizens subsistence paying employment--the right to work. Finally he supported non-violent strikes and labor unionism.4 4 Regarding international politics, Considerant advocated a less aggressive role for the French nation, except when the rights of a weak country were being denied by one of the imperialistic powers. He was criti­ cal of Adolphe Thiers' attempts to restore French pres­ tige through involvement in Mexico and Algeria. French atrocities in Algeria rankled the socialist pacifist, and he consistently demanded withdrawal from that colony. With respect to other foreign problems in the question of Ireland he defended Daniel O'Connell and the Irish move­ ment for relief from British oppression. Ireland should belong to the Irish as far as the Fourierist was concerned. He also supported Swiss independence and a plan to form a general federation of Swiss states. Considerant criti­ cized the Louis Philippe regime for not actively support- ing the Swiss movement. 45

^^Ibid., November 8, l843, pp. 1-2. June 10, l844, p. 2, June~3^ 1845, p. 1, February l4. l844, p. 1, December 29, l844, p. 1, January 2, l845, pp. 1-2, January 29, 1845, p. 1, January 30, l845, p. 1, February 10, 1845, p. 1, July 1, 1845, p. 1, March 23, l847, p. 1. ^5ibid[., August 5, 1843, p. 1, October 23, l843, p. 1, October 26, l843, p. 1, Mav 13, l844, pp. 1-2, July 22, 1845, p. 1, July 24, l845, pp. 1-2, July 25, l845, p. 1, October 21, l846, p. 2, January l6, l847, p. 2, January 17, l847, p. 1, July 25, l847, pp. 1-2. 130 Considerant expressed most contempt for the Metternich system and for Austrian suppression of the eastern European minorities. In l846, he upheld a Polish insurrection, concentrated in Cracow, against Austria and Russia. In calling on the French government to defend the Poles against tyranny, he wrote: "Redeem for us all the sacred fire in our hearts, redeem France from the con­ tempt of the v/orld, raise us to action, proclaim the noble sentiments, demonstrate our fidelity to the principles our fathers accomplished with so much sacrifice. . . . Awake us I Remember that we have proclaimed to the world the principles of•enfranchisement, of liberty, of justice; remind us that our forefathers have left us a great task to accomplish. Demonstrate that we are sympathetic and devoted to all noble causes, raise us I And if those who govern us do not v/ish to march, march on and leave them behind I"^^

Despite his pacifism, Considerant was always ready to demand French support of liberal and democratic revolutions in eastern Europe. The Chamber of Deputies defeated a proposal by Lamartine to take a stand on the Polish revolt, and Metternich suppressed the insurrection

^^Ibid., March 11, l846, p. 1, March 10, l846, p. 1, MarcTTTC, l846, p. 1, March l8, l846, p. 1, April 4, 1846, p. 1. 131 in brutal fashion. This turn of events upset the social­ ist. With the destruction of the Republic of Cracow, Considerant forecast the collapse of the Metternich sys­ tem and the dissolution of the Austrian Empire. On November 27, l846, he wrote:

What is the destruction of Cracow? It is a blow from heaven! It is the most blessed event which could come in Europe to aide the principles of independence and liberty. It is the suicide of absolutism. There exists in Europe a pov/er of which the constitution is an outrage to reason, to right, to liberty, a monstrosity, a living protestation against the sacred principle of national independence: it is the Austrian Empire. An empire seated on the oppression of Polish nationalism, of Bohemian nationalism, of Hungarian nationalism, of Italian national­ ism. . . . Leave the holocaust to destroy it­ self. Leave Cracov/ to die. Cracow v/ill be resurrected with Poland, with Hungary, with Finland, with Bohemia, v/ith Italy, v/ith all the people on which oppression has fallen. Cracow will be reborn v/hen the unity of Germany is borni The right of I815 is broken. . . .47

With his increasing political orientation, Victor Considerant was not satisfied with his position on the General Council of the Seine, nor were his associates. In April, l844, he announced as a candidate from the ninth ward in Paris for the Chamber of Deputies. He did not conduct an active campaign. In a speech before the elec­ tors assembled at the city hall, he stated that a member of the Chambers should be "a representative of France before being a representative of Paris." In proclaiming

47Ibid. , November 27, l846, p. 1. 132 himself a supporter of constitutional monarchy and an anti-revolutionary, Considerant declared that he was a partisan "of the grand principles of order, of justice, of liberty, and of dignity that France promulgated in 1789." Despite emphasizing loyalty to the government, he attacked the Ministry and dem^anded immediate reform. His platform consisted of some of his pet projects: a unified municipal government for Paris, government regu­ lation of railroads, and extension of the suffrage. Fi­ nally, he objected to the aggressive foreign policy of the current government. His speech, vague and non- 48 specific, generated little enthusiasm. On April 12, l844, the voters in the ninth over­ whelmingly rejected Victor Considerant. He received 34 votes out of 581 cast. The Democratie pacifique attrib­ uted his poor showing to Considerant's refusal to resign from the General Council of the Seine before the election. The narrow enfranchisement, however, provided a more probable explanation for the defeat of a Utopian socialist Immediately following the election, Considerant promised to run again. In declaring that the electorate had mis­ taken him for a radical, he pleaded for more understand­ ing and less prejudice toward his ideas of reform in the

48Ibid. , April 5, l844, p. 1. 133 49 future. ^ Two years later, l846, Victor Considerant pre­ sented himself as a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies, this time in the district of Montargis in the province of Loiret. Again, he conducted a weak campaign. Neglecting to come forward with a specific platform, he stood little chance of success. Two left-v/ing newspapers, however, the Courrier frangais and the Journal du Loiret, vigor­ ously supported the Fourierist, the latter declaring: "We recommend highly to the patriots of Montargis the candidacy of Victor Considerant of whom the talent, integrity, and devotion to liberal ideas is well known." Despite a broader basis of support, Victor ran second to the incumbent candidate. Considerant received only 91 votes out of 4l9 cast. In an article of protest, on August 8, 1846, he charged that an opposing "cabal" had "disfigured" his ideas. He signed his remonstrance: "Candidate to the next election in the district of 50 Montargis."^ By election time the following year, l847, Victor Considerant had become a vociferous opponent of the Louis Philippe regime. His increasingly volatile pronouncements

^9ibid., April 7, 1844, p. 1.

30jbid., July 26, 1846, p. 1, July 28, l846, p. 2, August 8, TOT6, p. 1, August 9, l846, p. 4. 134 on occasion bordered on treason. Throughout the latter half of 1847, he actively participated in several of those opposition banquets which were destined to precipitate the February revolt in l848. Thus, in the campaign of l847, Considerant allied with the radical opponents of the July Monarchy.^SI

On November 21, l847, in a circular addressed to the electors of Montargis, Considerant announced as a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies a third time. He declared himself a proponent of the Mandate of the Reformist Banquet which had been adopted by a coalition of republicans and socialists at the Saint-Quentin Banquet on September 19, l847. The Mandate called for extension of the suffrage, freedom of the press and of public assembly, the resurrection of independent Poland and a new Italy, and programs of economic and employment assistance for the working class.S^2 In the circular, Victor announced that he "supported the Constitutional Monarchy," but that it must be "founded on the principle of the sovereignty of the people." In going beyond the Reformist Mandate, he proclaimed support of specific proposals: government welfare for the displaced and the

51_ibid., 1847, passim.

^^Ibid., September 23, l847. Supplement. 135 ignorant, labor unionism, government ownership of the railroads, and enactment of laws guaranteeing the right to work. He concluded with an attack on the Guizot Ministry. According to the Fourierist, civil war would result if the conservative government were not over­ turned immediately.-^-^ On November 23, l847, Considerant made his most important campaign speech at the Reformist Banquet of Montargis, which v/as presided over by Odilon Barrot, one of the conservative republican leaders of the February Revolution of l848. Before a large and enthusiastic crov/d, Victor unleashed an eloquent assault on the deca­ dence of the incumbent regime, an attack v/hich hinted of rebellion. According to Victor, the nation stood on the threshold of a great holocaust if the Ministry were not forced out of office and replaced by republicans and socialists. He declared: Messieurs, these meetings of active citizens, friends of liberty, friends of order and of the dignity of the country, represent a symp­ tom, a grave symptom. They express profound discontent by the men of heart and initiative. They signify that the nation no longer desires the politics of those who, by force of intrigue, of corruption, of abuse of their influence, have rendered themselves enemies of our two revolutions, v/ho have subverted the interests, the traditions, and the destinies of France. . . . These numerous and spontaneous meetings.

53Ibid. , November 21, l847, p. 2. 136 characterized by much unity, . . . are the too long suppressed explosion of the moral­ ity and dignity of the country. They are the peaceful and legal uprising of the public conscience too long outraged.

Following a long discourse in which Considerant called for specific economic, social, and constitutional reforms and after predicting revolution if these reforms were not realized, he concluded on an optimistic note: "Messieurs, the country has revealed itself; public opinion is recon­ stituted; all is not lost in these seventeen years of struggle, because prejudices have fallen, and beneficial, illuminated, and fruitful ideas have entered the conscience of the country and fortified the public spirit! Be united, be faithful, be calm, be strong, and soon the God of progress and of humanity will bless our good cause!" His speech, interrupted frequently by extensive applause and long cries of "bravo," was ended by loud exclamations of "Long Live Considerant!"^

Because of the narrov/ suffrage, the crowd of over two thousand which had wildly applauded Victor Considerant's speech could not vote in the elections of Montargis. On November 27, Victor lost his third election. He received only 102 votes out of 4l7 cast. His energetic and widely supported campaign produced little more results than the

54Ibid. , November 24, l847, p. 1. 137 55 lesser endeavor of l846.

Victor Considerant's defeat, despite broad popu­ lar support, indicated the inelasticity of a decadent government on the verge of collapse. Disregarding his admonitions to elect reform candidates, the elite con­ stituents returned conservative representatives to the legislature and the reactionary government remained in power. Considerant's forecast of civil war rang true. Before three months had elapsed, the Louis Philippe government collapsed in the face of revolt. And as Con­ siderant had predicted, the revolution did not solve the economic and social problems of France. The attempt to establish a social"democracy soon culminated in a re­ actionary holocaust and ultimately ended in the triumph of despotism in the person of Napoleon's nephew, Louis Napoleon.

^^Ibid., November 26, l847, p. 1, November 29, 18^7, p. T' In the election of l847, Considerant re­ ceived the support of several important newspapers: the Union monarchique, the Commerce, the Patrie, the Con­ stitutionnel, and the Journal de Loiret. CHAPTER V

THE HUMANIST AS POLITICIAN, FEBRUARY 1848-NOVEMBER l848

The headlines of February 25, l848, in Democratie pacifique, read: "LONG LIVE THE REPUBLIC!I I" As a result of the government's attempt to suppress a gigantic ban­ quet in honor of George Washington's birthday, scheduled in Paris for February 22, the barricades went up in the capital, fighting ensued, and Louis Philippe abdicated. On the evening of February 24, a Provisional Government, headed by a committee largely composed of moderate and conservative republicans, replaced the July Monarchy and proclaimed the Second Republic in France. The events of February, l848, thrust Considerant into the center arena of national politics--a role which did not befit his sensitive and humanitarian nature. Welcoming the new republic with great expectation, he demonstrated too much naivete in his efforts to establish social democracy through the institutions of the newly created republic. The story of Victor Considerant during the Revolution of l848 is the story of the failure, in one instance, of the democratic process. Caught in a crush between the radical proponents of violence and the

•^Democratie pacifique (Paris), February 25, l848, p. 1. 138 139 rapidly increasing advocates of immutability and order, the sincere democrats and socialists were unable to seize the day in l848. Subverted by fear and blind prejudice, the Second Republic succumbed to an overwhelming reaction which sought stability over freedom and the abstract principles of laissez-faire capitalism over social justice. This conservative revulsion buried the dreams of Victor Considerant in an avalanche of despotism. Although it was a consistent opponent of violence and revolution, Considerant's newspaper played a role in creating the atmosphere of rebellion which culminated in the overthrow of the July Monarchy. To his credit, it must be recorded that Victor did not begin a vicious at­ tack on the Louis Philippe government until the summer of l847. Prior to that time, the Fourierist had defended, in principle, the constitutional monarchy of the Bourgeois King, dedicating several of his works to Louis Philippe. Although he often attacked with vigor the government's ministers and the Chambers, he never advocated overthrow­ ing the constitution. He gave up on the Bourgeois King only after seventeen years of inaction.

By the summer of l847, continued government inac­ tivity in the face of deteriorating social and economic conditions convinced Considerant that benevolent neutral­ ity must be abandoned. Intensifying his protestations 140 against the "corrupt regime," against the "horrors of the war in Africa," against censorship of the press, against the railroad monopolies, and against a government which let hundreds of children starve to death in its own capi­ tal, Considerant began to predict civil war.^ In the first week of July, the government, with no explanation, confiscated Democratie pacifique three times in five days. On July 5, the day after the third seizure, Considerant reacted vehemently. In declaring the newspaper innocent of any treason, he stated that he could not ascertain what motivated the seizures. After citing his previous loyalty to the government, he concluded on a defiant note: "Very well! You will not make us deviate from our line! The noble ideas that we defend are gaining ground each day while your official world becomes more and more putre­ fied. And note this well, one day you will hold out your hand to us, and we hope that we will be able to save you. Meanwhile, seize us, accuse us, heap on us all the thun­ derbolts of your eloquence. . . . But we dare you to find a jury that will declare us guilty."-^

The seizure of Democratie pacifique, without ap­ parent justification, represented a point of no return

2ibid., May-December, l847, passim

%bid., July 5, l847, p. 1. l4l for Considerant. Following July, l847, he became one of the most severe critics of the July Monarchy. In article after article, he blamed the Chambers and the Ministry for forcing the people to revolt. On July l4, in an attack on the closing session of the Chambers, he ex­ claimed: "You have demoralized, corrupted, and recor- rupted. You have deceived, enticed, lied, contradicted, and lied again. That is what you have done; that is all you have done I"^ Finally, on August 22, l847, in an article entitled, "A Society V/hich Falls," the socialist blatantly prognosticated revolt: "Yes, a society which falls, or rather a society which sinks in its own corrup­ tion and attains a state putrefication. What a terrible lesson! This is where we have arrived in seventeen years of peace, in seventeen years of power, to this tribunal of bourgeois hypocrites, to these princes of the bank, to these heroes of speculation, to these men who, having in hand the government of a noble nation, have attempted to subjugate, to the profit of their own egoism, the gen­ erous tendencies of her liberal destiny." After a con­ tinued attack on government corruption, he concluded: "So you tremble! You tremble because you sense thay your

^Ibid., July-December, l847, passim

5ibid., July 14, l847, p. 1. 142 hour is near. And we say it is true. We see in you the greatest enemy of order as well as liberty. If you do not satisy public indignation by retiring immediately, public indignation will change into the anger of the people; and you v/ill have provoked a terrible tempest which may well drag you down. . . . Already, the hand of fire of the feast of Balthazar has written the first words of the fatal malediction: Repudiate! We have at least given you warning."

The government confiscated this edition of Demo­ cratie pacifique and brought the newspaper to trial for treason on September 7, l847. Before the Assize of the Seine, the prosecution accused the paper of "inciting contempt for the government" and of "inciting hatred be­ tween diverse classes of citizens." After a brief delib- 7 eration, the jury acqulted the newspaper on all counts. Following the vindication of Democratie pacifique, Considerant continued to assault the government. As pre­ viously noted, he actively participated in some of the banquets in late l847 which caused Louis Philippe and Guizot so much consternation. When the showdown came, on February 22, over the banquet scheduled in the Twelfth

^Ibid., August 22, l847, p. 1.

"^Considerant, Socialisme, pp. 85-143. 143 Ward of Paris, Victor was in Liege giving a lecture on Fourierism. He was not involved in the events v/hich toppled Louis Philippe. His newspaper, however, made Considerant's position clear. When the government an­ nounced prohibition of the banquet, the Democratie pacifique, on the morning of February 22, called for a massive, but peaceful demonstration:

Ministers you have broken with the nation; you have given a terrible signal. No one can give you counsel any more. Men of the left, hasten to regain the position you have lost; organize the banquet today; remove all acts of equivo­ cation; hasten to consecrate, by a solemn mani­ festation, the right of public assembly. Na­ tional Guard, be prepared to follow your chiefs! The people are moved! For fifteen days, the opposition and its journals have agitated throughout the country and have solicited sym­ pathy and cooperation from the population of Paris to support the projected banquet. Na­ tional Guard, tomorrov\/, v/ith your help, the people can defend the right of public assembly. Be at your post to protect your brothers, to maintain peace in the city, to prevent a coup of violence v/hich would profit the party of reaction.°

The people demonstrated on February 22, and again on the twenty-third. On the evening of February 23, regu­ lar troops guarding Guizot's home fired into a crowd of demonstrators, killing twenty-three and wounding thirty. Contempt turned to rage. By the morning of February 24, barricades appeared in the streets, and the National Guard

^Democratie pacifique (Paris), February 22, l848, p. 1. 144 began joining the rebellion. Louis Philippe abdicated in favor of the Provisional Government.^

On hearing of the proclamation of a republic in Paris, Victor Considerant canceled his conference at Liege. Demonstrating much naivete, he rushed to Brussels in hopes of seeing a republic established in Belgium. Considerant harbored dreams of persuading King Leopold to resign voluntarily. Arriving in Brussels on the morn­ ing of February 26, Considerant sent a message to his old friend, the Minister of the Interior, Charles Rogier. In this interesting note, Considerant informed Rogier that "the cause of kings throughout Europe is lost." Accord­ ing to Victor, Belgium surely would succumb to the "gen­ eral explosion v/hich is carrying Europe." In view of the possibility of a revolution in Brussels, Rogier ought to go to Leopold, inform him of the general situation, and demand that he go before the Chambers and offer the people of Belgium the chance to establish a republic through a plebiscite. Victor closed his message by pointing out to Rogier the possible historical impact of such a step: "This will be an historical set which you will accomplish. You will force your King to take an admirable position, and perhaps this act of self-sacrifice on the part of a

^Ibid., February 24, l848, p. 1. Duveau, l848, pp. 5-23. l45 King will save his person from the anger of the people. Moreover, others will imitate him. Here Belgium can innoculate a great process on the continent by teaching the royalists how to retreat with dignity. ""^^

Although he was a Fourierist and close associate of Victor Considerant, Rogier refused to bite the hand that fed him.- Rogier informed the Frenchman that Belgium v/as not ready for such a step. The King would not be receptive. The unsoundness of Considerant's advice be­ came apparent when the demonstration in the streets of Belgium did not produce a rebellion. There was no revolution and no fall of the monarchy there. Failing to precipitate the peaceful abdication of Leopold, Victor returned to Paris on February 28, and im­ mediately became involved in the efforts to establish a social democracy. He straightway embraced the Republic. On March 1, the masthead on Democratie pacifique proclaimed: "The Republic of 1792 destroyed the Old Order. The Repub­ lic of l848 must construct a new order. . . . Social reform is the goal; the Republic is the means; all Social- 12 ists are Republicans, all Republicans are socialists."

Incited in Discailles, "Considerant," p. 724.

^^Ibid., pp. 725-727.

•^-^Delnocratie pacifique (Paris), March 1, l848. p. 1. 146 Considerant envisioned a representative government v/hich would be responsive to the needs of the working class— a democracy which would establish a Minister of Progress and guarantee the right to work. Because the Republic would represent "the government of all, by all, and for all," it would reflect the demands of the masses. Accord­ ing to Victor, the republican government was the best means for constituting "the conditions of a peaceful social transformation." In his newspaper, therefore, he demanded the immediate establishment of a Minister of Progress and legislation which would provide full employment.^

Considerant's great expectations were doomed to an early deflation.- The Provisional Government, dominated by conservative republicans, had no intentions of dabbling in socialistic experiments. Although, on February 25, the Provisional Government had given lip service to the right to work by guaranteeing "to procure employment for all citizens," it never seriously considered any rational means for providing full employment. The next day, February 26, another decree established the National VJork- shops for the expressed purpose of providing work for the unemployed in Paris. These Workshops, which immediately became a complete travesty of Louis Blanc's concept of

^^Ibid., February 28, l848, p. 1, March 5, l848, pp. 1-2, MaJrcTT 8, l848, p. 1. l47 "organized work," were organized under the supervision of the Minister of Public Works, Alexandre Thomas Marie, v/hose overt opposition to any form of socialism doomed them from the start. From the beginning, the government viev/ed the Workshops as a means of placating radical ele­ ments and as a place to occupy the unemployed and malcon­ tents of Paris. Following a confrontation between a group of workers and the members of the Provisional Gov­ ernment, on February 28, l848, the new government agreed to establish the Luxembourg Commission for the purpose of investigating conditions of labor and to make recommenda­ tions for labor legislation. The government never in­ tended this Comjnission, an even greater subterfuge than the National VJorkshops, to accomplish anything. It was a convenient alternative to the demands for the organiza­ tion of work and for the establishment of a Minister of

r X. 1^ Progress or Labor. Although he did not yet suspect the government's duplicity, Considerant expressed displeasure with the

l^Ibid., March 2, l848, p. 1. Daniel Stern, Histoire de~Ta Revolution de l848, II (Paris, I878), pp. 3-21. Hereafter referred to as Stern, Histoire. Marc Caussidiere, Secret History of the Revolution of l848. Memoirs, I, trans, unioiov/n (London, lb4«), pp. 275-2^2. Hereafter referred to as Caussidiere, Memoirs. For a thoroughgoing analysis of the National Workshops, see Donald Cope McKay, The National Workshops (Cambridge, 1933). Hereafter referred to as McKay, VJorkshops. 148 inadequacy of the new measures. Although he announced support for the National Workshops and the Luxembourg

Commission, he argued that these programs would not pro­ vide long range solutions. He requested that all citi­ zens continue to demand the creation of a Minister of

Progress and the complete "organization of work."-'"^

Proclaiming Considerant as "one of the great eco-

1 fi nomic brains of France," the Provisional Government ap­ pointed him to the Luxembourg Commission. The Commission met regularly from March 1, l848, until May 13, l848. From the outset, it can be said that the government and the legislative assembly refused to consider most of the proposals made by the Commission. It served merely as a sounding board for socialist ideas. Since minutes were not recorded for many of the meetings, it is impossible to assess fully Considerant's role therein. Louis Blanc, the President of the Commission, apparently requested Considerant's membership on this delegation. In his personal account of the Revolution, Blanc praised the Fourierist for demonstrating on the Commission, "more

-^^Delnocratie pacifique (Paris), March 2, l848, p. 3. •^Garnier-Pages, Histoire, VI, p. 195- 149 than anyone else, sincerity, knowledge, and enlighten­

ment ." ^^

It is certain that Considerant actively supported the Commission's policy of reducing the working hours in Paris from eleven to ten hours and from twelve to eleven in the provinces. On May 13, Blanc proposed the aboli­ tion of forced labor in prisons, military barracks, and convents because this work competed with free labor and depreciated salaries. Considerant, accepting most of Blanc's motion, objected to the suppression of forced labor in the convents on the grounds that opponents of socialism might use that as an example to demonstrate how government supported employment also competed with free labor. In other questions before the Commission, Considerant called for the establishment of government banks which would offer easy credit to the lower classes, pronounced himself for proportional salaries as opposed to equal salaries in all socialist experiments adopted by the Republic, and consistently demanded specific

17 ^ 'Louis Blanc, Histoire de la Revolution de l848, II (Paris, 1880), p. 277. Le Moniteur universel (Paris), March I3, l848, pp. 1-2. Dommanget, Considerant, p. 35. Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1^4b (New York, i960), pp. 67-69. Hereafter referred to as Robertson, 1848. 150 legislation to provide full employment.

The final report of the Luxembourg Commission reflected some Fourierist influence. As a plan for mov­ ing toward state socialism, it recommended the establish­ ment of an agricultural colony, or an "association of workers," in each department of France. Industrial colonies would be formed by the proletariat in various locations through state financing. All these communal experiments ultimately would become self-supporting, and all would have systems of old age and sickness insurance. Remaining indifferent, the provisional government of the Second Republic refused to consider any of these recom­ mendations. Without funds and initiative powers, the Commission remained impotent. Following its final meet­ ing on May 13, the Commission was superseded by the Labor Committee--a committee composed of moderates appointed by the conservative Constitutional Assembly. The govern­ ment's persistent rejection of the Commission's efforts 19 brought frustration and despair to Victor Considerant.

^^Le Moniteur universel (Paris), March 3, l848, p. 1, March lb, Iti4t5, p. 1. "Democratie pacifique (Paris), April 12, 1848, p. 1, May 8, lb4b, p. 1. Stern, Histoire, II, pp. 170-172. Georges Cahen, "Louis Blanc^ et la Com- mission du Luxembourg (l848)," Annales de I'Ecole libre des sciences politiques, XII (1^97), P- 21b, et passim.

^^Le Moniteur universel (Paris), April 7, l848, p. 1, April 27, lb4b, p. 1. Collard, Considerant, pp. 118-119. Robertson, l848, pp. 68-'69: 151 While the National Workshops and the Luxembourg Commission were hamstrung, the workers in Paris became restive. On March 17, l848, over 100,000 workers demon­ strated against the bourgeois elements of the government. Although the rally was peaceful, it alarmed the moderates. On April l6, a second demonstration took place in Paris. Planned by the Luxembourg Commission, the workers marched to the City Hall to press a petition for the true "or­ ganization of work." This rally resulted in a fiasco. Fearing violence, the government ordered the National Guard to line the streets and protect the city against possible disorder. As the workers marched toward the City Hall, the National Guard broke out in a chant of "Dovm with the communists!" Although no violence erupted, the v/orkers felt humiliated and betrayed. Extremes tend to produce opposite extremes. These two demonstrations resulted in the polarization of opinion. Most signifi- 20 cantly, a reaction commenced against the proletariat. Victor Considerant's attitude toward these poten­ tially explosive situations illustrates his foresight and restraint. He recognized that unrest and disruption threatened the socialist position in the conservative republican government. Repudiating both demonstrations.

^^Duveau, l848, pp. 82-92. 152 he appealed for concord and petitioned the marchers to abandon the streets. According to Considerant, demon­ strations were justifiable under Louis Philippe, but now the newly acquired republican Institutions must be uti­ lized to attain amelioration rather than force or 21 threats. On April 19, following the second demonstra­ tion, Victor continued his attack on the workers' use of agitation and unrest to attain their desired ends. He declared that only peaceful and legal means could solve the economic problems. According to Considerant: "The socialists must organize work through free and voluntary 22 association, not through force." In the midst of this upheaval, elections took place for the Constitutional Assembly. On March 16, Victor announced his candidacy for the Assembly. In a supplement to Democratie pacifique, he outlined his plat­ form. After committing himself to a "republican consti­ tution seated on the sovereignty of the people and demo­ cratically guaranteeing all political and social rights to each citizen," Considerant presented five general ob­ jectives: "(1) the unity of agricultural and industrial interests, (2) the abolition of monopolies and financial

^-^De'mocratie pacifique (Paris), March 17, l848, p. 1. Ibid., April 19, l848, p. 1. 153 feudalism, (3) the establishment of a vast national system of credit, of guarantees, and of commercial soli­ darity, (4) the development of science and the arts, and (5) the separation of church and state and freedom of religion." In addition to these goals, he announced support for various classes of citizens heretofore dis­ criminated against: "To all children, education; to all workers, an equitable and abundant retribution; to all women, independence and dignity; to all old people, a shelter and a pension; to all the weak and unfortunate, a Providence." The Fourierist concluded with a dramatic call for accord. In an appeal to the new Assembly, he wrote: "Organize unity and love, and we will have estab­ lished immediately the Kingdom of God on Earth. French­ men are brothers! The Gospel of Christ, of the prole­ tarian of Nazareth, is the true code of democracy, be­ cause it is the code of liberty, of equality, and of fraternity. If the National Assembly is an assembly of men penetrated by the evangelical flame and the healthy spirit, the spirit of God and of humanity will be at its heart, and the hour of definite human redemption by science and love will be sounded immediately. Long live the French Republic! Long live the free confederation of peoples! Advance on earth the Kingdom of God and his Justice!" Then followed a list of socialists and 154 f I republicans which the Ecole societaire recommended for election to the Assembly. Included were such names as Louis Blanc, Ferdinand Flofon, Ledru-Rollin, Lamartine, Francois Arago, Cabet, Proudhon, Pierre Leroux, Marc Caussidiere, and the worker Albert Martin.^-^

The socialist candidates did not do well in the election of April, l848. Although the Luxembourg's list of candidates included the name of Victor Considerant, he received only 28,673 in the district of the Seine-- about 75,000 short. The district of Loiret, however, elected him eighth on the list with 34,395 votes. From the beginning, Considerant held a defensive position in the Constitutional Assembly. The elections represented a victory for the conservative republicans who captured some five hundred seats. The Orleanists had about two hundred seats, the Legitimists about 100, and the various left wing groups, known as the Mountain, fewer than a hundred. Considerant sat with the Mountain. Writing in I851, Victor drew an agonizing picture of this reactionary legislative body and of his frustrating role therein: "Nothing came out of this assembly; and from

00 -^Ibld., March 16, l848, supplement.

^^Ibid., April 28, l848, p. 2, April 29, 1848, p. 1. Le Moniteur universel (Paris), April 28, p. 1, May 2, p. 1. 155 the sound that it made, the democrats well understood that nothing would come out of it--at least nothing great, or generous, or useful, or truly democratic. It was a mule. The sign of sterility was marked on its forehead. The Provisional Government, agonizing in the Executive Commission, destined to fall very soon in blood, expiated its sinful want of enterprising spirit and true democratic feeling. The small number of progressive men who had seats in this assembly felt themselves confined 25 as in a chest and gasped for space to breathe in." Always benevolent and humane, Considerant re- •jected resort to political intrigue and expediency. This left him isolated. Unable to muster support from the splintered socialistic minority and oppressed by the large conservative majority, his actions in the legisla­ ture soon reflected his despondency. Madame Coignet, in discussing his impuissance in that body, wrote: "In face of the men of parties, attached to interests, ambitions, to determined causes, he completely lost his communica­ tive power v/hich had so often rallied around him a large crowd, enthusiastic and youthful. It was not that they greeted him with malice. His original and sympathetic

^Victor Considerant, The Difficulty Solved, or the Government of the People by Themselves, Trans, unknown (London, lb51), p. 31. 156 nature excited interest and disposed him to benevolence. They rendered justice to his sincerity, to his disinter­ estedness, but they treated him as a dreamer, they did not take him seriously; and, sad to say, the accord was not established between him and the socialists in the »26 Assembly."

Before settling down to the difficult task of writing and adopting a constitution, the Assembly was rocked by two violent eruptions--the rebellion of May 15, and the bloody insurrection of the June Days. In the words of the American historian Priscilla Robertson: "As soon as the Constitutional Assembly and the Paris workers saw each other they hated each other." With the Poles restive under Russian rule, there was great popu­ lar sympathy for them in France. The radical clubs planned a march on the Assembly and prepared a petition demanding war with Prussia and Russia if these two coun­ tries refused to restore Polish independence. The demon­ stration was announced and organized with full public- ity.27 Although a staunch defender of the Polish revolu­ tion, Victor Considerant opposed the proposed demonstration

26 Coignet, Considerant, pp. 44-45.

^'^Robertson, l848, p. 80. Duveau, l848, pp. II5. 118. Stern, Histoire, III, pp. 13-24. 157 The socialist realized that confrontation between the proletariat and the Assembly could result in violence and disruption. According to him, such a clash would hurt not only the Polish cause, but the v;orkers' cause in general by increasing fear and revulsion. On May 12, 1848, the Friends of Poland, an organization formed to aide Polish independence, of which Considerant was a charter member, met to discuss their role in the upcom­ ing parliamentary debate on Poland. A delegate from one of the radical clubs attended and presented a resolution calling for thousands to march on the Assembly. Through Considerant's efforts, the Friends of Poland did not pQ f officially adopt the petition. In Democratie pacifique, on the morning of the scheduled march, Considerant pub­ lically repudiated the demonstration. After proclaiming support for the Polish cause, Victor argued that a dis­ ruption of the Assembly would be untimely. Logical and rational debate must hold forth in the lawmaking tribune, not violence and coercion. All who truly supported 2Q Poland would renounce this proposed demonstration. ^ The march turned out as Considerant had feared. Some 20,000 workers advanced on the Assembly and demanded ^^Journal des Debats (Paris), May 13, l848, p. 1.

^Democratic pacifique (Paris), May 15, l848. p. 1. 158 admittance to present their petition. Several thousand of them stormed the chamber hall, commanding the legis­ lature to act on Poland. As the tumult increased in in­ tensity, what began as a protest turned into a free-for- all. Aleysius Huber, the leader of the invasion, forced the Assembly President, Joseph Buchez, out of his chair and declared that the Assembly was dissolved. Shouts of "To the City Hall" and demands for a new provisional gov­ ernment became deafening. Two separate lists of a pro­ visional government were read, one of which included the name of Victor Considerant. One of the insurgent leaders jumped to the podium and announced: "Here is an excellent list for the new provisional government: Cabet, Louis Blanc, Pierre Leroux, Raspail, Considerant, Barbes, Blanqui, and Proudhon." After proclaiming dissolution of the Assembly and declaring a new government, the rebels left the tribune and rushed to establish themselves in control of the City Hall.^^

In the midst of the tumult, Victor Considerant, on two separate occasions, exerted tremendous efforts to speak before the tribune. He hoped first to use his

France. Compte Rendu des seances de I'Assemblee nationale, I (l848)^, pp. 194-217. Hereafter rel'erred to as France, Assemble^e nationale. Journal des Debats fParis J, May lb, l«4b, p. 1. Le Moniteur universel (Paris), May 17, 1848, supplement"^ Stern, Histoire, III, pp. 24-37. 159 influence to dissuade the rebels and finally to renounce any affiliation with the newly proposed government. On both occasions, the noise and confusion inundated his attempts to be heard. During the height of the disorder, one of the insurgent leaders seized Considerant's arm and exclaimed: "We wish to place you in the new provi­ sional government." Demonstrating poise and restraint, Considerant replied: "Are you Insane? What do you take me for? My duty, rather than to accept such a proposi- tion, would be to cut my throat."^ In a speech before the Assembly the following day, Considerant rejected any relationship with the up­ rising. He disavov/ed several radical Paris newspapers which had placed his name on their proposed lists for a new provisional government. In his newspaper, Victor 32 deplored the attempted coup. The "insurrection"of May 15 ended in ignominious failure. While the Constitutional Assembly was under siege, the beating of the alarm called the National Guard to arms. Before a revolutionary government could be in­ stalled at the City Hall, troops subdued the unarmed

^Iprance, Assemblee nationale, I (l848), p. 268.

32ibid. Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 16, 1848, p. 1": ~ i6o rebels and restored order. The insurgent leaders found themselves clapped in prison. The forces of order by now were terrified. The events of May 15 further polarized the right and the left. Despite the fact that almost none of the socialist members of the legislature partici­ pated in the attempted coup, the majority of the Assembly became extremely eager to suppress any form of radicalism or socialism. May 15 set the stage for the June Days.^^

A threat to abolish the National Workshops pre­ cipitated the bloody revolt of June 23-29. Although the Workshops were doing little to alleviate unemployment, the workers tenaciously hung to them as the only vestige of their hoped-for social democracy. Immediately follow­ ing the fiasco of May 15, the Executive Committee decided to take steps which would lead to the abolition of the Workshops. The question of the future of the National Workshops was turned over to the Labor Committee, which had been appointed by the Assembly to replace the Luxem­ bourg Commission. Although Considerant served on this new body, the Labor Committee remained essentially con­ servative and came under the domination of the Count de Falloux. Falloux had taken on the trappings of a demo­ crat in order to win a seat in the new Assembly. He

^^Duveau, l848, pp. 124-128. Robertson, l848, pp. 82-83. l6l utilized his position on the Labor Committee to conduct an uncompromising and deceitful campaign against the Workshops.-3^4

It is important to ascertain Victor Considerant's role in the Labor Committee with regards to the National Workshops. On May 17, 1848, the Labor Committee appointed a subcommittee of three to study the problem of the Work­ shops. The subcommittee consisted of Falloux, Considerant, and Charles Beslay. From that point on, Falloux snatched the initiative, apparently making decisions without con­ sulting the other two and making all official reports for the subcommittee without the approval of Considerant and Beslay. ~^^

In his reports, Falloux began to chip away at the Workshops. On July l4, he convinced the Assembly that it should appoint a special committee which would take the problem out of the hands of the Labor Committee. On June 20, the Assembly passed a bill proposed by Falloux

3^For a detailed account of Falloux's duplicity and ramrod techniques see McKay, Workshops, pp. IO6-I31.

•-^-^Proces-Verbaux du comite du travail a I'Assemblee constituante de lb48 et I'Assemblee nationale de lb49- 1^51, Vol. I of Bibliotheque de la Revolution de l84H (Paris, 1908), pp. 2, l4-57. Hereafter referred to as Comite de travail. Charles Beslay, like Considerant, was no conservative. In I87I, he became a rather reluctant participant in the Commune of Paris. 162 which empowered the special committee to draw up a de­ finitive plan for the dissolution of the Workshops. Le Moniteur reported the passage of this decree on June 21, the same day workers made preparations for the demonstra­ tions of June 22. On June 21 the Executive Committee announced that the Workshops would be closed. Workers between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five who were registered with the Workshops would be conscripted into the army; the remainder would be sent to the provinces to work on land clearance projects. This decree appeared in Le Moniteur on the morning of June 22. On June 23, while Falloux urged the Assembly to pass a law which would dissolve the Workshops v/ithin three days, barricades ap­ peared throughout the city and fighting erupted between the workers and loyal troops. The Parisian proletariat v/ere prepared to die rather than see their dreams of social amelioration smashed by a recalcitrant government. The blood bath of the June Days commenced.-^

Where was Victor Considerant during these events? In Falloux's memoirs, the Count argued that Beslay and Considerant strongly supported his efforts to abolish the Workshops. According to Falloux, they even agreed to his

3^_Ibid., pp. 26-57. Le Moniteur universel (Paris), June 21-23, passim. France, Assembl6e nationale, II (1848), pp. 51-175. McKay, Workshops, pp. 127-135. 163 37 decree of June 20.-^' This is far from the case. A sur­ vey of the Verbal Proceedings of the Labor Committee and of Democratic pacifique indicate the very contrary. On May 29, following one of Falloux's reports before the Labor Committee, Considerant reacted negatively to the Count's proposals. He spoke vehemently against destroy­ ing the Workshops without replacing them v/ith a more com- prehensive program.-^ From June 3, until after the out­ break of the crisis on the twenty-third, Considerant's presence v/as not recorded at the Labor Committee meetings. An unkno^-^n illness incapacitated the Fourierist during this crucial period. On June 9, the illness forced him to request an indefinite leave of absence from the Assem­ bly. Apparently he did not return until the afternoon of June 20, and then only for a short interval. He did not vote on the decrees relative to the V/orkshops which came before the Assembly that day. Thus, an untimely malady prevented Victor from fighting the Falloux-led opposition to the Workshops both in the Assembly and in the Labor 39 Committee.

^^Count de Falloux, Memoirs of the Count de Fal­ loux, I, trans, and ed. C. B. Pitman (London, l888), pp. 270-277. Note that the author wrote his memoirs forty years after the events. •^"comite^ de travail, p. 19- ^^Ibid., passim. France, Assemblee nationale, I (1848), P.T35, II (1848), p. 75. 164 Despite his illness, Considerant continued to write a few articles for Democratie pacifique. These editorials make clear his opposition to liquidating the National Workshops. On June 10, and June 12, he demanded that the Assembly reinforce the Workshops by going even farther and guaranteeing the right to work for all. On June 21, he formally rejected the Falloux inspired decree of June 20, and berated the representatives for threaten­ ing to close the Workshops. According to Victor, the government did not have funds to initiate easy credit or to execute full employment because it had not won the con­ fidence of the people. As he saw it, the actions of the Executive Committee and the Constitutional Assembly rep­ resented a betrayal of the people v/ho had inaugurated the Republic in February. The Assembly must take bold action to remedy social and economic problems. Conside­ rant concluded on an ominous note by predicting that if the legislature continued to betray the people and to threaten the Workshops, civil war would come. Within tv/o 4l days, the Paris streets were flowing v/ith blood. When civil war erupted on June 23, Considerant attempted to mediate between the insurgents and the

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), June 10, 1848, p. 4, June 12, 1«4«, p. 1. Ibid., June 21, l848, p. 1. l65 governmental reaction by counseling pacification and mod­ eration to both camps. In the evening session of June 23, called as a result of the street fighting, Victor Con­ siderant brought before the Assembly a proclamation de­ signed to end the fighting without further bloodshed. His proclamation called for the Assembly to offer amnesty to the proletarians who would lay down their arms and to promise legislation toward social and economic reform. According to the Fourierist legislator, the Constitutional Assembly could end the civil war by demonstrating sympathy for the worker's problems. As he put it: "A great num­ ber of men (the insurgents) have been misled, and a demon­ stration from the Assembly could easily reestablish peace in the bloody streets of the capital." He did not read the proclamation nor did he ask the legislature to vote on it immediately. He merely requested that the Assembly President appoint a committee to examine his proposal and make a recommendation regarding its validity to the Assem­ bly. The legislature was in no mood for conciliation. Loud exclamations and cries of "To order I" interrupted Considerant's speech.. The President denied his request on the grounds that such action v/ould be "consorting with the rioters." Considerant insisted that: "In this ter­ rible moment a word from the Assembly could do more to compromise and dissipate the rioting than the armed forces." After a brief, but heated debate, the Assembly 166 voted cloture and refused to consider Victor's proposal.^^ The following day, Considerant renewed his pleas for the Assembly to make some gesture of conciliation to the insurgents. Following passage of a decree which de­ clared Paris in a state of siege and vested executive power in the hands of the Minister of War, General Louis Eugene Cavaignac--a measure which Victor voted against-- the peace-minded deputy pleaded for a corresponding de­ cree of pacification. In an impassioned speech, he began: "In voting the decree on the state of siege, in investing a military leader with full executive power, you have taken a most extreme measure. I request thus, as a par­ allel, that you make a proclamation which will permit the members of the Assembly not solely to represent the prin­ ciple of order, but a.lso to speak for the pacification of the people." Lively agitation and shouts of "VHien the barricades are taken" forced Considerant to take his seat. The Assembly recessed without taking action on his pro- posal. Shouted down in the Assembly, Considerant turned to his newspaper to make pleas of conciliation. In a series of editorials published from June 24 through June 29,

France, Assemblee nationale, II (l848), pp. 177- 178. 43 Ibid., pp. 188-189. l67 and entitled, "To the Representatives of the People," he blamed the Assembly for the civil war. According to Victor, that body had to win the confidence of the people by "guaranteeing work, liberty, equality, and fraternity." He appealed to the legislature to be moderate, to mediate between the radical right and left, and to come forward with concrete proposals to resolve the economic problems of the lower classes. Finally, he objected to the oppres­ sive measures being used by the military commanders to suppress the rebellion, and he deplored giving General Cavaignac dictatorial powers. 44 In a lengthy editorial on July 1, entitled, "Les­ sons for All and to All!" Considerant summarized his at­ titudes toward the June Days revolt. According to Victor, a threat to the Republic had been created because the conservatives were going to use the insurrection as an excuse to destroy democracy in France. The National Work­ shops had been a failure, not because they created a large socialist army as the reactionaries were charging, but because they had not gone far enough to provide full employment. If the government wanted to maintain peace and stability, it must "guarantee existence to the disin­ herited masses by assuring them productive employment."

Democratie pacifique (Paris), June 24-29, l848. passim 168

The "lesson for all" was that the Republic must "emanci- 4^ pate the proletariat."

For all practical purposes, the suppression of the June Days revolt and the severe reaction which fol­ lowed spelled doom for the Second Republic. Some 1,500 died in these six days of fighting, including numerous prisoners who were massacred after their capture. The government imprisoned over 15,000 and deported several thousand to Algeria. The Assembly passed a bill of at­ tainder prosecuting deputies Louis Blanc and Marc Caus­ sidiere for alleged complicity in the revolt. Although neither was guilty, they both fled into exile. Cavaignac, now holding dictatorial powers, kept Paris in a state of siege until October 19, l848. The legislature reacted by means of severe press restriction, the suppression of secret societies, the reestablishment of imprisonment for debt, and the extension of the working day back to twelve hours. June 23-29 set the stage for the emergence of a strong man.

In the midst of the reaction which attended the days following June 23-29, Considerant continued to counsel

^^Ibid., July 1, 1848, p. 1.

^ Le Moniteur universel (Paris), June-July, l848, passim. Duveau, 1848, pp. 154-158. Robertson, l848, pp. 92-97. l69 moderation and restraint. In the Assembly and in his newspaper, he strongly opposed deporting the insurgents and continually petitioned for amnesty. In the Assembly, he voted with the minority against the request to author­ ize prosecution against Blanc and Caussidiere. But the die was cast. Since nobody was concerned with the ap­ peals of a "dreamer" and a "hopeless Utopian," the coun­ sels of moderation went unheeded. Follov/ing the June

Days, the majority of the Constitutional Assembly was 47 more interested in order than in justice. Following the June Days, the Assembly proceeded to the task for which it had been elected, the writing of a constitution. " On May l8, l848, the Constitutional Assembly had elected Victor Considerant to serve on the eighteen man Constitutional Committee commissioned with the task of drafting a fundamental document. The Journal des Debats declared that the inclusion of the socialist Considerant demonstrated the impartial composition of the Committee. However, since the committee reflected the general make-up of the reactionary legislature, almost all the members belonged to the conservative and moderate

^'^France, Assemblee nationale, III,(l848), pp. 521, 523, 525-526, VII (lb4»), p. t)io. Democratie pacifique (Paris), August 10. l848, p. 4, August 19, T84"8, p. 1, September 22, l848, p. 1, September 24, l848, p. 1. 170 sections of the Assembly. The Mountain had only two representatives, Jean Lamennais and Considerant. Lamen- nais resigned in protest after a few days. Although taking an active role in the work of the Constitutional Committee, Considerant's ideas seldom found their way to the final draft. From the first meet­ ing, the Fourierist demonstrated an obsession for includ­ ing the right to work in the constitution. In addressing the Committee, he declared: "The right to work is prop­ erly speaking the victory of the February Revolution. If the right to work is not recognized clearly, the work­ ers will think that the Revolution has been pilfered. The right to work is the correlation to the right of property. The right to work is even more natural than the right to an education." Later he said: "For the workers, all the value of the constitution will be in these words: the right to work."4 Q^ In the end, as is generally known, the overwhelming majority of conserva­ tives on the committee defeated Considerant•s dream for

^^France, Assemblee nationale, I (l848), p. 317. Journal des Debats (Paris), May 21, i848, p. 1. Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocque- ville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattes, ed. J. P. Mayer (New York, 1949), pp. 186-I87. Hereafter referred to as de Tocqueville, Recollections.

^ ^Garnier-Pages, Histoire, X, pp. 343-345. Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 25, l848, p. 4. 171 guaranteeing full employment. The final draft of the •50 constitution did not include the right to work. The next question upon which Considerant actively spoke was the problem of a one or two house legislature. On this issue, he found himself on the victorious side for a change. Victor, along with most of the Committee, advocated a single legislative body. According to him, France did not need an upper house and a lower house. Victor wanted to destroy all remnants of a rigid class structure. He feared that a two house assembly v/ould enable the upper class to maintain a preponderate posi­ tion in the legislature. Since, for varying reasons, almost all the members of the Committee agreed on this question, the final draft of the constitution provided 51 for a one house legislature. One of the issues most hotly debated was that concerning the general role of the executive. How would he be elected? VJhat would be his powers? How long would he hold office? Would he be responsible to the populace or to the legislature? In the early stages of debate, the Committee easily agreed on election procedures.

^^Garnier-Pages, Histoire, X, p. 346.

51ibid., pp. 348-349. Democratie pacifique (Paris), Ju]3r'17, l848, p. 4. 172 Although a few insisted that the National Assembly should elect the President, the vast majority agreed that he should be elected by direct universal suffrage. V/hile he did not take a strong stand at the time, Considerant concurred in this conclusion. On the question of execu­ tive powers, the Fourierist took a more vocal position. Some wanted the executive to have the prerogatives of a constitutional king; some wanted him to have the power to dissolve the legislature; and many demanded that he have the power to initiate legislation. Almost all en­ visioned a strong executive. Considerant vociferously opposed these concepts. He desired a weak president who would be merely an administrative head of the government, an executive completely responsible to the legislature. He particularly opposed the proposal to give the president the power to initiate legislation. The final outcome displeased Considerant. The president, elected by uni­ versal manhood suffrage for a four year term, was given the authority to appoint ministers who v/ould be respon­ sible only to the executive. Although he could not dis­ solve the legislature, he had the authority to initiate legislation. If Considerant's ideas on weakening the executive had been adopted, the fate of the Second Republic might have been different.^

^^Garnier-Pages, Histoire, X, pp. 355-357. de Tocqueville, Recollections, pp. 197, 202. 173 After the Committee agreed on a strong executive, Considerant made an about-face regarding the electoral procedure for the president. On June 15, he reopened the problem by arguing that the National Assembly should nomi­ nate the executive. Although he supported, in principle, the election of the president by the people, he argued that the French people v/ere not properly educated at this point to vote intelligently. Popular election of the executive must await educational advances. In the end, the Committee rejected Considerant's arguments. The final outcome represented a halfhearted compromise v/hereby the president would be elected by direct popular vote. If no majority existed, however, the Assembly would have the power to nominate the executive.-^-^

Although it is impossible to be sure, it appears that two factors motivated Considerant's reversal con­ cerning the presidential election. The first factor depicts Considerant acting with less principle than usual. On June 4, l848, four departments elected Louis Napoleon, the nephew of Napoleon I, to the Constitutional Assembly. Thus, it became probable that France would not elect the type of chief executive that Considerant wanted. As we shall see, he feared that the people inadvertently v/ould

53 o Garnier-Pages, Histoire, X, pp. 358-359. 174 destroy the Republic by electing a Bonaparte to the presidency. The second motivating factor was more noble. It is obvious that Victor feared the pov/ers given the executive by the Constitutional Committee. He hoped to make the president more responsible to the legislature and less independent. Considerant believed that the only way to hold the president in check would be to make his election dependent on the legislature.^ The final debate v/hich Considerant initiated in the Committee demonstrates his truly democratic and hu­ manitarian sympathies. On June 13, l848, he shocked the Constitutional Committee by demanding suffrage for women. As previously noted, he had long advocated female emanci­ pation, both politically and socially. According to Victor, women were as capable as men to exercise the franchise. The Committee swiftly crushed his proposal, as he suffered yet another setback.-^-5^5 In the face of repeated defeat, Considerant's general activities in the Constitutional Assembly ex­ pressed his frustration and despair. Unable to obtain results in the Constitutional Committee, where he could exert personal influence, he rarely spoke in the even

^^De^mocratie pacifique (Paris), December 9, l848, p. 1.

55Garnier-Pages, Histoire, X, p. 366. 175 more hostile Assembly. A check of the voting record indicates that Considerant cast his vote with the losers more than seventy percent of the time. In resume, he opposed a plan to relocate the markets and shops in Paris because of the tremendous expense of such an undertaking, spoke against lowering the meat tax in the capital be­ cause he wanted to discourage more workers from coming in the provinces, and verbally countered arbitrary laws restricting public protest against the government. He spoke in support of a plan calling for the temporary sus­ pension of debt payments, a law v/hich would enforce shorter v/orking hours, and a proposal to nationalize the railroads. On one occasion, he even voted for a pro­ posal by Felix Pyat which would nationalize certain property.^ In one of his more forceful speeches, Con­ siderant argued for the legalization of open political clubs. According to him, a distinction should be made between clubs and secret societies. Although he called for severe measures against secret societies, he urged that the public political organizations be legalized.

He believed that these organizations could be controlled 57 and would be a stimulus to healthy political activity.-^'

^^France, Assemblee nationale, II (l848), pp. 75, 133, 651, III (1848), pp. 2/3, bl8, y03, V (1848), pp. 148-149, 259. ^^Ibid., II (1848), p. 661. 176 As for the right to work, Considerant usually expended his energies in support of that measure in the Constitutional Committee and not in the Assembly. On May 15, he did present a comprehensive project for the establishment of full employment to the Assembly. The project, however, was not read, and Considerant did not speak in support of his measure. He requested that the project be reviewed by the Labor Committee. On May 19, the Labor Committee appointed a subcommittee to study his proposal. They did not appoint Considerant to the subcommittee. Since the subcommittee never agreed on the project, the Labor Committee did not report it back to the Assembly. Strangely enough, Considerant never spoke in the Assembly concerning his hijacked bill.-^S 8 On the one occasion in which Considerant spoke in the Assembly concerning the right to work, he did so in response to an attack on the socialists by Thiers. This clash with the famous conservative leader v/as Con­ siderant' s swan song as a participant in the Constituent Assembly. On September 13, in opposing the right to work laws, Thiers made a scathing attack on socialists. Ac­ cording to him, they were responsible for all the civil conflict. The "utopians" had roused the people with their

5^Ibid., I (1848), p. l84. Comite de travail, pp. 3-4, et passim. 177 vague and impractical panaceas. He challenged them to come forward with specific, workable proposals. Con­ siderant arose to respond to this invitation. Because of a severe sore throat and chest cold, he spoke with difficulty. After apologizing for his speaking hindrance, he declared: The honorable M. Thiers comes to expose to us three fundamental principles: property, lib­ erty, and competion, as being the essential principles of all human society, the princi­ ples v/hich form the basis and the conditions of progress and human development. I am, in this regard, completely in agreement with M. Thiers. But I cease to be in agreement with him v/hen he informs us that these principles are functioning admirably in our present society; v/hen he finds that these principles have been giving and are giving us results for which we must thank Providence; and when he indicates that v/e have reached the highest phase of progress for v/hich it is possible to attain.59

At this point, loud exclamations and cries of denial interrupted Considerant's speech. After the res­ toration of order, he continued: "Very well. Messieurs, I do not find, myself, the present society so admirable; I find that the present social organization must be re­ made from top to bottom, from the base to the summit. I believe. Messieurs, that a society v/hich counts in its bosom, as the preceding orator has said, so small a

^^France, Assemblee nationale. III (l848), p. 1003. 178 number of wealthy people, and by consequence, so consid­ erable a number of men in financial straits or in poverty, I believe that this society is a society poorly organized, a society in v/hich something is lacking." Then Victor continued with a lengthy analysis of the inequities of the social system, pointing to the economic cycles, the overproduction, the economic imperialism, the poverty, the unequal distribution of wealth, and the social and political unrest. Following this analysis, he declared: "I say that this society is bad, that it must be amel­ iorated, and that all the power, all the zeal, all the intelligence, all the devotion of the legislators must ftO be applied today to the v/ork of this amelioration." Then Victor recounted the accusations of Thiers and his challenge for some socialist to come forward v/ith a practical program to end poverty and misery. Con­ siderant boldly asserted: "Very well. Messieurs, I come, for my part, in all the sincerity of my thought and in all the maturity of my reason, I come to say to you that I believe, in my soul and conscience, . . . that I know the means of amelioration." According to Victor, his plan for establishing economic and social justice could be implemented without disrupting society. "I believe

60iMd., pp. 1003-1004. 179 that the transition to a new social order can be made without bringing the least trouble to society; I believe that it is so little hostile to the laws which govern us, . . . that it will not require the least change in the civil laws, in the political laws, in the industrial laws, and in the religious laws which govern our society." Considerant concluded by saying that he would not presume to develop his plan in the official meetings of the Constitutional Assembly. Therefore, for the purpose of outlining his plans to interested Assembly members, he requested "four sessions in the evening, four free sessions, v/hich will not be the regular sessions of the National Assembly, but voluntary meetings of the members of the Assembly." Although Considerant made his request in deep sincerity, the Assembly greeted it with laughter. From his seat, one of the representatives shouted: "In place of four, take six days to create your new world." Long exclamations and loud laughter ensued. The Presi­ dent refused to subject the legislature to such a pro­ posal. Victor's rejection v/as complete. From Septem­ ber 13, 1848, until April l4, l849, he did not speak in 6? the Constitutional Assembly.

^^Ibid., p. 1004.

^^Ibid., pp. 1004-1005. i8o

Despite his many objections, on November 4, Victor Considerant voted for the Constitution-as a whole. The vote carried by an overwhelming margin of 739 to 63 30. With the adoption of a Constitution, Considerant turned his energies toward combating a new and ominous threat to the hoped-for social democracy--the presi­ dential candidacy of Louis Napoleon. In 1848-49, the French people represented the real threat to the social democratic experiment. Domi­ nated by fear of radicalism and violence and by preju­ dice against social and economic democracy, in general, they did not support the programs of Considerant and the other socialist leaders. The legislative assembly, based upon universal manhood suffrage, reflected the conservative spirit of the French nation. Thus, in the final analysis, the Leftists were beaten with their own stick--universal suffrage.

63Ibid. , V (1848), p. 311 CHAPTER VI

THE PACIFIST AS REVOLUTIONIST, NOVEMBER 1848-JUNE l849

The High Court of Justice, convened at Versailles on November I5, 1849, convicted Victor Considerant of trea­ son against the Second Republic and condemned him to de­ portation. The conviction resulted from his involvement with the abortive insurrection of June 13, l849, against Louis Napoleon. How did a pacifist and consistent opponent of violent demonstrations as well as outright revolutions become involved in an attempt to overthrow the legally con­ stituted government of France? The question is related to a basic problem with respect to the republican or represen­ tative form of government. In May and June of l849, the President of the Republic and his Ministry clearly violated the Constitution, and the majority of the Assembly sup­ ported them in their improbity. The events of l849 forced Considerant into a dilemma which he could not resolve. What does one do under a republican government when that government moves to breach the constitution, and a large majority of the people support its illegality? Fearing that Louis Napoleon would continue to violate the

France, Assemblee nationale, V(l849), pp. 4l5-4l6. 181 182

Constitution and ultimately establish an empire with the unwitting indulgence of the National Assembly, Considerant succumbed to despair. In June l849, he took to the streets and helped lead an intended peaceful, but naive'' and absurd, revolt against Louis Napoleon and the Legislative Assembly. From the beginning, Considerant feared and opposed Louis Napoleon. He had enough foresight to realize that the name of Bonaparte conjured nationalism and patriotism among the French people. Thus, he treated Napoleon I's nephew as a threat to the Republic. When Louis was elected to the Constitutional Assembly in June, l848, Considerant expressed dismay. According to Victor, Bonaparte would destroy the Revolution of l848 and menace the Republic. If Louis Napoleon were allowed to participate in the Second Republic, Victor argued that he must prove that he would 2 not work to restore an empire. The announcement of Napoleon's candidacy for the Presidency of the Republic in October, l848, reinforced Considerant's extreme suspicions. Although he had diffi­ culty in deciding which candidate to support, Victor at- 3 tacked the candidacy of Napoleon immediately. On

2^•Democrati/ e pacifique (Paris). June 13, l848, p. 1, June 14. 1848, p. 1, September 22. l848, p. 1, September 27, 1848, p. 1, September 28, l848, p. 1. ^Ibid., October 27, l848, p. 1. 183 November 2, following an assault on Bonaparte, he asked: "Does Louis Napoleon wish to remain in a Republic and be content with the Constitutional Presidency?" He supplied the answer: "We will never believe it. He comes to es- 4 tablish himself as emperor." From November 8, until elec­ tion day on December 10, almost every edition of Democratie pacifique carried an onslaught against Napoleon. Accord­ ing to Victor, the Presidency would enable the pretender to take dictatorial powers. He further asserted that Napo­ leon had done nothing to guarantee his acceptance of the Republic. Moreover, he argued that society could not be based on a single individual. The new government must seek success in the establishment of democratic and social rec- titude and not in the past glories of an infamous family.^ Although rejecting Louis Napoleon, Considerant failed to select a preferred candidate until the twelfth hour. Most socialists had difficulty deciding between Franjiois Raspail and Ledru-Rollin. At first, since none of the candidates suited him, Considerant called for a strong negative vote against Bonaparte. On November 10, he declared that he could not support any of the alterna­ tive candidates. According to Victor, Lamartine and

Ibid., November 2, l848, p. 1. 5lbid., November 8, l848, p. 1, November 9, l848, p. 1, DecemFer 5, l848, p. 1, December 9, l848, p. 1, _et passim. 184

Ledru-Rollin were noble and honest but neither had a chance for victory; Louis Eugene Cavaignac would not sup­ port needed social reform; and Raspail was too radical. Although he asked for more time to make a personal selec­ tion, Considerant instructed his readers to vote for any one of the four candidates to insure the defeat of 6 Napoleon. By November 24, Considerant was repudiating Cavaignac and Lamartine. Since these two had rejected all forms of socialism, he announced that he could no longer counsel electors to vote for either candidate. Finally, on November 26, the leading Fourierist began to imply support for Ledru-Rollin. The two weeks preceding the election, Ledru-Rollin made a strong bid for the 7 socialist vote. On the morning of the election, Decem­ ber 10, Considerant gave unqualified support to Ledru- Rollin. He wrote: "The name of Ledru-Rollin appears to us to serve as the proper rallying point for all democratic socialists." Conversely, the only hope for the Republic was to vote against the "Monarchist Candidate--the one who

^Ibid., November 10, l848, p. 1. '^Ibid., November 24, l848, p. 1. Alvin R. Caiman, Ledru-Rollin and the Second French Republic (New York, 1922), pp. 255-2bO. Hereafter referred to as Caiman, Ledru-Rollin. 185

had attempted to overthrow France at Bolougne and Stras- bourg. ,,8

When Napoleon's election became certain, Victor expressed horror. It appeared to him that the people had voted for their own "arrest." He could not understand how a republic could elect an aspiring dictator to the 9 Presidency. On December 13, he announced that Napoleon's election should unite all democrats and socialists against despotism. He concluded with a threat to Bonaparte: "if the elected President brings us democratic politics, very well.' We will support him. If he brings us, as is more probable, retrograde politics, we will not have great pain in demolishing his popularity. The balloon is well in­ flated; I am convinced; but we are in a country and in a period where balloons are deflated so quickly!"

In an effort to goad the new President toward a more democratic posture, Considerant began carrying two quotes from Napoleon's Extinction of Pauperism on the mast­ head of Democratie pacifique. The quotations, coming from one of Bonaparte's liberally inclined pamphlets, read:

O / Democratie pacifique (Paris), December 10, 1848, p. 1. 9 Ibid., December 11, l848, p. 1. Napoleon won a smashing victory. The final vote stood: Napoleon, 5,534,520, Caviagnac, 1,448,302, Ledru-Rollin, 371,431, Raspail, 36,9^3, and Lamartine, 17,91^. Ibid., December 13, l848, p. 2. 186 "Today, the retribution of work is abandoned to hazards and violence. It is the master who oppresses and the worker who revolts," and "Poverty no longer will be sedi­ tious when opulence no longer will be oppressive." But Napoleon did not use Democratie pacifique as a guide for his actions as President of the Second Republic. Follov/ing his inauguration, Louis Napoleon, spurred by growing conservative reaction, wasted little time in moving to circumvent the Constitution. Comprehending the President's ambition, Considerant protracted his efforts to combat the reactionary elements and continued to warn against the threat of another empire. From January through March, l849, Democratie pacifique carried daily editorials decrying the return to despotism and oppression. For example, Victor reacted vehemently to a petition by General Thomas Robert Bugeaud to abolish the Constitutional Assembly. He expressed even more disdain v/hen Louis Napoleon in­ timidated the Assembly into voting for the petition by bringing troops into the capital. According to Victor, Napoleon's actions proved that the President had nothing but contempt for the Constitutional Assembly and the Con­ stitution. In addition, he bitterly opposed governmental suppression of political clubs and of free assembly. Ac­ cording to the Fourierist, abolition of political clubs

•^•^Ibid., December 24, l848, p. 1. 187 12 clearly violated the Constitution.

In an effort to check the growing powers of the new President, Considerant argued that sovereignty lay in the Assembly and not in the Presidency. Victor believed that the President should administer the laws passed by the Assembly and nothing more. In this regard, he wrote: "The role of the President has been described clearly by the Constitution. The President is a magistrate charged with supervising the action of the executive power. He is not the head; he is only the arm of the Republic. The head is the Assembly which alone can make laws and render them executed, despite the opposition of a President." He also demanded that the Ministry be responsible to the Assembly and not to the President. In both arguments, the ambiguities of the constitution made Considerant's position tenuous. By late March, l849, Considerant understood that Napoleon contemplated a coup d'etat against the Republic. Given the people's prejudices and fears regarding democracy and socialism, Victor suspected that Napoleon would be successful. He declared that Royalists, men of decadence

l^Ibid., January 25, l849, p. 1, January 27, l849, p. 1, January 30, l849, p. 1, February 1, l849, p. 1, March 20, l849, p. 1, _et passim. •^^Ibid., January 5, l849, p. 1, January l4, l849, p. 1. 188 who maintained their majority by playing on the fears of the people, now controlled France. Despite universal suf­ frage, France was moving toward an empire.

As Considerant saw the Second Republic crumbling around him, he made a last, futile attempt to bring forth social legislation in the Constitutional Assembly. On April 14, he presented three proposals to the legislature. The first piece of legislation called for the establish­ ment of a "Chamber of Agricultural Production" and a "Cham­ ber of Industrial Production" in each voting district in France. The Ministers of Industry, Agriculture, and Com­ merce would have the responsibility of initiating and super­ vising these local organizations. While their general func­ tion would be to stimulate agricultural and industrial growth throughout France, specifically they would provide easy credit to small farming and business enterprises through territorial banks subsidized by the French govern- 15 ment. Considerant's second proposition demonstrates his Fourierist bias, and causes one to suspect that he did not expect the Assembly to consider his proposals. He re­ quested 12,000 to 16,000 hectares of land somewhere near Paris, preferably in the Saint-Germain Forest, to be

^^Ibid., March 30, l849, p. 1. ^^France, Assemblee nationale, IX (l849), p. 628. 189 consigned to him for a communal experiment. According to the bill, the state would pay for the construction of neces­ sary living quarters and for agricultural and industrial structures. These improvements would revert to the govern­ ment at the conclusion of the experiment. To superintend the enterprise, Considerant would found a corporation which, in turn, would accept private capital and personal property as additional investment. Initially, 500 to 550 people would inhabit the agricultural-industrial experi­ ment. More could be added as the project advanced. After two years, the National Assem.bly would decide whether the commune's "public usefulness merited the continued coopera­ tion of the State."' As Considerant envisioned it, the project would be a purely Fourierist phalanx subsidized and administered by the French government with the assist- 16 ance of private investment. Although more practical than the second, the third proposition conjured visions of the June Days rebellion in the minds of many members of the Assembly. Considerant requested the establishment of a Minister of Progress. His bill provided for two divisions in this proposed cabi­ net post. The first would have the responsibility of examining and experimenting with "inventions and technical improvements relating to industry and to the instruments

^^Ibid., pp. 622-23, 628-29. 190 of work." The second division would examine and effect "propositions of social amelioration presented in practi­ cal forms and susceptible to local examination." As every­ one understood, a Minister of Progress and the term "social 17 amelioration" implied the right to work. To support his recommendations, Considerant had prepared a lengthy discourse to be read before the Assem­ bly. Because of heckling and repeated interruptions, he read only part of the speech. Considerant based his pres­ entation on Fourierism. After a lengthy critique of society, he declared that Fourier had provided the solu­ tion- -communal association. Then followed a discourse in support of the phalanx. According to Victor, the socio­ economic structure of the phalanx provided a proper balance between order and liberty. If the Assembly was interested truly in social and economic rectitude, they would give him the opportunity to demonstrate the superiority of Fourier's system. He, however, did not claim special favor for Fourierism. He stated that the state must sup­ port experiments along the guidelines of Cabet, Leroux, and Proudhon. 18 If the Assembly refused to initiate social reform, Considerant predicted the continuation of agitation and

-^^Ibid., pp. 629-30. ^^Ibid., pp. 614-24. 191 chaos in France. He argued that the forces of reaction and immutability could not hold back the tide of progress forever. Regarding the legislature's intransigence, he declared: "If the official chiefs of the old society do not wish to do anything but scorn, misapprehend, slander, restrain, and suppress new ideas, that is to say the incom­ pressible emanations of the needs and the rights of the new spirit, the new spirit will burst the old flasks. . . . In this hypothesis, I announce to you that the first half of the nineteenth century, that is to say the year I850, will not pass without, from one end of Europe to the other, the apocalypse of the old world being accomplished, and the debris of this old world engulfed in a sea of fire and blood." After so many previous defeats, surely Victor Con­ siderant knew that his proposals of April l4 would be greeted by the Assembly with disdain. Members of the right interrupted his three-hour speech more than thirty-five times, generally with ironic laughter and demands for clo­ ture. Following his presentation, a representative pro­ ceeded to quote Fourier concerning extra-marital relations. Another discussed the failure of a communal experiment in Africa. No one attempted to refute Considerant's proposals seriously; it was not necessary. Although Felix Pyat and

^^ibid., p. 626. 192

Pierre Leroux came to Victor's defense, the Assembly re- 20 fused to vote on his bills.

Following the rejection of his proposals in April, Considerant became more and more antipathetic toward Louis Napoleon and his Ministry. The final break between Con­ siderant and the President resulted from Napoleon's role in the Roman Revolution. As is generally known, the Feb­ ruary Revolution in Paris sent shock waves throughout Europe, with revolutions erupting in Germany, Austria, and Italy. In Italy, Charles Albert of Savoy granted a con­ stitution and led troops against Austria to establish Italian independence. In the Papal States, Pope Pius IX associated himself with the liberal movement and granted a constitution similar to the French Constitution of I83O. He even admonished Austria to recognize Italian indepen­ dence. Unhappily, revolutionary passions exploded in Rome. An unruly crowd marched on the Vatican, assassinated one of the Pope's Ministers, and threatened the life of Pius IX. The Pope fled Rome and established himself at Gaeta, near Naples. On December 11, l848, the insurgents, led by Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi established a

Ibid., pp. 630-38. Democratie pacifique, April 15, 1849, p. 1. For a detailed account of Considerant's bills, see De'mocratie pacifique (Paris), April 17, l849, supplement. For a derogatory report of his legislative propositions, see Journal des debats (Paris), April 15, 1849, p. 1. 193 provisional government and convoked a legislative assembly in Rome. From the outset, Considerant, as did most all French socialists and republicans, supported the revolu­ tions in Italy and the attempts to free all of Italy from 21 Austrian domination. After the Pope fled in December, the Roman Republic lost the support of French Catholics. As early as January, l849, Victor expressed fear that Na­ poleon would use French power to reinstate Pius IX. In Democratie pacifique of January l6, he announced that Ledru- Rollin had evidence to prove that Napoleon and his Cabinet were preparing to unite with Austria and crush the revolu­ tion in Rome. Throughout January, February, and March, he continued to predict that Napoleon, under the influence of his Ministry, particularly Falloux and Odilon Barrot, was plotting to overthrow the Roman Republic and restore the 22 Pope. Considerant's prognostications proved correct. In late March, Austria soundly defeated Charles Albert and threatened to march on Rome. On April l6, Barrot requested money to send a French expedition to Rome to counter the

Democratie pacifique (Paris), August 5, l849, p. 1, August 6, 1849, p. 1, August 7, l849, p. 1, August 15, 1849, p. 1. ^^Ibid., January l6. l849, p. 1, January 28, l849, supplementTT^bruary 21, l849, p. 1, March 29, 1849, p. 1, et passim. 194 Austrian threat. The Left was dubious. Ledru-Rollin asked if the French troops would be used to restore the Pope. The Minister evaded the question and merely asserted that the troops would safeguard French interests, true liberty, and good government. The Assembly approved the requested appropriations by a vote of 395 to 283. Victor 2? voted against the expedition.

An expeditionary force of 7,000 men under General Nicolas Oudinot embarked for Rome on April 21. The Romans did not welcome the "restorers of order" with open arms as expected. On April 29, Oudinot attacked Rome, but almost the entire city fought against him and inflicted a humiliat­ ing defeat on the French forces. The General immediately 24 requested reinforcements. Although the Cabinet heard of the defeat on May 3, the news did not become generally known until May 7. Since the Constitution clearly stated that the Assembly alone had the power to initiate any act of war, the legislature reacted with dismay. Following numerous speeches pointing out that the Assembly had not authorized French troops to attack the Roman Republic, the legislature officially con­ demned, by a vote of 328 to 24l, Oudinot's assault on Rome. Even the moderates voted with the Left in chastising

23 / France, Assemblee nationale, X (l849), pp. 14-30. oh Caiman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 339-342. 195 the Barrot Ministry. Considerant, of course, cast his 25 vote in favor of condemnation.

Victor used his newspaper to launch an attack. On May 8, he deplored the fact that over I50 Republican French­ men had died to suppress the Roman Republic. Although he did not blame the soldiers involved in the attack, he im­ plied that the Ministry had committed treason. In a scath­ ing indictment, he declared: Shame and disgrace to this infamous Ministry which sends our soldiers to slaughter their brothers. This army, duped and victimized, belied that they were m.arching under the flag of the Republic, when they marched under that of Jesuitism and reaction. Poor soldiers I How you must v/eep with rage at this business you have been forced to undertake. . . . Blind instrum.ents of an odious politics, your generous blood, which flov/s on the battlefield v/here you thrust this reaction, honors the brave hearts who spilled it, but it falls again as a task of infamy on the heads of those men who sent you to this godless massacre.2o

Louis Napoleon aggravated the situation. On May 7, he sent a letter to General Oudinot congratulating him on the bravery of his soldiers and assuring him reinforce­ ments. The letter appeared in Patrie, the official govern­ ment organ, on May 8. On May 10, General Nicolas Chan- garnier, a royalist and the commander of all Paris troops, had this letter posted in the military barracks of the capital. On the same day, Armand Marrast, the President

^^France, Assemblee nationale, X (l849), pp. 463- 489. ^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 8, l849, p. 1. 196 of the Assembly, announced that, fearing trouble, he had ordered a subordinate general in Paris to bring two regi­ ments to the Palais Bourbon where the Assembly met. Send­ ing only one regiment, the general informed Marrast that he obeyed only the orders of his superior. General Chan- gamier. The latter, summoned to the Assembly by Marrast, sent only an aide who expressed the general's regrets but requested that, in the future, all military orders be transmitted through the commander's office. Since the Constitution gave the President of the Assembly explicit power to call out troops, both Changarnier and his subor- 27 dinate were in violation of the Constitution. The agitation caused by these two incidents led Considerant to believe that it was time to act against the President. Democratie pacifique of May 10, denounced Na­ poleon's letter to General Oudinot. According to Victor, French honor had been stained. This was not, as Napoleon had asserted, because the Romans had defeated the French troops, but because the French army had attacked the Italian Republic. Then he accused Napoleon and his Cabi­ net of treason. The President had violated the Constitu­ tion by "ordering the war without the consent of the Na­ tional Assembly." He concluded by demanding that the As­ sembly bring the President to trial for treason. If proven

^^Calman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 344-347. 197 guilty, Louis Napoleon should be destroyed. France must have someone more dignified and trustworthy to guide her destinies. The Police Commissioner confiscated this edi- ?8 tion of Victor's newspaper. In the Assembly, Considerant initiated his pro­ posal to bring Napoleon to account for usurping legisla­ tive powers. On May 10, he and Ledru-Rollin brought forth an "act of accusation" against the President and his Cabi­ net. Although a heated debate ensued, Considerant did not speak in defense of his bill. He left that task to a superior orator, Ledru-Rollin. In addition to the Presi­ dent, Considerant demanded the initiation of an "act of accusation" against General Changarnier for disobeying the orders of the Assembly President. On this issue, Victor spoke. He could not believe that the Assembly would vacil­ late in the face of such blatant sedition. In support of his declaration against Changarnier, Victor declared: "One thing is evident, it is that no French citizen can ignore the laws. Now, when the citizen who directly violates the law is himself a legislator, v/hen he has assisted, if not voted, in the construction of this law, I say the decided refusal to obey the law constitutes an act of rebellion against the law. I say that when this official is the high

^ De'mocratie pacifique (Paris), May 10, l849, p. 1, May 11, 1849, p. 1. 198 Commander-in-Chief of the forces of Paris, this disobedi­ ence must result in an "act of accusation." Numerous mem­ bers of the Right asked Considerant to retract his declaration against the general. Despite this opposition, he persisted and continued to demand conviction for Chan- . 29 garnier.

Although extremely agitated, the Assembly was not prepared to accuse a powerful general of treason, much less the President of the Republic. Prime Minister Odilon Barrot and the Minister of VJar declared that Changarnier had apologized to them and promised that such an incident would not take place again. Following Odilon Barrot's apologies, the Assembly refused to take action against the general. They merely had the Articles of the Constitution v/hich Changarnier had violated posted in the mxilitary bar­ racks . As for the President, the Assembly remained impo­ tent. Barrot argued that Napoleon's letter to Oudinot was unofficial, simply a personal expression of sympathy. He declared that the Assembly should wait on further nev/s from Rome before taking action. Following a lengthy debate between Ledru-Rollin and Barrot on May 11, the Assembly killed Ledru-Rollin and Considerant's declaration against

^^rance, Assemblee nationale, X (1849), pp. 530- 538. • 30ibid. 199 Napoleon by refusing to send it to committee for further consideration. The Assembly voted 388 against the bill and 138 for it, with Victor voting in favor of the "act of accusation." The legislature's failure to check these early unconstitutional acts opened the flood gates for 31 future violations by Napoleon.

At the height of this conflict, the nation went to the polls to elect representatives for the new Legisla­ tive Assembly. Since the Constitutional Assembly was to be dissolved the last of May, general elections were scheduled for May 13. In early April, Victor Considerant announced his candidacy for a position in the new legisla­ ture. Victor campaigned in the Seine district on a plat­ form promulgated by seven democratic and socialist news- papers: La Reforme, La Republique, Le Peuple, La Revolu­ tion democratique et sociale, Populaire, Le Travail af- franchi, and Democratie pacifique. This platform contained proposals for far-reaching democratic and social legisla­ tion. From a constitutional standpoint, the plan called for continued direct universal suffrage, the subordination of the executive branch to the legislature, guaranteed freedom of press, and the right of public assembly. In a more socialistic vein, the platform petitioned for the

Ibid., pp. 537-565. Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 14, 18497~P. 1. 200 right to work, easy credit, state assistance for the handi­ capped and aged, government regulation of industry and agriculture, and the nationalization of insurance com­ panies, banks, railroads, canals, and all means of communi­ cations. The plan outlined detailed proposals for a more equitable tax structure, financial reorganization, judicial and legal reform, and military reorganization. It went so far as to propose the abolition of military conscrip­ tion. In addition, the plan called for the broad exten­ sion of primary schools and ultimately for free, mandatory public school education. Finally, the program requested "respect for all nationalities and fraternity of the races." Considerant's platform would do justice to any 32 twentieth-century welfare state. As has been noted, Victor worked more closely with various republicans, particularly Ledru-Rollin, after Louis Napoleon's election in December, l848. On April 6, l849, he officially joined the Union of the Mountain, a coali­ tion party of democrats and socialists under the leader­ ship of Ledru-Rollin. During the campaign, he worked energetically for the election of the party's candidates. He also became active in the Central Democratic Committee of the Seine. This organization supported the candidacy of assorted socialists and republicans, such as

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), April 5, l849, p. 1 201 Considerant, Cabet, Lamennais, Proudhon, Pyat, Ledru- Rollin, and Leroux.-^-3^3

The election of May 13 demonstrated the polariza­ tion between the Left and the Right and the growing strength of the conservative reaction. Considerant ran well in the Seine, as did Ledru-Rollin, Pyat, Lamennais, and Leroux. The constituents gave Victor 110,507 votes, only 2,195 less than the Prime Minister Odilon Barrot. Despite Considerant's showing in Paris, the reactionary party of "moral order" won a striking victory throughout France. V7hile they acquired over 450 of the 750 seats, the Mountain elected only about l8o deputies. 34 Before renewing his opposition to France's inter­ vention in Rome, Considerant became convinced that Napo­ leon v/as planning a coup d'etat in Paris. An associate, whose reliability he considered to be unassailable, in­ formed Victor that the president planned a military take­ over on or around May 28. A letter sent from an official source in Metz, dated May 20, helped to confirm these sus­ picions. The letter announced that the Seventh Battalion of Chausseurs d'Afrique had been ordered by telegraph on a forced march from Metz to Paris. According to the order.

33ibid., April 6, 1849, p. 1, April 7, l849, P. 1, April 17, T84^, p. 2, April 28, l849, p. 1, May 13, l849, p. 1, _et^ passim. 3^^Ibid. , May 19, l849, p. 1. France, AsseiTiblee nationale,"T~Cl849), p. 69. 202 they would arrive in Paris on May 28. Even more startling to the Fourierist, the telegram had ordered forty military nurses from Metz to Paris, also to arrive on the 28th.^^

On the morning of May 23, in an editorial entitled "What is in Preparation," Considerant informed his readers of a possible coup. Without mentioning the president by name, he argued that reactionary elements in the govern­ ment hoped to goad the Left into open battle and, under the pretext of restoring order, overthrow the Republic. Then he printed the letter from Metz. In reference to the information in the letter, Considerant concluded: "Thus, one knows, or at least one perceives, that on this day (May 28) there will be many wounds to dress, and that the num^erous nurses of Paris will not be enough. "^ On the afternoon of May 23, Adolphe Cremieux read excerpts from Considerant's article to the National As­ sembly and demanded an explanation from the Fourierist. Considerant defended himself before the tribune. Amid loud exclamations from both the Right and the Left, he de­ clared that he now had information indicating that two additional battalions had been ordered on a forced march from Strasbourg to Paris. They also were ordered to arrive

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 23, l849, p. 1. 36. Ibid. 203 on May 28. Although he did not have specific evidence which would prevail in a criminal court, Victor indicated that the sources for his statements were of such a nature that he could not question their authenticity. Then he thanked Cremieux for calling his article to the attention of the Assembly. According to Victor, it was his duty to unmask the proposed coup and, thereby, prevent it. He had fulfilled his obligation to the Republic by informing the Prime Minister, Odilon Barrot, of the plot, by publishing his information in Democratie pacifique, and now Cremieux had informed the Assembly of the conspiracy. As a conse­ quence, this diminished the likelihood of a coup. In this regard, Considerant declared: "Following my actions, the odds are against anyone attempting a coup. I have acted to render it public. By informing all the world, by making it the object of a newspaper article, by bringing it to the tribune, by giving immense publicity to this conspiracy, I have aborted it. I have conducted these acts on my own, under my responsibility as an honest man who has never lied, a man who understood the seriousness of his deeds and who has appended his signature to the bottom of this act." Victor concluded by presenting an article from the reac­ tionary organ. La Presse, which had petitioned Napoleon to undertake a coup d'e^'tat against the Republic.-^

3'^France, Assemblee nationale, X (l849), pp. 725- 727. 204 Considerant's performance resulted in a confronta­ tion with Odilon Barrot on May 24 and 25. The Prime Min­ ister attempted to negate Victor's accusations before the legislature. In this debate, Victor, in contrast to some of his previous performances, defended himself well. He received able assistance from Ledru-Rollin, Felix Pyat, and Victor Schoelcher, a member of the Mountain famous for his anti-slavery activities. In the end, the Right carried a vote of cloture on the issue by a margin of 308 to 26o. When the Assembly voted to end discussion without taking action, Schoelcher appropriately declared: "You did not say 'tomorrow' when you v/ished to condemn Louis Blanc and Caussidiere. "

The evidence to support Considerant's accusation against Napoleon is inconclusive. It is certain that it was enough to convince Considerant, Ledru-Rollin, and nu­ merous other forthright republicans of a possible coup d'etat. Although the Assembly did not take action, Victor believed that he had won a moral victory against Napoleon. The President did not initiate an overthrow of the Republic for two years. Considerant's actions were important be­ cause they show his growing inclination to resort to extra- parliamentary activities to defend the Republic against

38Ibid. , pp. 732-769. 205 the encroachments of Louis Napoleon.-^^

While the preceding events were taking place, Nar poleon continued in his efforts to overthrow the Roman Republic and restore the Pope. With the party of "moral order" dominating France, Bonaparte had a blank check for his Italian adventure. After receiving orders from Paris to advance, Oudinot's army set siege to Rome on June 3.

When the news of this new attack reached Paris, the Mountain reacted with wild anger. According to the radical opposition. Napoleon was violating three articles of the Constitution: Article Five of the preamble stated: "The French Republic respects foreign nationalities as it inr tends its own to be respected; it does not undertake any war for the purpose of conquest and it never employs its forces against the liberty of any people." Article Fifty- four of the Constitution read: "The President watches over the defense of the state, but he cannot undertake ony war without the consent of the National Assembly." Article 110 declared: "The National Assembly assigns the safer- keeping of the present Constitution and the rights which it consecrates to the guardianship and patriotism of all the French." On May 7, the Assembly had disapproved an

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), May 15-27^ l849,, et passim. 206 attack on Rome. 40 In his newspaper, Considerant set the stage for an unarmed revolt against the Napoleonic regime. By May and June l849, he realized that the French people and the As­ sembly were not going to force the government to uphold the Constitution. Out of despair, he turned to extreme, but nonviolent, measures. On May l4, to support his re­ bellious activities, Considerant published an editorial entitled, "The Theory of Revolutionary Right." In this article, he attempted to resolve the problem of a majority violating the Constitution. According to Victor, extreme cases might justify the minority revolting against the majority. In his opinion: "We profess that the majority, even though it is regularly and constitutionally formed, can render such a vote as to justify fully an insurrection against it." If a majority, even though based upon uni­ versal suffrage, worked to restore a monarchy, to abolish the Republic, and to end the very universal suffrage which it was based upon, the minority would be justified in re­ belling against this "illegal majority." Victor thus 41 rationalized his future actions on June 13.

^^Ibid., June 11, l849, p. 1. Caiman, Ledru- Rollin, p. 35^. ^Wmocratie pacifique (Paris), May l4, l849, p. 1. 207

When Considerant learned of the renewed attack on

Rome, he publicly accused Napoleon and his Cabinet of a "crime of high treason." He demanded the immediate im- hp peachment of all members of the government. A little before noon on June 11, Considerant presided over a meet­ ing of the Leftist press representatives held in the of- fices of Democratie pacifique. He proposed that if the Assembly should reject a bill of impeachment, which he ex­ pected, the opposition deputies should form a rump parlia^ ment. He outlined four steps for the minority representa­ tives to follow: (1) to proclaim that the Constitution had been violated, (2) to declare that the majority had participated in this violation, (3) to declare the people, the officials, the National Guard, and the army released from any obligation to the executive power, and (4) to proclaim themselves the only legal representatives of the people and to form a rump assembly. These steps should be undertaken at the close of the regular Assembly session and in the same hall where the legislature met. Victor proposed these measures as an alternative to violence and open insurrection. After unanimously adopting his plan, the members present charged Considerant with the duty of

42 Ibid., June 10, l849, p. 1, June 11, l849, p. 1. 208 informing the Mountain of their decision.^

Immediately following the meeting in Considerant's office, he went to a gathering of the Mountain at their headquarters on the rue du Hasard. He presented his propo­ sition for a rump parliament and urged the Mountain to adopt this plan. The opposition representatives were un­ able to come to an agreement. Other than the presentation of a bill of impeachment, they could not reach accord on 44 any specific plan. When the Assembly convened on June 11, Ledru-Rollin accused the Ministry of violating the Constitution and brought forth a bill of impeachment signed by l46 deputies. Considerant had signed the bill. In a clear and dispas­ sionate speech, Ledru-Rollin presented an unanswerable in­ dictment of the Cabinet. Although Odilon Barrot responded with falsehoods and subterfuge, it was clear that the re­ actionary Assembly would support the Prime Minister under any circumstance. After Odilon Barrot's misrepresenta­ tions, Ledru-Rollin returned to the tribune and attacked the Right with uncontrollable rage. He concluded his tirade with a now famous declaration: "The Constitution has been violated; we will defend it by all means possible.

^^victor Considerant, Jqurnee du 13 Juin (Paris, 1849), pp. 24-27. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, 13 Juin. The Brussels' newspaper, Debat social, also carrieT" an account by Considerant of the June 13 episode in its edition of July 5, l849. ^^^Considerant, 13 Juin, p. 27. Coignet, Considerant, p. 62. 209 even by arms." Ledru-Rollin's words brought twenty-five minutes of pandemonium. After the President restored or­ der, the Right carried a vote to end the discussion with­ out taking action.on the bill. Ledru-Rollin's utterances were unfortunate because the government later pointed to them as evidence of a planned revolution. Such a plan did not exist. The republican leader made his remarks in the heat of debate,4 -R^ On the morning of June 12, Paris awoke to a state, of agitation. The radical press called for various forms of action against the government. Democratie pacifique made an appeal to "the Representatives of the Mountain, to the people, to the National Guard, and to the army." Ac­ cording to Victor, the majority in the Assembly had sup­ ported violating the Constitution. In this situation, all republicans must unite to defend the Republic. Since he made no call to arms, it is not clear how he intended the 46 constitution to be protected. In the legislature, the Mountain continued to de­ mand impeachment. The Assembly demonstrated complete un­ fairness by appointing a committee to study the proposal for impeachment. The Assembly President named a committee

^France, Assemblee nationale, I (l849), pp. l87- 219. Caiman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 35«-363. De'mocratie pacifique (Paris), June 12, l849, p. 1. 210 composed completely of representatives from the Right. Not even the Left Center was represented, much less the Mountain. After a brief deliberation, the committee did the obvious by completely acquitting the government and claiming that the Cabinet had carried out the wishes of the Assembly. A lengthy debate ensued in which the prin­ cipal antagonists were Ledru-Rollin and Thiers. As ex- pected, the Assembly adjourned without taking action. 47 By June 12, Considerant had given up on the As­ sembly. He did not attend the sessions that day. He and other members of the committee of republican journalists met all day in the offices of Democratie pacifique and discussed a plan of action. When the legislature adjourned, members of the Mountain joined the meeting, as did various members of the extreme Left. Throughout the session, Con­ siderant insisted on his plan for a rump assembly and de­ manded nonviolent and peaceful measures. The majority at the meeting supported the Fourierist in his opposition to 48 an armed rebellion. Ledru-Rollin, Pyat, and Considerant formed a com­ mittee which drev/ up a proclamation. In the statement.

^^'^France, Assemble'e nationale, I (l849), pp. 220- 234. " ^^^Considerant, 13 Juin, pp. 28-29. Sebastien Com- missaire, Memoires et Souvenirs (Lyons, l888),^ I, pp. 236- 239. Hereafter referred to as Commissaire, Memoires. 211 they declared the people sovereign and the Constitution violated. They appealed to the people to rally the Na­ tional Guard and the army for the purpose of protecting the Republic. The statement concluded: "People, this is the supreme moment; the government has ranged itself on the side of kings against the peoples. . . . Rally to the cry of Long live the Republic! Long live the Constitution!" The deputies approved this manifesto for circulation. At three o'clock in the morning of June 13, the participants, in the meeting dispersed without a definite plan of action. Since many considered Victor's plan for a rump legislature impractical, nothing but the proclamation received ap- proval. Historians have thoroughly discussed the fiasco of June 13. It is clear that those who were later convicted of treason never planned an armed insurrection. In the morning, Paris awoke amid much agitation. The republican newspapers carried the manifesto written early that morn­ ing, and the Mountain had posted placards throughout Paris calling the people to a peaceful demonstration before the National Assembly. In his newspaper, Victor offered an addendum to the manifesto: "Down with arms I For the love

^Considerant, 13 Juin, pp. 30-31. Commissaire, Memoires, I, pp. 239-24or: Caiman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 372- 17T. 212 of God and the Constitution, down with arms I It must be a demonstration imposing but peaceful. Arms will lose everything. "-^ A little after nine o'clock, crowds began to gather at the Chateau d'Eau. Around noon, they marched, unarmed and peacefully, toward the Assembly hall. The Mountain deputies did not participate in this march as they had gathered at their headquarters on the rue du Hasard to formulate plans. Without any warning. General Changarnier, at the head of his regular army troops, charged the proces­ sion from a side street and attacked the people with bayo­ nets, sabres, and clubs. Offering no resistance, the people dispersed as" quickly as possible. The soldiers had seriously injured several of the demonstrators.-^5 1 Considerant and Ledru-Rollin witnessed the attack from a window at their meeting place in the rue du Hasard. The sight of such illegal and senseless brutality frightened the Montanards, and, at this point, they made the fateful decision to defy the government. The deputies departed from their headquarters and marched to the Palais National. There, they entreated a company of National Guardsmen to

^^Democratie pacifique (Paris), June 13, l849, p. 1. CoigneT7~Considerant, pp. 63-64. Caiman, Ledru-Rollin, p. 377. 5-^Calman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 377-378. 213 follow them to the Conservatory of Arts and Trades and to protect them against a probable attack by government forces. Still anxious to prevent an armed insurrection, the deputies and the attending crowd did not arm themselves with the available weapons at the Palais National.^

Ledru-Rollin, Considerant, and Joseph Guinard, the coimnander of the National Guard regiment, led the proces­ sion to the Conservatory, arm in arm. About a thousand civilians accompanied the deputies and the guardsmen. In his pamphlet, Victor expressed the despair and futility which characterized the march: "On the way, we repeated to each other that our role was traced, that it was no time to deliberate, that we should avoid a call to arms, that v/e should place ourselves at the head of the manifes­ tation and receive there, if necessary, the charge of bayo­ nets and the rifle fire."^^ When the procession reached the Conservatory, the deputies occupied the inner rooms and the National Guard surrounded the buildings. At least fifty-seven deputies were present. But before they could organize and formu­ late a plan of action, two regiments of Changarnier's troops advanced on the Conservatory. The government later produced a proclamation of a call to arms supposedly drafted

52considerant, 13 Juin, pp. 31-32. Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, LeT3 Juin (Brussels, l849), pp. 3-6. Hereafter referred to as Ledru-Rollin, 13 Juin. -^^Cons i derant, 13 Juin, p. 33. 214 by the leaders of the insurrection at the Conservatory. The document was a fraud. All the participants denied the existence of such a proclamation, and the government never produced a shred of evidence to support the charge. Two particular factors indicate the document's invalidity. First, the list of signees included numerous deputies who were not even present at the Conservatory and who did not participate in the demonstration. Secondly, the proclama­ tion was dated: "At the Conservatory of Arts and Trade at two o'clock." The deputies did not reach the Conservatory until nearly three o'clock. Concerning this alleged mani­ festo, Considerant wrote: "I did not see the proclamation said to have been seized, and I swear, as I was beside

Ledru-Rollin or near him all the time, that he did not see 54 it either. " When Changarnier's troops arrived, the National Guard, upon orders from their commander, let the troops enter the Conservatory without opposition. The guardsmen held their muskets reversed and cheered the Republic. The deputies did not resist either. Upon reaching the room • where the deputies were meeting, an advanced unit of troops lined them against the wall and threatened to shoot them. A superior officer arrived just in time to save Considerant

^^Ibid., pp. 35-36. Ledru-Rollin, 13 Juin, pp. 6-7. Calman7~Ledru-Rollin, pp. 384-386. 215 and his friends. At this point the soldiers, for no clear reason, withdrew from the Conservatory and occupied the courtyards outside.

When the soldiers withdrew, Considerant, Ledru- Rollin, and Martin Bernard decided to attempt an escape. They reached the outside garden by a rear exit and passed through a rear gate without hindrance. As they walked along the rue Vertbois, people recognized them., and a crowd gathered to escort them. The three deputies realized that they must disperse their companions and separate. As they stopped to discuss their separation, a boy of about twelve years of age took Considerant's hand and exclaimed: "Have confidence in me! Follow me, come." The youngster led Victor down an alley and gave him his shirt and a tat­ tered gray hat for a disguise. After Victor put on the shirt and hat, the boy led him to a rear door in the alley where an unknov/n host welcomed the fugitive with open arms. The man of the house concealed Considerant, fed him, and

kept him in touch with his family, while he awaited the outcome of events.-^ 6

•^^Considerant, 13 Juin, pp. 40-43. Caiman, Ledru- Rollin, pp. 390-391. For the government's distorted ac- count of the events of June 13, see Journal des debats (Paris), June l4, l849, p. 1. ^^Considerant, 13 Juin, pp. 44-49. 2l6

V7hile in hiding, Considerant learned that the police had invaded the offices of Democratie pacifique, confiscated his files, and smashed the equipment. They closed the newspaper. The police also entered his home on several occasions and threatened his wife and mother-in- law. Without a search warrant, they broke into his personal papers and damaged some of his files. They informed Madame Considerant that they would take Victor "in one piece or m pieces. M57 When the disturbance erupted on June 13, the As­ sembly met in a special session amid much agitation. Few members of the Mountain attended. Odilon Barrot declared that a conspiracy had been undertaken and read a request from Napoleon calling for a state of siege. The legisla­ ture responded by decreeing a state of siege by a vote of 394 to 82. After hearing a report that the insurrection at the Conservatory had been suppressed, the Assembly ad- 58 journed. On June l4, the government requested the Assembly to approve an authorization to pursue Victor Considerant, Ledru-Rollin, and two other deputies who had escaped from the Conservatory. According to the request, these represen­ tatives had attempted to overthrow the Republic by calling

^^Ibld., pp. 49-50. Coignet, Considerant, p. 67. 5^France, Assemblee nationale, I (l849), pp. 236- 247. 217

the inhabitants of Paris to arms and attempting to incite civil war. After citing the alleged manifesto supposedly adopted at the Conservatory, the President of the Assembly read the list of l46 names which had been attached to the declaration. Then followed a long betrayal by the Mountain. One by one, the members of the Left, many of whose names were on the list and several who had been at the Conserva­ tory, arose and repudiated the demonstration and its lead­ ers. In the years that followed, Considerant remained deeply hurt by the actions of his fellow republicans on that day. He never recovered from this betrayal.-^^

Only two deputies attempted to speak for Con­ siderant, his longtime Fourierist associate, A. Tamisier, and the old and feeble Leftist, Theodore Bac. Tamisier demanded proof that his "too generous and too brave friend, Considerant" had made a call to arms. He declared: "You should pursue him (Considerant) with pleasure because he has defended for twenty years, with most noble perseverance, with the greatest talent, the people's cause, the imperish­ able cause of social democracy; because he has spread throughout the world brilliant works on the social sciences-, works which will remain a long time after the remembrance of your laws and of your petty acts will be happily ..." At this point, loud exclamations from the Right disrupted

59ibid., pp. 249-256. 2l8 Tamisier»s speech. After order was restored, he continued: "I say your petty acts, the remembrance of your laws, of your petty acts will be happily erased from the memory of mankind. Gentlemen, I speak of a time far removed, not you nor I will be witness to this period of our history. Fel­ low representatives, you do not understand the conditions of social equality; you scarcely accept those of political equality; you accept less completely equality before the law; I claim this equality for my friend."

Theodore Bac blamed the inaction and the reaction of the Assembly for the country's turmoil. He declared that moderation and compassion on the part of the legisla­ ture at this point would win the support of the nation, particularly the disgruntled socialists. In opposing the act of pursuit, he announced: "Be moderate, be prudent, be reasonable, and public opinion will applaud your acts. You will bring back a great part of the nation which, until the present, has opposed you." The efforts to defend Con­ siderant and the other deputies produced no results. Im­ mediately following Bac's speech, the Assembly approved 61 the bill authorizing pursuit against the four fugitives. When it became apparent that Considerant would not receive a fair trial, he began making plans to flee into

60'ibid.. , p. 258. 61. Ibid., p. 259. 219 exile. He remained in hiding in Paris until the end of June. Around July 3, he escaped across the Belgian bor­ der and made his way to Brussels with Ledru-Rollin, Martin Bernard, and Etienne Arage. He hoped to return to Paris as soon as possible, but fate was not so kind to the Fourierist. Napoleon did not allow Victor to return to his homeland until 1869.^^

Considerant's role in the demonstration of June 13 is difficult to analyze objectively. In his favor, it is clear that the President and the Ministry had violated the Constitution. The Assem.bly, dominated by the party of "moral order," refused to fulfill its constitutional obli­ gations . These conditions placed the Fourierist in an im­ possible position. Moreover, evidence indicates that neither he nor any of the leaders of the demonstration planned an armed revolt. Considerant, however, must be faulted severely for taking to the streets without the sup­ port of the people of Paris. De Tocqueville aptly con­ trasted the revolts of June, l848 and l849: "Thus ended the second insurrection of June, very different to the first (June, l848) by the extent of its violence and its duration, but similar in the causes which led to its fail­ ure. At the time of the first, the people, carried away

62 siderant," Coignetp. 729., Considerant, p. 69. Descailles, "Con­ 220

less by their own opinions than by their appetites, had fought alone, without being able to attract their repre­ sentatives to their head. This time the representatives had been unable to induce the people to follow them into battle. In June, l848, the army had no leaders, in June, l849, the leaders had no army." ^ In a more penetrating and differently oriented critique, Karl Marx declared: "If the Mountain wanted to gain victory in parliament, there should have been no ap­ peal to arms. Having appealed to arms in parliament, there should have been no 'parliamenting' in the streets. If the peaceful demonstration was seriously meant, how grotesque was the blunder of those v/ho did not foresee that 64 it would be countered in warlike fashion." Although Considerant wanted to force Napoleon and his Cabinet to obey the laws of the Republic, he could not do so without the support of the Assembly or the people of Paris. One alternative might have been for the sincere

^^De Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 237. It is interesting to note that the observer of nineteenth- century American democracy was one of those republicans who reacted to the events of 1848-49 by moving far to the Right. As Minister of Foreign Affairs in Napoleon's second Cabinet, de Tocqueville did little to prevent Na­ poleon from leading France toward an Empire. After observ­ ing the United States political scene in its very rudimen­ tary forms, he had difficulty distinguishing between democracy and oligarchy. ^^^Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, trans. Eden and Cedar Paul (New York, 192b), p. m-. 221 republicans to plan a well organized armed coup d'etat against the aspiring dictator. Given his pacifist and humanitarian nature, Considerant could not act so milita­ rily. Although he probably foresaw the consequences of his actions, overwhelmed by despair and frustration, he succumbed to a series of irrational events.

The unarmed insurrection of June 13 provided the government with ample excuse for repression and helped to pave the way for Louis Napoleon to establish an Empire. With the support of the Assembly, the government deprived som.e thirty deputies of their seats, ended the right of public assembly, maintained martial law in Paris for an indefinite period, suppressed political clubs, and placed nev/spapers under strict surveillance. On July 3, French troops entered Rome. A short period later, they restored the now reactionary Pope and ended the Roman Republic. On December 2, I85I, Louis Napoleon abolished the National Assembly, and the following year he proclaimed the Second 65 Empire in France.

^For a detailed account of the results of June 13, see Caiman, Ledru-Rollin, pp. 397-410. CHAPTER VII

THE EXILE AS OPTIMIST, JULY 1849-DECEMBER l854

The destiny of a political refugee is most painful. Banned from his homeland, separated from family and loved ones, denied the companionship of friends and compatriots, and continually treated as suspect by those on v/hom he must now rely, the exile exists in one unfriendly habitat after another. For twenty years, Victor Considerant endured such a fate.

In addition to his personal difficulties, during the years immediately follov/ing his exile, Considerant wit­ nessed the disintegration of Fourierism as a dynamic and forceful socialist movement in Europe. In general, the failure of the Revolutions of l848 and the ensuing reaction discredited all forms of socialism throughout Europe. Specifically, Considerant's involvement with the episode of June 13 subjected the Ecole societaire to severe criti­ cism, not only from the old critics v/ho now pointed to Victor as a revolutionist, but from former friends and allies who could not understand why the pacifist had par­ ticipated in a revolt against a supposedly republican gov­ ernment. Considerant's exile made it impossible for him to preside over the regeneration of a near corpse. The government suspended Democratie pacifique; the Fourierist

222 223 journals and publications ceased to appear; and the Ecole, without competent leadership, fell into desuetude. After June, 1849, Fourierism never recovered.

Astonishingly, during the early period of his exile, 1849-1854, Victor Considerant maintained explicit faith in the basic goodness and perfectibility of man. Despite so many failures and so much unhappiness, he re­ mained optimistic. As he continued to look to Fourierism for the basic solutions to society's ills, Considerant expressed faith that man would yet solve his economic and social problems. No better illustration of his frame of mind may be found than his effort, at the end of I854, to

establish a commiunal experiment on the western frontier of 2 the United States. When Considerant arrived in Brussels on July 4, many French exiles had filled the Belgian capital. Since King Leopold was not pleased to have his city full of radi­ cal republicans, the government forced most of the impor­ tant French refugees to leave the country, including Vic­ tor's companions, Ledru-Rollin, Martin Bernard, and Etienne

^Descailles, "Considerant," pp. 729-730. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 111. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 72-73. Dom- manget, Considerant, p. 44. Claudin Gustave, Entrevue de M. A. de Voltaire et de M. V. Considerant dans la salle des conferences du'purgatoire (Paris, l849), passim. George Lichtheim, A Short History of Socialism (New York, 1970), pp. 45-47. 2 For numerous expressions of this optimism, see let­ ters to Julie Considerant and to Charles Brunier, l849-l854, in A.S. 224

Arago. Thanks to the intervention of Victor's old friend Charles Rogier, the Minister of the Interior, the govern­ ment allowed the Fourierist to remain in Belgium on the condition that he "make as little noise as possible."

Unhappy with the repressive climate in Brussels, Considerant soon migrated to Spa where his old newspaper colleague, Alexandre Delhasse, resided. In Spa, an over- zealous commissioner of police placed him under twenty-four hour surveillance. Considerant's free spirit could not tolerate such conditions. On August 3, he wrote a bitingly satirical letter to Rogier demanding more freedom. Al­ though the Minister of Interior succeeded in having the surveillance lifted, Considerant's presence in the city of Spa continued to disturb the authorities. The police did 4 not stop harassing him. Because of the conditions in Spa, Considerant de­ cided to find a more secluded location to reside. On September 2, l849, he left Spa for Laroche, a very small and isolated village in the Ardennes Mountains. Consider­ ant 's move to Laroche pleased the Belgian government. It- did not fear that he would be able to incite the few peas­ ants in the little community into a serious revolution. While in Laroche, his wife and mother-in-law crossed the

^Descailles, "Considerant," p. 731. ^Ibid. Collard, Considerant, p. 136. 225 Belgian frontier and joined him in exile. Within a few days, Victor realized that his active nature would not allow him to remain in leisurely seclusion for any length

of time. He needed involvement. In early October, Con- 5 siderant and his family returned to Brussels. Remaining in Brussels from October l849 to April 1850, Considerant began writing again and conducting pub­ lic lectures on Fourierism. In a few months, he published three interesting books which reflected his attitude toward the failure to establish social democracy in France in 1848-49: The Last War and Definitive Peace in Europe, The Difficulty Solved or the Government of the People by Themselves, and Four Credits or Sixty Billion at One and One Half Percent. In The Last War, Considerant made a stirring appeal to all peoples and nations of Europe to unite in a war of "principles, sentiments, and ideas" to destroy the last remnants of despotism. According to Victor, the Revolution of l848 failed because the demo­ crats and socialists were not united. Now they had learned a lesson. Europe could become free only through the volun­ tary cooperation of all democratic forces. Europe must be united through a democratic diet, standing armies

^Descailles, "Considerant," p. 732. Letter to Brunier, October 4, l849, in A.S. 226 6 abolished, and perpetual peace insured. Then Considerant appealed to the middle class to aid in the democratic unification of Europe. He declared that the bourgeoise had prevented the establishment of liberty, fraternity, and equality by supporting the poli­ tics of reaction. The vast middle class must turn away from the expedient and self-seeking politics of men like Thiers and Odilon Barrot. In reference to the French Min­ istry, he wrote: I say that the first democrat you meet, working man, bourgeois, or peasant, whose breast vibrates when the liberty and fraternity of the people are men­ tioned, who is ready to die if necessary for the liberty of Italy, Hungary, Poland,--in short, for the cause of European democracy; I say that this man, however illiterate he may be, has within him a hundred times more real historical and political science than is contained in all the heads of our parliamentary dolls. The former is in reality, in history, in life; he is a man in flesh and in bone, who has blood in his veins, a heart and a soul. The others are learned puppets, pasteboard auto­ matons .7 In conclusion, Victor made an inspiring appeal for brotherly love. Equating social democracy with the true principles of Christianity, he declared: Satan is war, oppression, exploitation, violence, and constraint in all their forms. God is love and liberty. His law is attraction. His word is

^Victor Considerant, The Last War and Definitive Peace in Europe, trans, unknown (Liverpooi, 1^50), pp. "3320: ~ '^Ibid., pp. 23-24, et passim. 227

the voice of the peoples, who wish to be free and united. The time is come, Vade retre Satanas! Mazzini, Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and you chiefs of German democracy, and all you who, from Cadiz to Warsaw, are preaching the religion of humanity, let us conspire together, let us conspire though in banishment and dispersed; let us conspire in broad daylight. The words of the martyrs of liberty, of the proscribed of all countries, are sacred words. Expiatory victims of the faults committed by peoples, of the misunderstanding of peoples, of the violence of their oppressors, let us'conspire for the peace of the v/orld, the independence and fra­ ternity of the peoples! . . . Let us dispose all hearts to the practice of social Christianity. Confederation of free peoples, foundation of Euro­ pean order, perpetual peace: such is the ideal of modern democracy. Let us make known everywhere the revelation of this ideal, and the ideal of today v/ill be the reality of tomorrow. This is our conspiracy. The despots are pre­ paring to make the cannon thunder, that is their trade. Let us make Fraternity thunder, this is ours. To arms then! to arms I for the last war. Our arms are, before all, our principles, our senti­ ments, and our ideas! ALL PEOPLES ARE BRETHREN!^ Coming from one who had suffered so much at the hands of his fellow countrymen, Considerant's call for unity and brotherly love demonstrates remarkable optimism and faith in mankind. In The Difficulty Solved, Considerant outlined a system of direct legislation as the only means of insuring true democracy. He argued that direct legislation would guarantee individual liberty. For laws and governments to be legitimate, they must "be nothing else than the

8Ibid. , pp. 33-34. 228 actual expression of the v/ill of the people." Since the people must be sovereign, they could not delegate that sovereignty to anyone--not even an elected assembly. In 1848-49, the French people, under the guise of universal suffrage, elected a representative legislature to write a constitution. In so doing, they delegated their sover­ eignty to nine hundred men. Through this legislative body, the French people "voluntarily returned to monarchy by giving themselves a sovereign external to themselves." According to Victor, this system of delegation always de­ stroyed democracy. To guarantee universal freedom, Victor argued, the people must initiate, regulate, and enforce all laws and all governm.ental activity through a system of direct legis­ lation. This could be accomplished by the people voting in either their communes or their cantons. The people could elect ministers or even an assembly. Having no in­ dependent power, however, these public officials could do nothing more than execute and administer the demands of the people. Victor believed that a system of direct de­ mocracy would destroy self-seeking political parties, end all forms of despotism, prevent revolutions, guarantee the

\ictor Considerant, The Difficulty Solved or the Government of the People by Themselves, trans, unknown (Liverpool, 1851), pp. 13. IS, _et passim. 229 greatest possible liberty, and open the way for social 10 amelioration.

Although recognizing the impracticalities of di­ rect legislation, Considerant declared: "if three or four hundred persons meeting in one local section can express their will by a vote upon any subject whatever, the en­ tire French people can also express their will with as little difficulty." However cumbersome, the system must be attempted because it was the only method by which the . 11 people could exercise their true sovereignty. In con­ cluding that the people had been suppressed for too long, he declared: "The people are there. For sixty years they have been shedding their blood to have their right. They have it not. They have obeyed and suffered for ages. And still they are sovereign. This state of things should end. Let us agree. The government of the people by the people; all democracy is contained in that. We have been de­ frauded by delegation. No more delegation! Direct exer- 12 else of the sovereignty of the people by the people!" Considerant's concepts in The Difficulty Solved clearly re­ flect his disenchantment with representative government following the events of 1848-49 in France.

l^Ibid., pp. 20-52,57-58. ^^Ibid., pp. 73-74, et passim. •^^Ibid., p. 80. 230

In Four Credits, Considerant presented a detailed explication of the proposals which he had introduced to the National Assembly on April l4, l849. In addition to the proposal for a communal experiment and for a Minister of Progress, he gave particular emphasis to the plan for government loans based on long-term, low interest rates. This system of easy credit, sponsored by the state, would, enable the lower middle class and the poor classes to ob­ tain money because the plan provided for security to be based on either real estate, incumbered personal property, unencumbered personal property, or v/ork capabilities. In addition to promoting the economy by placing more money in circulation, Considerant reasoned that the system of easy credit would enable the proletariat to enjoy a more equi­ table share of the nation's wealth without placing an un- due burden on the upper classes. 13 As Considerant returned to Fourierist activism, the Belgian government reacted. The Director of the Crimi­ nal Investigation Department for Belgium advised the King that Considerant's activities might cause a disturbance in the capital. Leopold responded by ordering Victor back to Laroche. In a bitter letter to Rogier, Considerant com­ plained of his harassment: "I am lodged in the Place des

•^^Victor Considerant, Les Quartre Credits ou 60 milliards at 1 1/2^ (Paris, I85I), passim. 231

Barricades! . . . des Barricades! I go notoriously to the cafe, and what cafe? The cafe of Trois Suisses! . . . I play chess there, a symbolic game, perfidious and revo­ lutionary, which is no more than a constant conspiracy against kings and queens! a game where one wins only by making the monarchy a prisoner! and often the prince is conquered and checkmated by a simple pawn, a vile prole­ tarian!" He agreed to leave but asked to live at Bouillon rather than Laroche. He informed the Minister of Interior that Laroche, small and isolated, did not have enough con­ veniences for "a wife almost always sick and an aged mother." Having heard Bouillon described as "the Nice of

Belgium," he petitioned the government to let him reside 14 there instead of Laroche. The Belgian King, under pressure from Rogier, suc­ cumbed to Victor's pleadings and allowed him to take resi­ dence in Bouillon, but not for long. Since Bouillon v/as located near the French border, Louis Napoleon applied pressure on the Belgian government to have the socialist removed. Within a few months, Leopold ordered Victor 15 back to Laroche. From the summer of I850 until the winter of 1852, Considerant and his family wandered from location to

l^Descailles, "Considerant," pp. 732-733.

•^^Ibid., pp. 734-735. 232

location in the most scenic and rustic sections of the Walloon country near the tributaries of the Meuse River. Abandoning public life, Victor returned to an old pastime which he had loved as a boy in the Jura Mountains--fishing. Madame Coignet told of delightful visits which she had with the Considerant family while they resided at a rustic inn near Barvaux. Concerning the usual fishing excursion, she wrote: "We always left at an early hour to surprise the fish in their waking hour and to profit from their astonishment. Victor, in the native costume with a knap­ sack strapped to his shoulder, set the pace, and his wife and I followed him courageously, often for several hours, across the hills and prairies. A small peasant accompanied us, carrying the fishing equipment and the provisions for dinner. We would make camp on the edge of a stream or of the river, on a section of land well chosen. V[hen the fishennan began his work, the two of us would establish ourselves discretely at some distance in order not to trouble him. Julie would drav/ her album and crayons, I, my tapestry, and the chattering never ceased. Towards the middle of the day, the peasant, who had gone to gather some wild fruits and some wood, would return and build a fire. In a glorious manner, Victor would bring us his full netting and recount the incidents of fishing with much animation. The poor fish were thrown alive into the frying pan. Tea full of savor, eggs, and fruits completed 233 the most succulent of meals."

According to Madame Coignet, Julie and Victor thoroughly enjoyed this interlude in an otherwise turbu­ lent existence. Julie, a woman of simple tastes, had never enjoyed the notoriety or the tumult of their life in Paris. Victor's stormy public career had caused her much anxiety. In the peaceful setting of the Meuse valley, they were able to enjoy each other's companionship fully. Julie de­ voted herself to pleasing her husband and to steadying his frayed nerves. They both delighted in fellowship and con­ versation with the humble peasants of the rural area. Julie, who missed having children of her own, particularly cultivated companionship with the youth of the village. Victor emerged from this retreat prepared for another 17 battle. During these days of reclusion, Considerant, little by little, returned to pure Fourierism. He decided to make his first attempt at an experimental phalanx. Because of the reaction which was sweeping Europe, he could not consider France or Belgium for an experiment. For a time, he favored Switzerland, but he could muster no support for an undertaking there. With much pain, Considerant came to

•'•Coignet, Considerant, pp. 70-71. •'•'^Ibid., pp. 70-72. 234

realize that no European country would support or tolerate 1 a Fourierist experiment. P>

Albert Brisbane, one of Considerant's oldest dis­ ciples in America, had pressed Victor for many years to establish a community in the United States. Brisbane argued that the United States had more fertile land, a more active and experimental population, and fewer preju-. dices than Europe. Considerant had always rejected Bris­ bane's line of reasoning, contending that an experiment must be conducted in the environs of an industrial center in Europe to have relevance for contemporary urban society. In 1852, Brisbane visited Considerant in Belgium and re­ newed his appeals for an experiment in the United States. Although Victor refused at first, he could find no alterna­ tive. The European scene rem.ained unfriendly to radical socialist concepts. After several influential Fourierists counseled Victor to accept Brisbane's proposal, Considerant agreed to take a trip to the United States and to evaluate the resources of that country.

On November 28, 1852, Victor Considerant departed from Antwerp, Belgium, and arrived in New York City on December l4. Since Brisbane could not travel v/ith him untj 1

^^Ibid., p. 73. °Ihid., p. 74. Diverse letters between Considerant and Brisbane, 1^36-1852, in A.S. 235 the spring, Victor decided to utilize his free time study­ ing the English language and American culture. For this purpose, he spent six weeks at the North American Phalanx in New Jersey. This American version of Fourierism did not impress the Frenchman. He sent unfavorable reports back to Belgium, complaining of mismanagement and of little resemblance between Fourier's concepts and the North Ameri­ can Phalanx. After completing his studies at the phalanx, he returned to New York, visited Boston, and spent a few weeks at the Oneida Community in upstate New York. In

early April, he met Brisbane at Batavia, Ohio, near Cin- 20 cinnati. On April 30, Considerant and Brisbane left Cincin­ nati to tour unsettled areas of the Southwest, particularly Texas. While at Cincinnati, they had met with a small group of Fourierists under the leadership of Benjamin Urner, who encouraged Victor to establish a phalanx in Texas. From Cincinnati, they traveled by boat down the Ohio River to the Mississippi River, dov/n the Mississippi to the Arkansas River, and up the Arkansas, through Little Rock to Fort Smith on the Arkansas-Oklahoma border. 21

^^Coignet, Considerant, p. 76. Descailles, "Con­ siderant," p. 737. "Tlctor Considerant, Au Texas (Paris, 1854), pp. 2-8. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Au Texas. ^-'-Coignet, Considerant, p. 76. Victor Considerant, The Great West, a I^ew~^ocial and Industrial Life in Its Fertile Regions (New York, l^o^\), p. 4. Hereafter refer red to as Considerant, Great West. 236

By horseback, on May I9, 1853, they left the "com­ plete civilization, young, alert, and flourishing" of Fort Smith and crossed through the "rude and savage" Indian territory of eastern Oklahoma. Four days out of Fort Smith, they emerged from the dense foliage into the roll­ ing hills of northeast Texas. As they approached the un­ inhabited territory somewhere near Clarksville, Texas, the scenery captured Victor's imagination. He wrote: Suddenly, on the fourth day, after four or five hours' march, the horizon enlarged, the forest opened and we came out into the head of a valley whose loveliness confounded all my previous no­ tions of terrestrial reality. It extended before us in its length. To the right and left, rich prairies rose in elegant undulations towards lines of .wooded mountains, v/hose summits, rang­ ing on different plains, all verdant near us and blue in the distance, enframed the landscape. From the depths of the valley, half way up its sides, the prairie unfolded its superb carpet of grass and flowers--then skirting the forest where it ceased, the darker verdure of the woods de­ lineated capes, isthmuses and gulfs of highly varied forms. Clumps of great oaks, elms, walnut and hickory, rose here and there like islands upon the declivities of the hills, while on the bottoms, the sinuosities of a vegetation, more varied in species and in shades than that of the heights, announced the current of their water courses.

Considerant decided that he had found the perfect location for a Fourierist experiment. With ecstasy, he exclaimed:

^^Considerant, Great West, pp. 4-6. 237

Nature has done all. All is prepared, all is ar­ ranged: we have only to raise those buildino-s which the eye is astonished at not findin-^; and nothing is appropriated nor separated by the sel­ fish exclusiveness of civilized man; nothincr is cramped. What fields of action! What a theatre of manoeuvres for a great colonization operating m the combined and collective mode! What reserves for the cradle of Harmony, and how powerful and prompt would be its development, if the living and willing elements of the World of the Future were transported there! A horizon of new ideas, new sentiments and hopes, suddenly opened before me,oo and I felt myself baptized in an American faith.'^^

While in Texas, Considerant surveyed the areas around Clarksville, Gainesville, Dallas, and Fort Worth for possible communal locations. The Texas climate and soil and the vitality of the western settlers particularly impressed the Fourierist. From Fort Worth, he and Bris­ bane traveled to Austin and then to New Orleans. At New Orleans, an attack of yellow fever delayed him for fifteen days. He embarked from New Orleans in July, stopped for brief visits in Havana, Cuba, and New York City, and ar- 24 rived in Belgium on August 29, I853. When Considerant returned to Belgium, he began preparations for an expedition to Texas. In early I854, he published two books, one at New York in English, The Great West, a New Social and Industrial Life in its Fertile

00 •-^Ibid ., p. 6. 24 Ibid., pp. 7-23. Considerant, Au Texas, pp. 10- 45. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 79-80. Letter to Julie Considerant, June lb, 1^53, in A.S. 238

Regions, and another at Paris in French, To Texas, the First Report to my Friends. Considerant produced two sepa­ rate books, one in the United States and the other in Europe, because he-wanted the experiment to be a joint undertaking of Europeans and Americans. He realized that the urbanized Europeans would need the assistance of the American frontiersmen for the project to succeed. Both publications included enthusiastic praise of Texas, its lands, its climate, and its economic opportunities. They . also contained a detailed plan, phase by phase, for the 25 establishment of a Fourierist phalanx. ^ Although he warned prospective participants of the hardships of the frontier, of the likelihood of receiving a return on their investment, and of the extensive coopera- tion and hard labor which would be required of each in­ dividual, Considerant, intoxicated with a dream, wrote in an optimistic spirit. The Great West and To Texas demon­ strate Considerant's superior ability as a propagandist. In The Great West, he proclaimed: Friends, the Promised Land is a reality. I did not believe it, I did not go to seek it, I was led there step by step. We have seen it and traversed it for forty days, and I have now described it to you. The redeeming idea sleeps in the captivity of Egypt. Let it awaken! Believe, and the land of realiza­ tion, the Promised Land is yours. One strong reso­ lution, one act of collective faith and this country is conquered. I bring you the news of salvation.

^^Considerant, Great West, passim. Considerant, Au Texas, passim. 239

I show you the way and I propose the inauguration. Let us only unite in purpose, and little as the outside world may dream of it, the new social era will be founded.2D

In the conclusion of the two books, Considerant appealed to all people of good will, socialists or other­ wise, who might be interested in the colonization enter­ prise. He requested prospective participants to apply through offices in Paris or in New York City, indicating • how much capital they could invest, their intentions re­ garding immigration, and information concerning other pos­ sible emigrants. He established agencies of registry and subscription in New York City, under the direction of

Brisbane, and in Paris, under the direction of Charles 27 Brunier. In the midst of intensive organizational work, the perpetual hand of oppression interrupted Victor's activities In September, I854, the authorities in Brussels arrested him on a fallacious charge of conspiracy against the Bel­ gian government. Police agents had found a letter from Considerant discussing payment of an account in the files of a supposedly seditious gun manufacturer in Liege. With­ out ascertaining the nature of the dealings between

of, Considerant, Great West, p. 27. A similar declar­ ation is found in Considerant, .AU Texas, p. 83. ^'^Considerant, Great West, pp. 59-60. Considerant, Au Texas, pp. 192-194. 24o

Considerant and the manufacturer, the authorities arrested the socialist. When the facts came to the fore, Con­ siderant proved that he had purchased two guns for a friend in the United States and one for himself to take to Texas--hardly an arsenal for a revolution. Before he could be cleared, hov/ever, Victor had spent eight days in the city jail. The episode so humiliated the sensitive Fourierist that he felt compelled to publish a pamphlet explaining the fiasco. The gun manufacturer himself ap- pended a vindication of Victor. As soon as the authorities released Considerant from jail, he founded the European Society for the Coloni­ zation of Texas, a "joint stock company which v/ould be based upon a capital of 5,400,000 francs. The immediate response excited Victor. Within a few weeks, he collected over 1,000,000 francs in subscriptions, and several hun- 29 dred people applied to participate in the endeavor. The early organizational successes and his impres­ sions of America further stimulated Considerant's enthu­ siasm. In the winter of l854, he, his wife, and his mother-

^^Descailles, "Considerant," pp. 739-740. Victor Considerant, Ma Justification (Bruxelles, l854), pp. 3-29, 46-47, _et passim. ^^Coignet, Considerant, pp. 82-83. Descailles, "Considerant,^ p. 7^^rr: For the statutes of the Society, see Considerant, Au Texas, l855, PP. 271-276. 241 in-law departed for New York City with exuberance and 30 optimism. In the preface to The Great West, Considerant had written:

On our globe, America is at present the Country of Realizations. Its spirit is that of diversity, of movement and enterprise, the love of inventions, of experiments, of adventures. It is absolutely the opposite of our old Europe, timorous and en­ slaved to routine, even in its progressive aspects; despotic even in its aims of liberty. Oh my friends, hov/ beautiful and powerful a thing is Liberty! How strengthening is its air, and what sane delight to breathe it! Ah! I exclaimed v/ith sv/elling lungs, did Europe but afford us such con­ ditions, or v/ere our European elements but in America' How promptly v/ould our great end be at­ tained! 31

Unfortunately, Victor Considerant did not realize that prejudice and obstacles lay as thickly along the banks of the Trinity River in Texas as along the banks of the Seine in Paris.

•^Coignet, Considerant, p. 83. ^^Considerant, Great West, pp. 2-3 CHAPTER VIII

THE OPTIMIST AS DEFEATIST, I855-I869

As events turned out, the fate of the Texas colony, / La Reunion, represented a heavy blow to Considerant's op­ timism. From his arrival in New York City, Considerant faced one overwhelming obstacle after another. Despite so much early confidence, these setbacks caused him to develop a negative attitude toward the project soon after reaching the United States. Faced with continual opposition and failure, he finally succumbed to defeatism, inaction, and despair. Though up to this time he had showed some evi­ dence of an ability to lead men, Victor lost his fervor, withdrew, and watched the Utopian experiment fall into ruins. Considerant's negative attitude was a factor in the early dissolution of the colony. Nor did he afterwards succeed in reviving the sporadic leadership ability he had displayed in his younger years. From the outset, insurmountable problems insured the failure of La Re''union. Frangois Cantagrel, a close • associate of Victor's and one of the founders of the Society of Colonization, preceded Considerant to the United States. In the winter of l854, he purchased about 2,000 acres of land on the West Fork of the Trinity River, about three miles northwest of Dallas, Texas. Before Considerant 242 243 arrived in June, 1855, almost three hundred colonists had made their way to the proposed location, and anrachy reigned. Neither Victor nor any other leaders ever estab­ lished economic or political order out of the chaos. Al­ though Considerant had hoped for more than 1,200 colonists, only some five hundred participated in the experiment dur­ ing its five year existence and never more than three hunr dred and fifty at any given time. In the end, financial insolvency destroyed the endeavor. By I859, almost all of the colonists had moved to nearby settlements, particularly Dallas, and many had returned to Europe.

Numerous factors led to the failure of La Reunion-- some were Victor's responsibility, others were not. First, and probably most significantly, the colonists did not follow the elaborate plans which Considerant had laid down in The Great West and in To Texas. Aware of the previous failures at Utopian experiments in the United States, Con­ siderant had outlined a cautious and evolutionary plan for the development of the colony. First, the Society would

For a detailed account of La Reunion, from the Texas standpoj^nt, see William J. Hammond and Margaret F. Hammond, La Reunion, a French Settlement in Texas (Dallas, 1958). Hereafter referred to as Hammond, La Reunion. For a more personal account, but no less valuable, by a de- scendent of one of the original colonists, see Geor.'^e^ H. Santerre, White Cliffs of Dallas, the Story of La Reunion, the Old FrencTi Colony (Dallas, 1955). Hereafter referred to as Santerre, White" Cliffs. 244 purchase land and then prepare it for settlement. Accord­ ing to Victor, the land must be fully prepared before any colonists arrived. The settlers should come in stages. The first stage would be a small group of skilled Euro­ peans and Americans who would cultivate the soil, establish buildings, and furnish the colony for comfortable settle- 2 ment. Considerant enumerated the conditions which must exist before permanent settlers arrived: (A) Tenements ready to receive them, and so con­ structed as not only to impart a degree of comfort, but also to satisfy a variety of individual tastes. (B) A complete system of alimentary supplies, which supposes, besides certain commercial facili­ ties, depots of provisions, cultures in full bear­ ing, fields sown with grain, gardens planted with vegetables, and a full stock of horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, and poultry; then, machinery and work­ shops fitted to transform the raw materials into objects of daily consumption,--mills, ovens, and kitchens with their utensils. (C) A provision of cottons, woolens, leather, and other materials for clothing. (D) Such workshops, tools and special im.plements of art and industry not comprised already in the preceding categories, as may be requisite to the most advantageous employment of the previously ascertained industrial capacities of the colonists expected. (E) The creation of a commercial agency for the sale of the products created by the colony, as well as for the purchase of objects not produced by it.

The Society also would prov3.de transportation for all emi­ grants from the port of entry to the Texas location. Con­ siderant even itemized and computed the first two years' 3 projected expenses.

^Considerant, Great West, pp. 29-32. •^Ibid., pp. 41-42. 245 The second group of colonists, arriving in the second year, as Victor planned, would find a comfortable and pleasant habitat in full agricultural and commercial operation. This second stage would witness the permanent settlement of approximately 1,200 colonists and the de­ velopment of social and intellectual activities. Con­ siderant envisioned the establishm.ent of complete educa­ tional facilities from primary schools to a university of higher learning. The university, "where English and French literature, the arts, the physical, mechanical and other sciences, shall be taught by men of approved ability in every branch of instruction," would be open to all United 4 • States citizens.

According to Victor, the economic system and the methods of employment would be flexible. He emphasized freedom of choice in all phases of the phalanx, particu­ larly in the area of work. For remuneration, he devised a system of profit sharing based upon the input of capital and labor. Emphasizing the anti-communistic nature of the phalanx, he urged capitalists to participate in the experi- ment.

^Ibid., pp. 36-38, 43, 50. Victor Considerant, European Colonization in Texas: An Address to the Ameri­ can People (New Yo'rk, 1^55), p. 15. Hereafter referred to as Considerant, Colonization in Texas. ^Considerant, Great West, pp. 30-31, 38-40, 48-50. 246

Considerant did not plan for La Reunion to be the only commune in Texas. He hoped for the future extension of the phalanx system throughout the southwestern part of the United States. For the future, he envisioned a net­ work of colonies in Texas, New Mexico, and Oklahoma en­ gaged in vast commercial, social, and intellectual inter- / 6 course, with La Reunion as the hub. Throughout these stages of development, Considerant emphasized the importance of a joint European-American endeavor. He argued that Americans and Frenchmen had con­ trasting characteristics which would complement each other. The "calm, cool judgment, combined with the practical en­ terprise of the American," would offset the "Gallic vanity and levity." Conversely, the French emphasis on intellec­ tual and social improvement would be beneficial to the crude American environment. Victor particularly desired the practical knowledge of the American frontiersmen to aid the inexperienced Europeans in establishing a western 7 settlement.

^Ibld.c , p. 45. Considerant, Au Texas, l855, p. I69. '''considerant. Great West, pp. 36, 52-53. Con­ siderant's discussion of the complementary qualities of the Americans and the French caused Dr. Hammond to misinterpret his intentions. Hammond states t^at Victor wanted to create a super-race. See Hammond, La Reunion, p. 37. A more de­ tailed study of Considerant's ideas indicates that such was not the case. Considerant was anti-chauvinistic and ad­ vocated racial equality throughout his career. Nowhere in his writings does he propound the inbreeding of Frenchmen and Americans to establish a superior race. In The Great 247

Thus, before coming to the United States, Con­ siderant had developed what should have been a workable and successful plan for the evolutionary establishment of a colony on the frontier of Texas. According to Dr. William J. Hammond, Considerant's scheme would have suc­ ceeded in establishing some type of colony if his plan had been followed.

Unfortunately, Considerant was never able to in­ itiate any portion of his detailed scheme. The overzealous settlers and agents in Europe and the United States refused to follow any of his instructions. As previously noted, various groups ignored his pleas and came before the So­ ciety could make any provisions for their shelter or food, one group coming as early as April I854. ^ When Victor ar­ rived in June 1855, almost three hundred colonists had pre­ ceded him. In the face of such chaos, Considerant could not organize the practical economic aspects of the colony. Moreover, the town v/hich emerged did not resemble the pha­ lanx which Considerant had proposed. In I859, La Reunion contained a large general store, a small hotel, a black­ smith shop, a bootmaker, tailor, and mechanic's shop, a building for offices, a kitchen and dining hall, and a few

West, he was appealing merely to the Americans to lend their special characteristics to his experiment.

Hammond, La Reunion, p. 51. 248 isolated cottages. Thus, these failures to follow de­ tailed and possibly workable guidelines spelled doom for 9 the colony from the outset.

A second factor v/hich caused the failure of La Reunion was the type of colonists who came to settle in the Texas community. Considerant had asked for almost all farmers and for numerous laborers to fill the ranks of the first phase of colonization. But almost no agrarians or workers came, the highest estimate of actual farmers in residence at the colony being ten. Moreover, few of those practical minded American frontiersmen participated. The culturally elite came from France, Belgium, and Switzerland to settle in the wilds of Texas: artists, musicians, song writers, journalists, philosophers, scientists, etc. Since these emigrants were unsuited for the hard life on the frontier, they were unable to perform the practical tasks required to establish a successful economic opera­ tion. As a result of the severity of the environment and their inability to perform functional duties, the settlers

^Ibid., ^p. 100-101. Victor Considerant, Du Texas, premier rapport a mes amis (Paris, l857), pp. 7-9. Here- after referred to as Considerant, Du Texas. Santerre, White Cliffs, pp. 84-85. Eusibia Lutz, "Almost Utopia," Southv./est~¥eview, XIV, No. 3 (Spring, 1929), p. 326. Here- after referred to as Lutz, "Almost Utopia. ' Augustin Savardan, Un Naufrage au Texas, observations et impressions et a travers les £tas-Unis d'AmeiTque (Paris, 185b), pp. 37_llO~; Hereafter referred to as Savardan, Texas. 249 quickly became discontented and quarrelsome. A third cause for the failure of the colony was the environment, particularly the soil and climate. The soil was rocky, unlevel, sandy, and unproductive. Al­ though George Santerre speculates that the Society chose the terrain because it resembled the fertile wine growing regions of France, the land was not even suitable for that profitable occupation. From a cash crop standpoint, the land was unsatisfactory. In addition to the soil, the climate further complicated the colonists' problems. Re­ ports indicate that the winters of 1855-56 and I856-57 were unusually severe in Texas. One colonist stated that from February 7 to March 2, I857, the temperature averaged fifteen degrees above zero inside the cabins. The weather conditions produced severe suffering and discomfort. When the winter subsided, drouth replaced the cold. Northeast Texas suffered a perilous water shortage during the summers of 1856 and 1857. Since obtaining water v/as a serious problem, gardens, crops, and cattle succumbed to the dry heat and winds. Thus, poor terrain, cold weather, and drouth caused much economic distress and personal physical discomfort. Clearly, Considerant or Cantagrel should have 11 been more efficient in evaluating the environment.

^^Lutz, "Almost Utopia," pp. 325-327. Santerre, White Cliffs, pp. 36-38. Descailles, "Considerant," pp. 743-745. 11 Considerant, Du Texas, p. 4l. Lutz, "Almost 250

Changes in the conditions of settlement in Texas during the seventeen-month period which separated Victor's first visit from his arrival in the United States in late 1854 can be cited.as a fourth reason for the failure of the colony. Drastic alterations in the availability of unsettled territory and in the price of land in Texas be­ deviled Considerant's plans. He had hoped to conduct the experiment in a totally unsettled environment--one which contained no preconceived prejudices against socialism and which would permit free innovation and experiment. When he returned in I854, settlers had occupied much of the choice territory. These conditions forced the Society to 12 purchase less desirable land. The rapid settlement of Texas and the correspond- ing increase in the demand for land created a drastic rise in land prices. During his first visit, the Texas govern­ ment v/as giving each homesteader one hundred and sixty acres of land and selling additional land for fifty cents an acre. Some private citizens were selling land as low as eighteen cents an acre. Reliable sources had indicated that the state government would give the Society a sizable grant of land for the purpose of colonization. When Victor

Utopia," p.^ 328. Santerre, White Cliffs, pp. 34-35. Ham­ mond, La Reunion, pp. 112-ll3"i Considerant, Du Texas, pp. I6-I7. Considerant, Colonization in Texas, pp. 5^ iS. 251 returned, the government had abolished land grants to settlers, and the price of land had increased dramatically. The Society paid seven dollars an acre for the first pur­ chase of land in Dallas County. The state legislature refused to consider any type of land grant for the Euro­ pean socialists. The high cost of land devoured most of the Society's capital and diverted funds from other com- mercial and economic enterprises. 13 Closely related to the preceding factor, a fifth cause for the early breakup of the colony was that of general financial difficulties. The Society did not at­ tract enough capital investment to provide a stable finan­ cial situation. After the early successes, subscriptions to the experiment almost ceased. Moreover, when Con­ siderant arrived in New York City in 1854, he learned that many of the European stockholders had withdrawn their support. The Society never attained more than 20 percent of the needed capital. The high cost of supplies and goods on the Texas frontier magnified the shortage of funds. One of the colonists who returned to Belgium, Charles Crespel, stated that the high cost of living in Texas was the major cause of failure. None of the leaders of the colony, including Considerant, had any expert

^^Considerant, Colonization in Texas, pp. I6-I7. ^^ Considerant, Great West, pp. 25-2b. Lutz, "Almost Utopia, pp. 324-325. 252 knowledge of fiscal management. In the end, the colonists 14 exhausted their financial resources.

The attitude of Texans toward the colony must be noted as the sixth factor which led to the dissolution of La Reunion. When Considerant returned to the United States in late l854, the Know-Nothing Party was riding the swells of super-nationalism in the South and in Texas. Having a broad base of support in Texas, the Party and the senti­ ment which gave impetus to this cancer actively opposed Considerant and his European immigration. In addition to this nativism, anti-abolitionist sentim.ent ran high in Texas during this period. Fearing the abolitionist doc­ trines of European socialists, the slavocracy in Texas also diligently worked to combat the comjnunal experiment. 15 The newspapers, particularly the Texas State Ga­ zette and the Texas State Times, both of Austin, led the opposition to the socialistic community in Texas. Demon­ strating much prejudice and a complete lack of knowledge concerning Considerant's philosophy regarding a communal experiment, the newspapers objected to the settlers on the grounds that they were communists, abolitionists, atheists, foreigners, and a threat to the pure American way of life. According to one account, they were an "armed band of

•^^Considerant, Du Texas, pp. 9-10. Descailles, "Considerant," p. 745. Coignet, Considerant, p. 83. Ham­ mond, La Reunion, pp. 109-110. 15FO:ir^ a detailed account of the^ opposition^in^ Texas to La Reunion, see hammond. La Rt^union, pp. b3-o4. 253 seditious, lav/less, foreign abolitionists."-^ On Febru­ ary 17, 1855, a typical editorial in the Texas State Ga­ zette exclaimed:

We are always pleased to have industrious immigrants come among us. Plenty of work can be found by me­ chanics and laborers, and there is room in all our towns for more enterprising merchants and business­ men. There is one class, however, that we are op­ posed to, and have no disposition to hold out to them inducements to settle among us. This class is of that Propagandist school which in France and in parts of the United States has and is seeking to sap the foundations of society. The socialist desires to destroy individual rights in property; and, if he is not a very intelligent and moral man--a rare thing,--we may have in him a neighbor who will rob and plunder us whenever he can get the chance; for he holds it as a primary principle in his creed, that no individual has a right to accumulate property for him.self, and all above what is necessary to sus­ tain him belongs to the rest of society. After berating the colonists for seeking to de­ stroy property rights, the editor continued by attacking their abolitionist sentiments and by hurling a threat to Considerant: Again, the socialist is an abolitionist everyv/here. He would not be less opposed to slavery by living in Texas than in France or in Ohio. it is part of his creed. Now, we are told that John Allen, of Ohio, and Mons. Victor Considerant, propose bringing out from France to western Texas a colony of social- ists. This move, for the purpose of building up a sect opposed to our political institutions, may well be regarded with jealousy, and the founders may rely upon it that they will not be suffered to tamper with our institutions. The whole principle

-^^Texas State Gazette (Austin), February 17, l855, p. 1, June 2, 1855, p. 1, Allgust 11, lo55, p. 1, et pansim. Texas State Times (Austin), August 4, 1855, P. 1, August 14, p. 1, et passim. 254

of colonization, where men of a peculiar caste in religion or politics seek to array themselves to­ gether in particular sections of the country, both as landholders and factionists, is at war with all the elements of society, and cannot be carried on without creating bitter and unrelenting prejudices and animosities among our native citizens. We note this advent of socialism in Texas as foreboding us no good; and we wish them to have a fair understand­ ing before they reach our soil, that as a political sect our whole people are against them,17

The Texas State Gazette editorial reflected the general feeling of people in the Lone Star State. Numer­ ous individuals sent letters of commendation to the edi­ tors. Sensitive to such opposition, Considerant published a retort in April, l855, entitled European Colonization in Texas: An Address to the American People. In this pamphlet, he logically and systematically refuted every accusation which the newspaper had made against the experi­ ment. Considerant's efforts produced unsatisfactory re­ sults. When the pamphlet arrived in Texas, opposition in­ creased. Reason is never an effective weapon against blind 18 prejudice. The State legislature reflected the general atti­ tude of fear and opposition toward La Reunion. As a result of his first visit, Considerant was depending heavily on a

•^^Texas State Gazette (Austin), February 17, l855, p. 1. Considerant reprinted this editorial in Considerant, Colonization in Texas, p. 31. •^^Texas State Gazette (Austin), October 13, l855, p. 1. Con'sTderant, Colonization in Texas, passim. Hammond, La Re''union, pp. 69-74~ 255 large land grant from the Texas government. In December, 1855, he presented a petition to the legislature appeal­ ing for grants of land in Texas. Although Considerant and others worked diligently for the grants, the Texas con­ gress consistently refused to consider their request. All that Victor could squeeze out of the Texas government was a bill permitting incorporation. On September 1, 1856, after much debate in the Senate and the House regarding the "French Colony of Communists," the Governor signed a bill to incorporate the "American Colonization Society in Texas." Dominated by fear and prejudice, the people of Texas insured the collapse of La Reunion by refusing to participate in the experiment and by prohibiting needed 19 grants of land. The final factor which led to the failure of the Fourierist experiment, and the one most relevant to this study, was the leadership ability of Victor Considerant. The failure of colonists and agents to follow his instruc­ tions, the early arrival of settlers, the high price of land, the refusal of the state legislature to grant the Society territory, the difficult climate, the opposition in Texas, and the shortage of funds combined to destroy Considerant's morale. Before he arrived on the scene in

^^Cons^iderant, Colonization in Texas, pp. 20-21. Hammond, La Reunion, pp. bO-84. 256 Texas, he had decided that the experiment was hopeless.^^ Once at La Reunion, amid the anarchy and conflict, a deep depression seized Considerant. As his former op­ timism turned to defeatism, Victor became sullen, with­ drawn, and totally negative toward the adventure. Under rigorous psychological strain, he succumbed to a severe nervous malady which incapacitated him for long periods of time. In this mental and physical state, Victor Con­ siderant, who only a fev/ months earlier had proclaimed a new social order, contemplated suicide. With much pain and self-effacement, he wrote: "in the midst of all the ideas which seized my mind, of all the kinds of pain which hacked at me, of rages which filled my desperate thoughts, I was incessantly ruled by the same impulse: write to

Europe that all is ended by an immediate liquidation and „21 commit suicide. Suffering from mental and physical anguish and certain that the colony would be a failure, Considerant provided no leadership. When he was not confined to bed, he was traveling in other parts of the state. He spent much time in Austin and San Antonio, seeking support for the experiment. He had no success. After the state legis­ lature refused the land grant, he wrote to France informing

20 Considerant, Du Texas, pp. 4-7.

^•^Ibid., pp. 8-9. 257 his collaborators that the colony would break up and ad­ vising that they send no more settlers to Texas. Acting thus, Victor lost the confidence of the colonists and of the few remaining supporters in Europe.^^ In May, I858, Considerant left Texas for a sojourn in France.^3 Although still under sentence of deportation, Considerant obtained permission to visit in his homeland for a few months. He undertook the trip for the purpose of seeking additional financial assistance for the colony. The journey served only to depress Considerant further. Ironically, the first person Considerant met at the railway station when he entered France was his old enemy, Adolphe Thiers. During a cursory encounter between the two, Thiers quipped: "AhI you will find this country much 24 changed, very affable, very content." Thiers' diagnosis

22ibid., pp. l4-l6. Letter to Julie Considerant, August 28, 1556, in A.S. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 86-87. Santerre, White Cliffs, p. 65. Savardan, Texas, pp. I72, 206-207. 2? ' ^Dr. Hammond states that Considerant left La Re­ union permanently in July I856. See HammxOnd, La Reunion, p. 109. This information is incorrect. According to Vic- tor's correspondence in the Archives Nationales in Paris, he maintained his permanent residence at La Reunion until late 1859. The impression that he left in I856 probably came from the fact that he v/as gone most of the time, visit­ ing in Austin, San Antonio, and Europe. During Victor's excursions, Julie and Madame Vigoureux remained at the colony. Despite his wanderings, Considerant and his family did not m.ove from La Reunion to San Antonio until l859» See letters to Julie Considerant, January I856, September 30, 1856, August 28, 1856, May 16, I858, and June I858, in A.S. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 113. Letter to Ernest Renan, date unknown, in A.S. 258 proved correct. The reaction under the Empire of Napoleon III had suppressed all liberal opposition. The Ecole societaire lay prostrate, never to emerge again as a dy­ namic movement. Under these conditions, Considerant could muster no additional support for La Reunion. After visit­ ing with some of his old friends and family, particularly

Madame Coignet, he purchased some plants and some grains 25 for the colony and returned to Texas. When Considerant arrived at the colony in the win­ ter of 1859^ he found it in complete ruins. Most of the inhabitants had dispersed. Under these conditions, Con­ siderant, with his wife and Madame Vigoureux, moved to the outskirts of San Antonio. Thus ended Considerant's only attemipt to fulfill the program of his former master, 26 Charles Fourier. In a book published in Paris in 1857, From Texas: First Report to my Friends, Considerant blamed himself en­ tirely for the failure of La Reunion. He confessed that after the initial failure to follow his plans, his self- confidence and initiative diminished. By his own admission.

25 Letters to Julie Considerant, August 12, 1858, January 6, 1859, in A.S. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 88-89. ^^Coignet, Considerant, p. 89. Bourgin, Considerant, p. 113. 259

Considerant's defeatism immobilized his effectiveness as 27 a leader.

Before concluding the discussion of La Reunion, one final point should be mentioned. Although the Euro­ pean settlers failed in their attempt to establish a Utopian society, they added much to the cultural, intel­ lectual, and scientific development of nineteenth-century Texas, particularly Dallas County. Many of the colonists brought new knowledge, skills, and abilities to the terri­ tory. Julien Reverchon, a botanist and scientific farmer, introduced advanced agricultural methods in the area; John Manduel established the first brewery in the county; Jacob Nussbaimer was the first butcher in Dallas; and John B. Louckx became a distinguished architect. Ben Long, after the dissolution of La Reunion, became the Mayor of

Dallas and later was killed serving as Sheriff of the 28 county.

^Considerant, Du Texas, passim. Dr. Augustin Savardan published the only detailed account of the events at La Re'union by an actual participant, in Savardan, Texas. Savardan severely criticized Considerant for poor leader­ ship. Savardan's attitude may be explained in part by the fact that much antipathy existed between him and Considerant. Savardan, the number one culprit in disobeying Victor's in­ structions, brought the largest group of settlers to Texas before Considerant was ready to receive them. From that point on, the two never agreed. Other participants v/ere more favorable toward Considerant. See particularly Des­ cailles, "Considerant," p. 745. ^^Lutz, "Almost Utopia," p. 329. For an account of the work of Julien Reverchon, see Samuel W. Geiser, "Nat­ uralists of the Frontier," Southwest Review, XIV (Spring, 1929), pp. 331-341. 26Ci 0

The most significant area of contribution was that of music. Considerant always emphasized the importance of music in the social and cultural development of a phalanx. The colonists brought a piano, the first in Dallas County, an organ, flutes, and violins to the new colony. While the community existed, the settlers met once or twice a week for singing, dancing, and playing music. Several song writers came with the emigrants, most notably, Allyre Bureau and Le Ray. Bureau, the former conductor of the Odeon Orchestra in Paris, wrote two songs at La Reunion which are still sung by children in Texas: "Clang I Clang I 2Q Clang.'" and "Choosing a Flower." When Considerant left La Reunion, he moved to a small plot near San Antonio v/hich he called La Conception. Vfith his wife and mother-in-law, in a modest log cabin, he withdrev/ from the political and social mainstream and lived for ten years much on the order of a hermit. VJhile at La Conception, Victor did little but attempt to culti­ vate his modest farm and study the significant developments 30 in science and philosophy of the period. By the time the American Civil War erupted in 1861, Considerant had become a naturalized United States citizen.

^^Lota M. Spell, Music in Texas, A Survey of one Aspect of Cultural Progress (Austin, 193QJ^ PP. 55-58. 30 Coignet, Considerant, p. 89. Dommanget, Con- siderant, p. 48. 26l Finding himself a resident of a rebel state, Victor at­ tempted to remain neutral in the conflict. With the knowl­ edge that he had served as a captain in the French army, the Texas government endeavored to enlist him in the Army of the Confederacy. Totally unsympathetic toward the Southern cause, particularly the slavery issue, Considerant refused to become involved. Throughout the war, he con­ tinued to cultivate his farm at La Conception.^•'" Little by little, Considerant regained his physical and mental stamina. His friends in Europe sent him all the important scientific, philosophical, theological, and po­ litical publications. He studied them with exactitude. These intellectual activities strengthened his morale and helped renew his spirit.-^ In 1865, Considerant took up his pen for the first time in eight years. He sent four lengthy letters to Gen­ eral Frangois Bazaine, the commander of the French expedi­ tionary forces in Mexico, concerning the ill-fated empire of Napoleon Ill's puppet, Maximilian. While at San Antonio, Victor traveled extensively in Mexico. During these ex-. cursions, he developed an appreciation for Mexican culture.

^ Dommanget, Considerant, p. 48. Victor Considerant, Three Hundred Millions of Dollars Saved in Specie by the Meaning of a iTord (New York, I867), pp. 3-5. Hereafter re- ferred to as Considerant, Three Hundred Millions. ^^Diverse letters, I86O-I869, in A.S. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 89-90. 262 Considerant reacted with contempt to Napoleon Ill's and Maximilian's empire project. The letters to Bazaine were remarkable for their analysis of the social and cultural structure of the nation. Describing the "excellent na­ ture" of the Mexican peasant, he refuted the stereotyped conception of the "incurably lazy peon." Then followed a lengthy discourse on the system of peonage. According to Victor, peonage was worse than Southern slavery. Con­ siderant declared that if Juarez v/ould announce the aboli­ tion of peonage, he would gain the support of the masses and drive the invaders out of Mexico. In addition, he pre­ dicted that Napoleon's "absurd political expedition" v/ould end in failure, and, thereby, initiate the beginning of the end of his despotic rule in France. "In going to Mexico," Considerant declared, "he (Napoleon) had taken the route through Madrid or through Moscow, leading to some obscure Saint Helene. ..." Considerant advised Bazaine to take his troops and return to France without orders 33 from the Emperor. Succeeding events demonstrated the accuracy of Con­ siderant 's prognostications. Soon after he wrote his

^^Victor Considerant, Mexique, Quatre lettres au Marecal Bazaine (Bruxelles, Ic^Zo), p. 15T. et passim. ^ For a discussion of Considerant's analysis of Mexican society and culture, particularly peonage, see Silvio Zavala, ^^ "Victor Considerant et le probl'^me social au Mexique, Revue Historique, CCXXXIX (January-March, I969). PP- 19-20. 263 letters, Juarez abolished peonage and the French troops returned to Europe. As a result of these events, a Brus­ sels' printing company published Victor's letters to Bazaine in book form. Napoleon's opponents in France used Considerant's publication as one weapon in their arsenal to discredit the Emperor. As is generally known, the Mexi­ can fiasco did irreparable dam.age to Napoleon's position 34 at home and initiated the beginning of his downfall. While Juarez was taking care of Bazaine and Maxi­ milian, Considerant turned his attention to an internal problem in the United States--the shortage of money. In 1867, he sent a lengthy discourse to the Secretary of Treasury, Hugh McCulloch, concerning the monetary policies of the United States government. The New York Nev/s Company imjnediately published the letter, in pamphlet form, under the title. Three Hundred Millions of Dollars Saved in Specie by the Meaning of a Word. Considerant propounded replacing gold and silver as a means of monetary exchange v/ith purely paper money. He argued that in a stable democracy such as the United States, paper money would be as valid a currency as metal and much more convenient. The use of paper money exclusively, he opined, would save the governm.ent

^Dommanget, Considerant, p. 48. J. M. Thompson, Louis Napoleon and the~5econd Empire (New York, 1955), pp. 214-221. 264

300,000,000 dollars in the purchase of gold and silver.^^

Obtaining no response from the Secretary of Trea­ sury, Considerant sent two letters to the newly elected President of the United States, Ulysses S. Grant. The letters, dated December 27, l868 and January 8, I869, fol- lov/ed the same line as his discourse to McCulloch. As with the Secretary of the Treasury, Grant did not reply to the Fourierist's suggestions.-^

Of the works which Considerant read during his stay in San Antonio, the great religious scholar Ernest Renan's The Life of Jesus made the deepest impact. In May and April, 1868, Victor sent the author a series of four letters concerning Renan's work. In these epistles, Con­ siderant praised Renan for his scholarly and scientific approach to the origins of Christianity. He propounded the need for a universal religion--a religion which would seek harmony and unity in the secular world. According to Victor, Christ had v/orked for a better life on earth and for nothing else. Considerant, however, questioned the pure skepticism of the author. In these letters, Victor 37 demonstrated a belief in some type of divinity. On

35considerant, Three Hundred Millions, passim. ^'^Letters to U. S. Grant, December 27, 1868, Janu­ ary 8, 1869, in A.S. ^'^Letters to Renan, March, 1868, April 2, 1868, April 14, 1868, April 30, I868, in A.S. 265 December 11, 1868, Renan replied to Considerant's letters. After commending Victor for his life of faith and devo­ tion to a humanitarian cause, he asked Considerant to come and exchange ideas with him just as soon as the Fourierist could return to France.^

At La Conception, Considerant gradually renewed his faith in mankind and his belief in the basic Concepts, of the Enlightenment, particularly the importance of the scientific process. In a letter to Madame Coignet, dated October 11, I865, he wrote:

I do not know if I am mistaken, but I am more in­ clined to think that one accomplishes nothing, that one does not progress, that one obtains nothing worthwhile, except in arriving as quickly as possible to the absolute supremacy of science.

I certainly do not wish to Fxake v/ar on sentiment. A humanity of pure reason would be a 'monster, as much as a humanity of pure miaterialism. I under­ stand, however, that science, that is to say intelli­ gence directed by rigid scientific methods, as it was created to regulate itself, must become the single superior and universal law. Sentiment, imagination, intuition, the ardor of the soul, can run, hurl it­ self and throw forth an hypothesis, as the dog runs and hurls the wild fowl, but the dog is not the hunter. . . . With the development of science in the world and of the scientific concept in the human spirit, the conditions of domination by so much dogma will exist no more. Science is the Catholicism and the church alone against v/hich nothing can prevail.

^ Renan to Considerant, December 11, 1868, in A.S. -^^Letter to Madame Coignet, October 11, I865, cited in Coignet, Considerant, pp. 90-92. 266

After 1867, Considerant dreamed of returning to his native country. In I869, the French government granted amnesty to Victor Considerant. Before he was able to return, Madame Vigoureux passed away in their humble cabin near San Antonio. On the soil of Texas, Victor buried the woman of letters from Besancon who had introduced him to his life's profession and to his life's companion. In. the spring of 1869, at the age of sixty-one, Victor re­ turned to Paris v/ith Julie, v/here they passed the remain­ der of their lives in this great cultural center of the world.

^^^Letter to Beuque, December 3, 1867, in A.S. Dommanget, Considerant, p. 48. CHAPTER IX

THE FRONTIERSMAN AS SOCIALIST SAGE, 1869-1893

Anyone visiting the Latin Quarter of Paris in the

late 1870's or l880's would have observed a striking fig­

ure frequenting the intellectual circles at the sidewalk

cafes, at the Sorbonne, and at the College of France.

Dressed as a Texas frontiersman--a broad brimmed sombrero,

a black velvet sarape, boots, and an oak cane--and sport­

ing a distinguished gray beard and mustache, Victor Con­

siderant became one of the best known and most popular

figures in the intellectual centers on the Left Bank of

the Seine. Playing dominoes at a sidewalk: cafe, captivat-

ing an audience of students at the Cafe Soufflot with a

discourse on socialism, challenging a professor in a class

at the Sorbonne, or himself giving a lecture at the College

of France, Considerant passed the remainder of his life in

the company of students and professors. Studying the

latest developments in science, philosophy, and political

theory, the former American served as an inspiration and mentor to the militant and idealistic students of the

Latin Quarter. His friends referred to him as "the old

267 268

student from the Middle Ages."

After his return to Paris in 1869, Considerant determined not to become embroiled in active politics. On two different occasions, the liberal democrats pleaded with the one-time Fourierist leader to campaign for a seat in the National Assembly. Each time, he refused the peti­ tion. He had resigned himself to purely theoretical ac- 2 tivities. When Napoleon blundered into the disastrous Franco-Prussian V^ar, Victor could not refrain from taking up his pen to chastise his old adversary. In July and August, 1870, he wrote a series of articles attacking France's part in the outbreak of the war with Germany. In September, I87O, he published these articles in pam­ phlet form, under the title. Predictions on the War, along with another discourse entitled, France Imposes Peace in Europe. In this collection of articles, Considerant fore­ cast the ultimate defeat of France by Germany. As early as July, 1870, he set the odds at seven to three against

Journal des debats (Paris), December 28, I893, p. 3. Petite re'pu'olique (Paris), December 30, I893, p. 2. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 95-98.

Journal des debats (Paris), December 28, I893, p. 3. Coignet, Considerant, p. 95. Dommanget, Con- siderant, p. 49. 269 the French army. According to Victor, Prussia would win because she was motivated by a "grand historical goal"-- the unification of all German states. Since the war did not involve her national interest, France had no purpose, moral or political, in fighting Prussia. According to Considerant, only "petty, false, swaggering, inhuman, vain, militaristic, prejudiced, and savage" sentiments motivated French involvement in the fiasco. Purely "Bonapartist interest" had forced the French nation into a position of certain defeat. Moreover, the Prussian military machine, superior both in officers and foot soldiers, made French defeat inevitable. Considerant opined that in the end Germany would regain Alsace- Lorraine.'^ In late August, as the Prussian army began to prove the clairvoyance of Considerant, the returnee con­ tinued his attack. He pleaded with the French generals to end their offensive thrusts into Belgium and the Rhine region. He argued that Napoleon I had made the same mistake. With the incompetence of Generals Bazaine and MacMahon, the Prussians would soon be able to cut off the French supply lines. Considerant called on the generals to retreat to the French frontier and fight an exclusively

^Victor Considerant, Predictions sur la guerre (Paris, 1870), passim. 270 defensive war. After the humiliating defeat of Napoleon III at Sedan on September 2, Considerant appealed to the members of the new provisional government to end the struggle against Germany by seeking a political solution through appeal to an international tribune to arbitrate the dis­ pute between France and Prussia. In addition, France ought to renounce any territorial ambitions, then or in the future, and announce plans for complete disarmament. Victor argued that Bismarck could not refuse these terms for peace. If he did, France would then have a just cause for defending herself and could claim the support of the remainder of the world. Acceptance of the terms v/ould give Bismarck v/hat he desired, the unification of Germany, VN/ithout further distress to France.^

At the close of this series of articles, Con­ siderant made an appeal for internationalism and peace. At the end of the war, Victor argued, France should lead in establishing a federated European republic, with the United States included, based upon pure democracy. In making specific reference to the First International

^Ibid.

5ibid. Victor Considerant. La France imposant la paix a"TTEurope (Paris, 187I), pass^uT: Hereafter referred to as Considerant. France imposant. 271

Workingmen's Association, he pleaded v/ith Frenchmen to be more sympathetic toward the workers' efforts to establish international unity and peace and to abolish class con- f. flicts. As could be expected, the provisional government gave little attention to Considerant's supplications. Receiving no satisfaction from the French side, he de­ cided to send a petition to the Prussian Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck. On October 12, I87O, under his title of American citizen, he sent the Iron Chancellor a letter requesting Bismarck to inform him of his minimum condi­ tions of peace so that Victor could publish them in the Paris newspapers. He argued that this would expedite an end to the conflict. Proclaiming Bismarck "the last of the grand ministers of the past" and "the first of the grand men of the future," he pleaded for just peace terms. Needless to say, Bismarck was even less interested than the French provisional government in responding to the 7 old socialist. As is generally known, Paris fell on January 28, 1871, following a long and ruinous siege. In February, France elected a National Assembly to organize a new

"Considerant. France imposant.

''^Letter to Bismarck, October 12, 187O, in A.S. 272 government. The royalists and monarchists dominated the Assembly which met first at Bordeaux and then Versailles. Prussia forced the government of Adolphe Thiers to accept an unfavorable treaty, v/hich, among other provisions, ceded Alsace-Lorraine to the nev/ly created German Empire. Since the socialist and working-class elements, as in 1848, would not recognize that they had been defeated in a free election, the Paris radicals established the famous Commune. From the middle of March through the last of May, the Paris Commune, dominated by radical socialists, Marxists, and anarchists, controlled the Q French Capital." Influenced by the suffering which he had endured during the siege of Paris, by sympathetic feelings for the First International, by fear of a strong centralized government, by hatred for Thiers, and by general social­ istic sentiments, Considerant gave moderate support to the Paris Commune. In France Imposes Peace in Europe, he had made favorable reference to the goals of the Inter­ national. Moreover, many of his Fourierist associates were active in the workers' organization and continually urged their old leader to join with them. Although he

o Alistair Home, The Fall of Paris, The Siege and the Commune, I87O-71 (Garden City, 19^7), passim. 273 never participated actively, in the second week of March,

1871, Victor Considerant yielded to pressure from his friends and officially joined the First International Q Workingmen's Association.^ Although he did not participate in the Commune or any political activities during its existence, in April, 1871, he published a lengthy article which in­ dicated his sympathetic feelings, entitled Peace in Tv/enty-Four Hours, Dictated by Paris to Versailles. In this discourse, he urged public adherence to the new city government. He asserted that the Commune v/as the proper government for Paris because it represented the will of the people. Paris deserved an independent government because the capital was a nation v/ithin itself, larger than many existing nations in Europe. Moreover, Thiers and the government at Versailles represented the "Grand Centralization Machine," and not the people. According to Victor, five hundred notables at Versailles, were attempting to subvert the rights of the masses. Paris must resist. "^^ Considerant' s argLiment was hopelessly naive and contrary to the facts. In the recent elections.

^Jules Hamet to Considerant, March I871, in A.S. Dommanget, Considerant, pp. 187-191.

^•^Victor Considerant, La Paix en 24 heures dictee par Paris a Versailles (Paris, lb71), passim. 274 twenty-eight constituencies had elected Thiers to the legislature. The assembly at Versailles reflected the overwhelming sentiments of the French people. At the same time, Considerant warned the members of the Commune against seizing dictatorial powers. He advised them to call immediate elections for a new city government based upon direct and universal suffrage. This election, he opined, would demonstrate the support of the masses of Paris, and thereby, prevent retaliation by the government at Versailles. He outlined six articles which he encouraged the Commune to adopt. In substance, the articles called for Paris to proclaim herself inde­ pendent and autonomous, to invite other French cities to follow her example, and to hold elections for a nev/ com­ mune government within ten days. He warned that if Paris did not take immediate initiative in establishing a broadly based democratic government, the reactionary government at Versailles, humiliated by the Prussian victory, would vent its feelings of revenge on the Paris 11 masses. Despite his adherence to the Commune, Considerant consistently refused to become involved in politics. Be­ cause several of the Commune leaders respected him and valued his judgment, they urged him to seek a position

•'••'•Ibid. 275 in the new government. In fact, Felix Pyat's newspaper, Le Vengeur and Andre Leo's, La Sociale, officially recom­ mended Considerant for an office in the elections of April 16. The Paris voters, however, did not elect Victor. There is no evidence that he approved the use of his name as candidate by these two newspapers, and he did not campaign for the office. Thus, Considerant remained an observant bystander in the political activity 12 of the Commune. With the overthrov/ of the Commune at the end of May and the bloody reaction against the Communards which ensued, Considerant's past support of the radical Paris government placed him in a perilous position. His Ameri­ can citizenship probably saved him from severe harassment. On June I9, I87I, he and Julie obtained United States passports from the American Ambassador in Paris and fled first to Switzerland and then to Brussels. VJhen feelings cooled in Paris, they returned. Despite the reaction, Considerant remained faithful to his beliefs and never publicly renounced the Commune. 13 With the end of the Commune, Considerant re­ treated further from public life. For the remainder of

12Dommanget , Considerant, pp. 196-I98.

^-^Ibid., p. 199. 276 his existence, he devoted his energies to intellectual pursuits. In the mornings and early afternoons, he at­ tended lectures at the Sorbonne and the College of France. Attentive and resolute, he took profuse notes. Often, he would stop the professor and request an explanation concerning some ambiguous point. The instructors and students enjoyed Considerant's participation in these educational pursuits and appreciated his penetrating comments. He developed a close relationship with several of the leading professors at the two universities. In the evenings, he frequented the popular sidewalk cafes on the Left Bank and participated in the philosophical debates which characterized those establishments. At home, late into the night, he would read all he could concerning the new developmicnts in science and philoso- l4

During this later period in his life, Considerant developed a remarkable relationship v/ith the students with whom he came in contact with at the Sorbonne and the College of France. Because he v/as deprived of children of his own, Victor had alv/ays enjoyed the companionship of optimistic, hopeful, and enthusiastic young people.

Journal des debats (Paris), December 28, I893, p. 3. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 97-98. 277 The students, for their part, respected and admired "the brilliant old socialist." They looked to him for guidance and inspiration. In the evenings, he v/ould gather stu­ dents around him at one of the sidewalk cafes and dis­ course with them for hours concerning contemporary social and political problems. Often, they would visit in his modest apartment where they might be treated to a dis­ cussion on art, literature, science, sociology, or any relevant topic. -^

Victor, who v/as truly dedicated to the cause of social rectitude, had never cared for material posses­ sions. His life of rebellion against the status quo did not enable him to prepare financially for old age. Dur­ ing the later years of their lives, he and Julie strug­ gled to maintain a subsistence standard of living. In a very modest apartment on the rue du Cardinal Lemoine, they lunched on coffee, tea, or milk and bread. In the evenings, they v/ould obtain a more substantial meal at some neighboring restaurant. To help with the expenses, Julie sold her paintings of flowers. Paul Bert, one of the Ministers of Public Instruction in the Third Republic, offered Victor a lifetime pension of 3,000 francs per year. Considerant refused. Remaining true to his

^^Petite republique (Paris), December 30, 1893, p. 2. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 97-99. 278 convictions, he did not want to be indebted to any politi- -1 ^ cal machine.

Despite his humble economic status, Considerant enjoyed a meaningful existence during the l870's. His studies, his relationship with the students and profes­ sors, his association with old friends, and the always inspiring companionship of his wife, gave Victor much pleasure in old age. Concerning his life during this period, Madame Coignet wrote: "They (Victor and Julie) were not neglected where they lived for so long in the humble chambers on the rue du Cardinal Lemoine. . . . In old age, Victor had maintained his erect and supple stature, his handsome head, covered now v/ith grey hair, his fine outstanding features, yet enobled by age. Mel­ ancholy always resided on his forehead, but a melancholy resigned and serene. His countenance remained full of kindness, with a graceful smile. VHien friends knocked at their door, v/hat an open and cordial v/elcome they received I The grand room v/here the master of logic in­ troduced himself, in the courteous fashion of bygone days, was strewn, on all the furniture, v;ith papers and books. On the walls were some portraits of the

-1 /r ^ Journal des debats (Paris), December 28, l893, p. 3. Coignet, Considerant, pp. 96-97. Dommanget, Considerant, pp.TTT^W^ 279 family, some paintings of Gigoux, and some landscapes of Frangais, an old schoolmate. And what easy conversation, amicable, varied, where one never felt the Sectarian! Literature, art, as well as social ideas, nothing was foreign to him. He read everything, without ceasing, and often late into the night because he scarcely slept."

In the spring of 188O, Victor's contentment ended in sadness. Death deprived him of his devoted companion, friend, and wife, Julie Considerant. She had encouraged him in his youth to abandon security for a career as a social reformer, supported him as leader of the Fourierist movement, stood by him during the traumatic events of 1848-49, follov/ed him into exile on the Texas frontier, and remained a source of strength in his retirement in Paris. Now that Julie was gone, Victor felt for the first time in his life the pain of complete loneliness. After burying Julie in her birthplace of Besangon, he visited in Salins and Brussels before returning to Paris for the last time. Despite his intensive studies, Considerant pub­ lished almost nothing. Only a few letters remain to in­ dicate his development of thought. In May, 188O, a group

'Coignet, Considerant, p. 97.

-1 o Ibid., p. 98. Commanget, Considerant, p. 53. 280 of Fourierist in Marseilles wrote their old leader and asked him to revive the defunct Ecole societaire. In his letter of response, which demonstrates a progres­ sive and enlightened mind, Considerant wrote: I will always believe, my friends, that Fourier made the capital discovery in the field of so­ cial science, and that nothing good or fruitful will be accomplished outside of the conceptions which he gave us. But I believe, however, that to take again an active propagation of the ideas of Fourier, it is not necessary to fall into the same old rut of the first school, to march again in the steps that v/e marched in for fifty years. WhaL we accomplished then, we did so as we were able, as we knew how, and we performed our task well. . . . BUw the reproduction today, the repetition, if you wish, of the same propagation will be more im.potent than the first work (I say impotent relatively, because I do not consider our past v/ork as lost, that is to say as not hav­ ing left its traces in history of humane ideas in the great germs for the future). Hov/ever, I hold that, henceforth, it is necessary to aim, not at the continuation of the first movement, to the reparation of an extinguished school, but rather to the creation of a nev/ movement, a new school, of a new propagation, made this time to draw forth adhesions of the minds, that is to say to establish it on an absolutely scientific basis. Yes, I believe that this is possible, and I will attempt, orally, the creation of a new workshop to realize these new conditions if I can find some young people disposed to sup­ port me. I have not found them yet, but I have put my time to profit in endeavoring to become current with the new developments in science, to be able ultimately to put these developments in harmony with the conditions of this new propagation of which I speak.19

•^^Cited in Bourgin, Considerant, p. 119. 281

Although maintaining faith in the basic principles of Fourierism until his death, Considerant possessed a flexible and quick mind and always worked to adapt his thought to the changing times. He consistently demon­ strated an appreciation for new ideas in all areas of thought, even in old age.

Victor Considerant's attitude toward Darwinism also provides an indication of his progressive thinking. Charles Darwin's concepts lay at the epicenter of the scientific and intellectual revolution of the last half of the nineteenth century, '^/hile he was in Texas, Victor had read On the Origin of Species and all he could ac­ quire concerning Darwinism. Darwin's scientific dis­ coveries captivated Considerant's imagination. Realizing the sociological and theological implications of Darwin­ ism as well as the obvious biological impact, Considerant came to place even more emphasis on the relationship be­ tween the scientific method and the solutions for social and economic problems. Although he had always stressed the scientific basis of Fourierism, Darwin's theories gave 20 impetus to Considerant's faith in science and rationalism. However, Considerant balked at Herbert Spencer's particular brand of biological survivalism. Given his

20^Divers. e letters, l864-l893, in A.S. 282 humanitarian nature, he could not accept the survival of the fittest as the basis of man's relationship to man and society. According to the old Fourierist, Spencer had "perverted" Darwin's theories. Spencer's ideas were not applicable to Darwin's concepts because they had no sci­ entific basis. Victor declared that Social Darwinism would lead to materialism, and materialism would lead to the continued oppression of the masses.

In 1892, the Almanach de la question sociale pub­ lished excerpts of a letter from Considerant to an un­ known destination, under the title, "A Short History of Capitalistic Feudalism." In this short essay, Victor adopted the line of argument he had used in his letter to the Fourierists of Marseilles in 1880. While he con­ tinued to propound the applicability of the basic con­ cepts of Fourier, he argued that these concepts must be correlated with scientific technology. Thus, to his death, Considerant believed that any applicable system of social amelioration must be derived from the scien- 22 tific method--it must be proven in the laboratory. After Julie died in 188O, Victor Considerant de­ clined rapidly. His physical deterioration prevented him

^^Letter to Caro, February 16, l884, in Ibid.

^Bourgin, Considerant, p. 120. 283 from living alone. In l882, a longtime friend and pupil, M. Kleine, invited the socialist sage to live in his home. Out of necessity, Considerant accepted. Kleine, who be­ came the leading Fourierist after Victor's death, devoted himself to caring for Victor for the remainder of his life. Concerning the relationship between Considerant and Kleine, Madame Coignet v/rote: "Fate owed Considerant this last compensation: a son (Kleine) by the cult of memories, by 2? sympathy of ideas, by kindness of soul." "^ On December 27, 1893, at the age of eighty-five, Considerant died in the arms of this faithful companion. Just before passing away, Considerant had begun a History of Socialism. He had completed only forty very rough and illegible pages. Thus, fate robbed posterity of what might have been an important 24 addition to nineteenth-century socialist literature. As previously noted, his friends did not take Considerant's body to Besancon to be buried with his wife but buried him in Paris. Victor Considerant did not belong to Julie, but rather to Paris and to its tradition as "the city of light." In evaluating Victor Considerant's significance in nineteenth-century European history, one must note several

^^coignet, Considerant, p. 100.

^^Victor Considerant, "Histoire du socialism," in A.S. 284 factors. First, he, more than any other individual, in­ cluding the master himself, popularized Fourierism. From 1837 to l848, largely as a result of the leadership of Considerant, Fourierism became one of the most popular and broadly based socialist movements in France. V.'edding theory with activism, Considerant was second to none as an organizer and propagandist. Without his brilliant explications on Fourierism, particularly Social Destiny and the Abridged Exposition on the Phalanx System of Fourier, the master's ambiguous theories might have re­ mained obscure to most of the western world. Without his leadership of the Ecole societaire, the organization probably would have splintered into several less signifi­ cant movements. His influence as the chief of Fourierism spread beyond France to Belgium, England, Switzerland, Germany, Russia, and the United States.

Secondly, seeds of democratic socialism can be found in the doctrines of Victor Considerant. Although he influenced many types of nineteenth-century social­ ism, including Marxism, Considerant passed a tradition along to a more pragmatic generation of socialists. It was not insignificant that the largest delegation at the Fourierist's funeral was the social democrats headed by Jean Jaures. Although Considerant remained a Fourierist to the end, he maintained flexibility and, particularly 285 in his role as a politician, often deviated from pure Fourierism. In these areas of modification, Considerant, along with other nineteenth-century socialists, can be seen as a forerunner of democratic socialism. The con­ cepts of guaranteed employment, government ownership and regulation of the means of transportation and communica­ tions, easy credit, state economic planning, old age assistance, class harmony, pacifism, and internationalism, all became important elements in the creed of the early twentieth-century social democrats in western Europe.

Thirdly, Considerant played a significant role in the political history of France, particularly in the decade of the l840's. Before the Revolution of l848, he participated in politics, first as a member of the Mu­ nicipal Council of Paris, and then as a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies. His newspaper, Democratie pacifique, helped to create an atmosphere of rebellion on the eve of the Revolution. After the abdication of Louis Philippe, his activities becamie more consequential as he served the Second Republic in the Constitutional Assembly, the Luxembourg Commission, the Constitutional Committee, the Committee of Work, and the National Assembly. After the election of Louis Napoleon, he led the opposition against the Bonaparte demagogue which resulted in the peaceful, but abortive, rebellion of 286

June, 1849.

Finally, the story of Victor Considerant carries a message to all generations of democrats. The very at­ titudes and situations which Considerant spent his life opposing, class hatred, immutability, fear, and blind prejudice, met him and defeated him at every turn. As a product of the Enlightenment, he consistently pro­ pounded free thought, rationalism, and human progress. But his sensitive naivete, his humanitarianism, and his compassion prevented him from attaining success as a practical politician. He was too honest and too prin­ cipled to participate in the self-seeking power strug­ gles of the French political arena. In reference to Considerant's role in the Revolu- tion of 1848, Alphonse de Lamartine wrote: Although Fourierism cherished in its principal adherents the illusions and superstitions of a religion, it also possessed its honesty and virtues. It had hitherto always refused to ally itself with the political parties hostile to the established government; while its prin­ ciples of philosophy and religion caused it to despise and detest the part of faction. It enjoined peace to all nations, order and tol­ erance among citizens, and courageously prac­ ticed in its acts and writings that v/hich it had preached. It was a creed of good faith, of concord, and of peace; a non-militant creed like that of the Quakers of America, which like theirs might be feared, discussed, or ridiculed, but which could not fail to elicit 287 esteem, and might make madmen but never criminals.^5

Unfortunately the tribute that Lamartine penned did not meet with the approval of the majority of nineteenth- century Frenchmen. For Inexplicable reasons, people fear a prophet of pacifism and universal love and often react to his doctrines with violence. But if the rep­ resentative system of democratic government is to ful­ fill its objectives of providing equality, freedom, and justice to all people from all walks of life, it must make room in its structure for unskilled politicians and humanitarians such as Victor Considerant.

To remain consistent with the ideals of our sub­ ject, however, we must conclude on an optimistic note. Reactions come and go, as do men, but the idea remains. There are not enough cynics or demagogues to destroy man's drive for political, economic, and social justice. Although Victor Considerant attained few successes in his lifetime, the concepts of class accord, social and economic amelioration, and world peace remain vital forces in western civilization.

^Alphonse de Lamartine, History of the French Revolution of l848, trans, unknown (London, iCo2j] p. 193. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources 1. Works of Victor Considerant Considerant, Victor. Au Texas. 1st ed. Paris, I854. . Au Texas. 2nd ed. Paris, I855. ,' Bases de la politique positive, Manifeste de I'Ecole societaire. Paris, it^^2. . Chemins de fer. Paris, l844. Com pte rendu des lemons professees a Reims en septerTibre l845, sur 1'association agricole et in- dustrielle. Reim.s, 1645. Considerations sociales sur I'architectonique. Taris, lb34. Centre M. Arago. Reclamation adressee a la Chambre des Deputes par les redgcteufs de feuilletion de la Phalange. Suive de la Theoric du droit "d^ Proprie'te'. Paris, 1^40. De la politique generale et du role de la France en Europe. Paris, 1640. De la politique nouvelle convenant aux interet/• A s actuels de la socie'te* et de ses conditions de deVelop- pement par la publicite. Paris, 1643. De la souverainet/. e• et de la regence. Paris, "IOT2. "~~-~~~ De^raison et danger de I'engouement pour les "cEemins de fer. Paris, 1»36. . Destinee sociale. 3 vols. 1st ed. Paris, T835-1'8W: Destinee sociale. 3 vols. 2nd ed. Paris, TOT7-1'8W^ ' . Les Deux communismes. Paris, l847. . The Difficulty Solved, or the Government of the Teople by Themselves" Translator unknown. London, 288 289 Considerant, Victor. Du Texas, premier rapport a mes amis. Paris, l857T ^__. European Colonization in Texas; An Address to the American People. New York, 1655. Exposition abregee du systeme phalansterien de Tourierl Paris, 1641. La France imposant la paix a 1'Europe. Paris, 1671. . The Great West, a New Social and Industrial Life in Its Fertile Regions. New York, 1654. . Imjnoralite de la doctrine de Fourier, Paris, TOTl. . Journee du 13 juin. Paris, l849. The Last War and Definitive Peace in Europe. Translator unknov/n. Liverpool, 1650. . Ma justification. Bruxelles, l854. Mexique, Quatre lettres au Marecal Bazaine. "Fruxelles, 1666. Necessite' d'une derniere debacle politique en France" Paris, 163b. . La Paix en 24 heures dictee par Paris a Ver- "saTlleF: Paris, 1671. . La Paix ou la guerre. Paris, I839. . Le parti de la banqueroute. Paris, l849. Petit cours de politique et d'economic sociale, "^^'usage des ignorants et des savants. Paris, l844. . Predictions sur la guerre. Paris, 187O. . Principes du socialisme, Manifeste de la demo- "cratie au XlXe siecle. Paris, 1647. Les Quartre credits ou 60 milliards a 1 \/2%, Taris, 1651. ~~~ . Sim.ples explications. A mes amis et a mes com- mettants. Paris, 1649. 290 Considerant, Victor. Le Socialisme c'est le vrai christi­ anisme. Paris, 1649. " ' Le Socialisme devant le vieux monde ou le vivant devant les morts. Paris, 1649. Theorie du droit de propriete et du droit au TravaiT: Paris, 1848. . Three Hundred Millions of Dollars Saved in Specie by the Meaning of a Word. New York, 1657. . Trois discours prononces a I'Hotel de Ville.

2. Public Documents, Newspapers, Private Correspondence, and Unpublished Manuscripts "Les Correspondance de Charles Fourier." Archives socie­ taires . Housed in the Archives Nationales. Paris, France. "Les Correspondance de Victor Considerant." Archives societaires. Housed in the Archives Nationales. Paris, France. Democratie pacifique (Paris). l843-l849. France, Compte Rendu des seances de I'Assemblee nationale. VolsT"I-VI (1848). Compte Rendu des seances de I'Assemblee na- TTonale": Vols. VI-X (1849')^ Compte Rendu des seances de I'Assemblee na- TT^nal-J: Vols. I-V (184$). Journal des debats (Paris). l848-l849, I87O-I871, 1893. "Les Manuscrits de Victor Considerant." Archives socie"^- taires. Housed in the Archives Nationales. Pans, France. Le Moniteur universel (Paris). l848-l849. Petite re'^publique (Paris). Decem.ber 30-31^ l893. La Phalange (Paris). I836-I843. Phalanstere (Paris). l832-l834. 291 Proces-Verbaux du comite du travail a I'Assemblee consti- tuante de 1646 et I'Assemblee nationale de 1849-18'3l. Vol. I. Bibliotheque de la Revolution de 1848. Paris, I90BT ~~ Texas State Gazette (Austin). I855-I857. Texas State Times (Austin). I855-I857.

3. Memoirs, Diaries, and Contemporary Accounts and Writings Bentham, Jeremy. The Handbook of Political Fallacies. Edited by Harold A. Larrabee. Introduction by Crane Brinton. New York, 1962. Blanc, Louis. The History of Ten Years. l830-l840. Trans­ lated by Walter Kelly. Philadelphia, 1848. . Histoire de la Revolution de l848. 2 vols. Paris, 1660. . The Organization of Work. Translated by M. P. Dickor"eT Cincinnati, I9II. Bouillier, F. Exposition de la doctrine de Fourier. Du cours de M. Victor Considerant. Lyon, 16417] Caussidiere, Marc. Secret History of the Revolution of l848. Memoirs. 2 vols. Translator unknown. Xondon, 1646. Coignet, Madame C. Victor Considerant, sa vie, son oeuvre. Paris, 1895. Commissaire, Sebastien. Memoires et Souvenirs. 2 vols. Lyons, 1888. Discailles, Ernest. "Le socialiste frangais Victor Con­ siderant en Belgique," Bulletins de I'Academic Royales de Belgique, XXIX (l895j, 704-746. Falloux, Count de. Memoirs of the Count de Falloux. 2 vols. Translated by C. B. Pitman. London, 1688. Fourier, Charles. The Passions of the Human Soul and Their Ini'luence on Society and Civilization" Trans- lated ancT edited by Hugh "Doherty. 2 vols. New York, 1968. 292 Garnier-Pages, Louis. Histoire de la Revolution de l848. 10 vols. Paris, 1661-1672. Gustave, Claudin. Entrevue de M. A. de Voltaije et de M. V. Considerant dans la salle des conferences du purgatoire. Paris, 1649. ~~~ / Lachevalier, Jules. Etudes sur la science sociale. Paris, 1834. Lamartine. Alphonse de. History of the French Revolution of 1848. Translator unknown. London, 1652. Ledru-Rollin, Alexandre Auguste. Le 13 juin. Bruxelles, 1849. Marx, Karl. The Class Struggles in France. Edited by C. P. Dutr: New York, 1951. The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Translated by Eden and Cedar Paul. New York, 1926. and Engels, Freidrich. The Communist Manifesto. Edited v/ith an introduction by Harold J. Laski. ITew York, 1967. Mirecourt, Eugene de. Les Contemporains. No. 99. Con­ siderant. Paris, 1656. Olmsted, Frederick Lav/. A Journey Through Texas, or a Saddletrip in the Southv/estern Frontier. New York. Tocqueville, Alexis de. The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville. Translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos. Edited by J. P. Mayer. New York, 1949. Savardan, Augustin. Un^Naufrage au Texas, observations et impressions et a travers les Etas-Unis d'Amerique. Paris, 1656. ~"~ Stern, Daniel. Histoire de la Revolution de l848. 3 vols. Paris, 1878. Sue, Eugene. Entretiens socialistes et democratiques sur les preteng"s et la prochaine presidence. Paris, T8'48T 293 Secondary Sources Allison. J. M. S. Thiers and the French Monarchy, 1797- 1848. London, 192b. ~" Andler, Charles. Le Manifeste communiste. Paris, 1922. Benedict, Ruth. "Patterns of the Good Culture," Psychol­ ogy Today, IV, No. 1 (June, 1970), 53-55, 74^Trr Bernstein, Samuel. "From Utopianism to Marxism," Science and Society, XIV, No. 1 (Winter, 1949-I950), 58-6?. Bestor, Arthur Eugene. Backwoods Utopias, the Sectarian and Ov/enite Phases of Comm.unitarian Socialism In America: lbb3-16^ Philadelphia, 1950. Bury, J. P. T. France, I8l4-l870. Philadelphia, 1949. Bo, Diuseppe Del. (fed.). Charles Fourier e le Scuola Societaire, 180I-I922T Milan, 1957. " Bober, Mandell M. Karl Marx's Interpretation of History. Cambridge, I950. Bourgin, Hubert, Fourier, Contribution a I'etude du so­ cialisme frangais. Paris, 1905. Victor Considerant, son oeuvre. Paris, I909. Brandes, George. Ferdinand Lassalle. New York, 1925. Bryan, Louise Estelle. "Considerant and His Texas Utopia." Unpublished Master's thesis. Department of History, Southern Methodist University, 1924. Cahen, Georges. "Louis Blanc et ],a Commission du Luxem­ bourg 7l848)," Annales de I'Ecole libre des sciences politiques, XIl (I89?), 187-225, 35^-380, 459-481. Caiman, Alvin R. Ledru-Rollin and the Second French Re­ public. New York, 1922. Chanson, Paul. Trois socialistes frangais. Paris, 1945. Chapman, Guy. The Third Republic of France: The First Phase, 1870-1^94. New York, 1902. Cohen, Morris R. The Faith of a Liberal. New York, 1946.

\^ 294 Cole, G. D. H. Socialist Thought; the Fore-runners, 1789-1850. London, 1954. Collard, Pie^rre. Victor Considerant, 1808-I893, sa vie, ses ide'es. Dijon, I9IO. Corley, T. A. B. Democratie Despot; a Life of Napoleon III. London, 1961. Dommanget, Maurice. Victor Considerant, sa vie, son oeuvre. Paris, 1929. Duveau, Georges. l848, the Making of a Revolution. Trans­ lated by Anne Carter. Dev/ York, 1965. Evans, David 0. Social Romanticism in France, l830-l848. New York, 1909. Gazier, Georges. Jean-Baptiste Considerant de Salins. Besancon, 1909. Geiser, Samuel W. "Naturalists of the Frontier," South­ west Review, XIV (Spring, 1929), 331-341. Gide, Charles. Fourier, precurseur de la cooperation. Paris, 1923. Gossez. R. "Presse parisiene a destir^ation des ouvriers, 1848-1850," Bibliotheque de la Revolution de l848, XXIII (1966), 123-188: Gray, Alexander. The Socialist Tradition, Moses to Lenin. London, 1946. Hammond, William J. and Hammond, Marr,aret F. La Reunion, a French Settlement in Texas. Dallas, 195"8^^ Home, Alistair. The Fall of Pa^is, the Seige and the Commune, l870"^Tr^ Garden City, 1967. . Howard, Michael. The France-Prussian War. New York, I96I. Hunt, H. J. Le Socialisme et le romantisme en France. Oxford, 1935. "^ ""^ Laidler, Harry W. A History of Socialist Thought. New York, New York, 1927. ~~~ Langer. William L. Political and Social Upheaval, 1832- 1852. New York, 19b9. 295 Lansac, Maurice. Les Conceptions methodologiques et sociales de Charles Fourier. Paris, l92b. Lichtheim, George. Marxism: a Historical and Critical Study. New York, 1961. . The Origins of Socialism. New York, I969. . A Short History of Socialism. New York, 1970. Louis, Paul. Histoire du socialisme en France. Paris, 1950. Loustau, Pierre. Louis Blanc a la Commission du Luxem­ bourg. Paris, 1908. Lutz, Eusibia. "Almost Utopia," Southwest Review, XIV, No. 3 (Spring, 1929), 321-330": Marriott, J. A. R. The French Revolution of l848 in its Economic Aspects. 2 vols. Oxford, I913. McKay, Donald Cope. The National Workshops. Cambridge, 1933. Namier, Lewis'. 1848; The Revolution of the Intellectuals. Garden City, 1964. Nordhoff, C. Communistic Societies of the United States. New York, 1675. Plamenatz, John. The Revolutionary Movement in France, 1815-1871. London, 1952. Ponteil, Felix. La monarchic parlementaire, l8l5-l848. Paris, 1949. Robert-Pimienta. "La Prop^agande Bonapartiste en l848." Bibliotheque de la Revolution de l848, VII (I9II), . 7=IH: — Robertson, Priscilla. Revolutions of l848. New York, i960. Ruggiero, Guido de. The History of European Liberalism. Translated by R. G. Collingwood. London, 1927. Santerre, George H. White Cliffs of Dallas, the Story of La Reunion, the Old French Colony. Uallas, 1955. 296 Shapiro, Jacob S. Liberalism, Its Meaning and -History. Princeton, 195^"^ ~~~ Simpson, F. A. Louis Napoleon and the Recovery of France. London, 195T: Soltau, Roger. French Political Thought in the Nineteenth Century. New York, 1959- Sorel, Georges. La decomposition du marxisme. Paris, n.d. Spell, Lota M. Music in Texas, a Survey of one Aspect of Cultural Progress. Austin, 1936. Starzinger, Vincent E. Middlingness: 'Juste Milieu' Political Theory inTrance and England, 1615-1848. Charlottesville, 1955. Talmon, J. L. Political Messianism; the Romantic Phase, 1815-1848. London, I90O. " Thompson, J. M. Louis Napoleon and the Second Empire. New York, 1955. Williams, Roger L. The French Revolution of 187O-I87I. New'York, I969. Wilson, Edmund. To the Finland Station, a Study in the Writing and TYcTing of History. Garden City, 1953. Wittke, Carl. The Utopian Corrmiunist. A Biography of Wilhelm Weitling. Baton Rouge, 1950. Wolf, John B. France; l8l4-1919. The Rise of a Liberal- Democratic Society. New York, I903. Wright, Gordon. France in Modern Times. Chicago, I96O. Zavala, Silvio. "Victor Considerant et le probleme social au xMexique," Revue Historique, CCXXXIX (January- March, 1969), 19-'^«-