Sovatha Ann Paper Money in Phnom Penh: Beyond the Sino-Khmer Tradition SOVATHA ANN University of Hawaii at Manoa Introduction bodia might have not been recorded until the founding This paper examines the practice of the paper money of the current capital, Phnom Penh, in the fifteenth century (ibid). The place of Chinese community in offering tradition in Cambodia, ostensibly a Chinese Cambodia’s recent history has not always been auspi- tradition, with a focus on how such practice is extended cious. The Chinese population was not included in the beyond the Chinese community in Phnom Penh. It public manifestation of the nation building process describes various kinds of paper money commonly used in everyday offerings to dead relatives and spirits, during the Sangkum Reastr Niyum period (1953-70). Chinese schools and newspapers were shut down dur- how such offerings are performed, and what functions ing the Lon Nol regime (1970-75). The Chinese were such practices serve, especially among non Sino- the target of execution during the Khmer Rouge era for Khmer populace. This paper shows that beliefs in both social and ethnic reasons (1975-79). Chinese cul- communicating with the spirits of deceased relatives and guardian spirits of the house are shared among tural celebrations and teachings were oppressed dur- ing the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) (1979- both Sino-Khmer and non Sino-Khmer communities 91) (Jelonek, 2004). Given such recent historical con- and paper money tradition is used to articulate such text, one would consider the Chinese influence might beliefs. The paper concludes that the practice of burn- have been dramatically reduced in present day Cambo- ing paper money is strong and vibrant in Phnom Penh and thus supports the existing findings that the Chi- dia. However, after the fall of socialist government and the opening up of Cambodia to the global expansion of nese cultural practice in Cambodia has been revived capitalist economy following the signing of Paris Peace after the Khmer Rouge period (1975-1979) and the Agreement in 1991, the restrictions on ethnic Chinese’ People’s Republic of Kampuchea period (1979-1989). business operation, and cultural teachings and celebra- The paper hopes to contribute empirical knowledge to the almost absent literature on contemporary Chinese tions were eliminated (Ledgerwood 2002) and Chi- nese influence in Cambodia has gradually been in- community in Cambodia. Like in other countries in Southeast Asia, schol- ars have found a long his- torical presence of the Chinese in Cambodia. According to Willmott, the first Chinese contact with Cambodia was dated to the Funan Kingdom at about 100 A.D. (Willmott, Figure 1. 1967). Despite such early Items contact, evidence of Chi- from nese settlement in Cam- Store A Volume 11, Issue 1, Spring 2011 93 Paper Money in Phnom Penh creased. Since what Edwards and Sambath (1996) rating and widening policy of defining Cambodian called the “massive renaissance of Chinese cultural residents established in the pre-French period (Will- identity” (82) during that period of time, the Chinese mott, 1967:65). This foregoing discussion clearly community in Cambodia has now become a vibrant and shows that the legal status of Chinese nationals resi- dynamic community and serves as a major influence in dent in Cambodia fluctuated before, during, and after both economic and political spheres in the country. the French colonial period. An interesting point worth mentioning here is that Chinese in Cambodia Recent History Edwards and Sambath showed in their work that the Chinese had enjoyed better quality of life during the Before we can examine the practice of burning paper colonial rule (1996:19). Edwards and Sambath inter- money in Cambodia, it is important to first of all un- viewed some first and second generation Chinese resi- derstand the place of Chinese people in Cambodia’s dents in their 70s and 80s and found that Chinese cul- recent history. During the French colonial era, the tural celebrations were less restricted and that life had resident ethnic Chinese in Cambodia assisted the co- been easier during the colonial era. They also added lonial government in a number of ways. First, the colo- that the tax on Chinese was lower in the period prior to nial government saw the Chinese as “intermediaries independence (post 1953). However, during the Sang- and as purveyors for [the colonial government] forces” kum period (1953-1970) the Chinese were not treated (Willmott 1967:69). The French used the Chinese as propitiously, i.e. they were considered outsiders and economic intermediaries in dealing with “distasteful were not included in the public manifestation of the matters [such as] to collect taxes in the markets, con- nation building process (Edwards & Chan, 1996). This trol prisoners and work the salt pits” (Jelonek situation got worse with the fear that the post-colonial 2004:28). However, they did collect a special tax from Cambodia might adopt anti-Chinese policies similar to the Chinese and required them to belong to a congre- those adopted by Cambodia’s neighbors. Such fear gation (ibid).1 The congregation controlled the flow of coupled with Mao’s promises of a unified China might Chinese immigrants, each of whom was required to have been a legitimate impetus for some resident Chi- carry a special ID card that notes which congregation nese in Cambodia to flee to China during that time they belonged to. Given the absence of proper legal (Edwards & Chan, 1996; Jelonek, 2004). definition of ethnic Chinese during that time, many of the Chinese immigrants claimed to be Cambodian Sangkum Reastr Niyum or the Popular Socialist Era subjects in order to avoid paying that special tax. Will- (1953-1970) revised its nationality policies moving mott also wrote that, as opposed to other ‘aliens’, the towards “the older Cambodian principle of widening Chinese were allowed to pursue whatever occupations the circle of subjects” (Willmott 1967:79). The revised they desired, including publishing papers and running law in 1954 stated that anyone can be considered Cam- printing establishments, hotels, and bars (Willmott bodian if either one of the parents is Cambodian re- 1967:72). Despite such policies, the legal status of gardless of where the individual was born. This also Chinese residents in Cambodia varied throughout the applied to children born in Cambodia with either one 19th and 20th century (ibid). Before the colonial gov- of the parents born in Cambodia regardless of their ernment was established, the Khmer King, wanting to nationality. This revised law, Willmott said, made the bring all the country’s residents under the rule of ethnic boundaries between Chinese and Khmer less Cambodian law, formally announced that any Chinese clear because it allowed children born in Chinese fam- with one Cambodian parent would be considered ily to be Cambodian nationals. Assimilation into Cam- Cambodian if he or she abandoned Chinese dress and bodian society was also encouraged by the policies hairstyle. However, the French colonial government, from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the mid pursuing policy that clearly distinguished the immi- 1950s, friendly relations between Cambodia and the grants and the indigenous people, stipulated that it was PRC were developed which brought King Sihanouk to only the case for children of Cambodian fathers. This Peking and Chou En-lai to Cambodia. On his trip to policy left the children of Chinese fathers out of in- Cambodia in December 1956, Chou En-lai gave a digenous question. After gaining independence, the speech in Phnom Penh encouraging the Chinese resi- Cambodian government returned back to the incorpo- dents in Cambodia to become good citizens of their 94 EXPLORATIONS a graduate student journal of southeast asian studies Sovatha Ann country of residence. This was in line with the shift of that many ethnic Chinese died during the Khmer PRC’s overseas Chinese policies as the PRC became Rouge period (1975-1979). more involved in Asian political arena (Willmott The Khmer Rouge (KR) period, during which almost 1967:78-79). By this time, the Chinese did not have to 2 million people were killed, was known as the darkest belong to a congregation anymore (ibid). Despite such days in Cambodia’s recent history.3 The ethnic Chi- changes, the resident Chinese were usually excluded nese, like other ethnic groups, was almost wiped out from the display of Cambodian’s nation building proc- during this period. This ethnic killing could have been ess. However, on special occasions such as the wel- attributed to the Khmer Rouge’s policies to purify coming of the honorary visits from PRC’s leaders, the Cambodia and to get rid of the economic bourgeois Chinese were mobilized for the demonstration of ro- class, with which the Chinese were usually seen as as- bust Sino-Khmer friendship (Edwards & Chan, 1996). sociated (Becker, 1986; Chandler, 2007). Edwards and Towards the end of the 1960’s, the relationship be- Sambath wrote that this is ironic in that Khieu Sam- tween Cambodia and China went sour as a result of phan, one of the Khmer Rouge leaders, once wrote in China’s Cultural Revolution and the rise of pro- his dissertation that the Chinese played important eco- communist Chinese in Cambodia. nomic role in Cambodia and had been well assimilated The situation of Chinese in Cambodia worsened into Cambodian society. Yet when the Khmer Rouge after King Sihanouk was ousted in a coup d’état and took power, the Chinese were the targets of execution Lon Nol came to power in 1970 creating the Republic precisely on the ground of their economic roles of Kampuchea. After Lon Nol took office, the Republic (Edwards & Chan, 1996). Not everybody agreed that of Kampuchea shut down Chinese schools and news- the high loss of Chinese life during the Khmer Rouge papers and accused them (and the Vietnamese) of con- was a result of their capitalist association.