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Finding Progressive Values in the Northern Rockies and Plains States’ Constitutions by Samuel Western

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Finding Progressive Values in the Northern Rockies and Plains States’ Constitutions by Samuel Western The 89ers Finding Progressive Values in the Northern Rockies and Plains States’ Constitutions by Samuel Western While talking with Wyoming historian Phil Roberts present-day Republicanism, yet the two are often con- about my forthcoming book on politics in the West, flated. The 89ers all began as part of the 1861 Dakota I was startled when he said, “I’ve been studying the Territory, and this new addition to the nation exuded Wyoming constitution for years. Yet I’m starting to small “r” republican ideals, necessarily differ entiated revise my opinion of it. It’s actually more progressive from the big “R” Republican party. As historian than we think.” Jon Lauck wrote in Prairie Republic: The Political I told Phil to stop putting Jim Beam in his coffee. Culture of Dakota Territory, 1879–1889 (Univ. of Intrigued, I explored his premise. Not only did I agree Oklahoma Press, 2010), “The republicanism I find to with Roberts but discovered that like Wyoming, four be a powerful current in Dakota Territory relates the other states had written or rewritten their constitu- political ideology with roots in ancient Greece and tions in 1889: North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, Rome and early modern Italy and England.” If you and Idaho. These 89ers, as I call them, infused were unfamiliar with what republicanism meant in progressive ideas into their founding documents. 1861, Lauck continued, “think of the general politi- Their vision was both Republican in party and cal principles of Thomas Jefferson, not the specific republican in philosophy, no mean feat in that era of platform of Ronald Reagan.” In short, the historical clashing ideals and aspirations. The delegates were values of inclusivity in these states’ constitutions do generally conservative: they respected tradition and not square with the values of the current political free enterprise while recognizing that the Gilded narrative. Age had given too much to too few. As a result, egali- Another fallacy in the political story line is that tarianism and pragmatism were the bywords. These the Great Plains and Northern Rockies have always constitutions were modestly populist, suspicious of been largely Republican (Montana excepted), pro- corporations, wildly pro-agriculture, enthusiastic business, and “conservative.” When I asked retired about commonweal republican virtues, and mostly senator Alan Simpson, a Wyoming Republican, pro-suffrage. While narrowly inclusive by modern about this perceived GOP dominance, he balked. standards—excluding American Indians, Asian “Well, we can forget that notion. The longest-serving Americans, and Mormons—these constitutions were U.S. Senator in Wyoming history was a Democrat, considered a model of amplitude by nineteenth- Joseph O’Mahoney. He was in office for over twenty century benchmarks. They curtailed child labor and years. Look at Ed Herschler [another Democrat and instead promoted affordable public education. They the] only three-term governor we had. And he was looked out for the working stiff and clamped down just what we needed. We do not have a history of on railroads and irrigation companies to prevent being a Republican-only state.” Historian Marshall monopolies. The secret ballot found favor shortly after Damgaard possesses an encyclopedic knowledge of statehood. Over the years, the 89ers accepted the odd the Great Plain’s political past, particularly his native duck and unconventional: Hutterites, Mennonites, South Dakota. He summed up the state’s narrative syncretic New Age communes, white supremacists, this way: “Many people, even South Dakota residents, doomsday cults, and Jewish colonies. The five con- perceive that this state has, politically, always been a stitutions enshrined an explicitly central-planning dependable (read: boring) conservative bastion. The concept significant in arid states: state ownership of historical record screams otherwise.” running water. A 2019 Gallup poll identified all of the 89er Here’s the paradox of the matter: the republicanism states as “highly conservative,” with Wyoming and of the 89er constitutions bears little resemblance to South Dakota among the most conservative states in COMMENTARY | SUMMER 2021 69 the nation. In 2020, all the 89ers voted for Donald or social progress. Loyalty mattered. Party schisms Trump, with Wyoming leading the nation at 70.4 notwithstanding, the GOP of the Great Plains and percent to the incumbent. Irate citizens wave copies Northern Rockies had not drifted far from the party of their state’s constitutions at public meetings, of Lincoln. They were unionists, first and foremost; declaring them ignored repositories of unerring— many of the 89er conventioneers had either served in and selectively conservative—wisdom. Such displays the Union Army or had relatives who had. The GOP are common in movement conservatism, a trend that craved state autonomy and wanted to run their own has been around since the Great Depression, gained affairs, but, given the memory of the Civil War, del- momentum with Barry Goldwater around 1964, and egates were suspicious of extreme state sovereignty. took off under the neoliberal economic policies of This rejection of radical state’s rights theory made the Reagan era. It advocated for minimal govern- them relatively progressive by modern standards. ment, corporations, and individualism and against The Republicans of the 89er era gave credence to welfare, regulation, and unions. Later, anti-abortion, security, especially relating to safety and stability. gun rights, and a chauvinistic American exception- They were attached to the business community alism became part of the platform. This version of and wanted minimal taxation, but accepted taxes as conservatism, however, does not reflect these states’ necessary for proper governance. They subscribed to founding documents. Nor did it find solid footing in the gold standard and advocated for protective tariffs the Great Plains and Northern Rockies until the late to safeguard domestic industry and investment. But twentieth century. they weren’t so besotted with the bottom line as to To understand this turn, we need to move beyond ignore the darker sides of the Gilded Age’s laissez- political labels. In 1889, liberal was a term of esteem, faire economic policies. Two years before, Congress regardless of political affiliation. In the tradition of passed the Interstate Commerce Act, subjecting rail- Edmund Burke, liberal was synonymous for generous roads to federal regulation. In 1890, Congress further and, up to a point, inclusive. Defending the idea of restricted monopolies with the Sherman Anti-Trust women’s suffrage, at the Wyoming constitutional con- Act. vention, John Hoyt asked for the support of a body of The GOP of most western territories had pro- men “so intelligent, so high minded, so liberal as those gressive opinions about labor, women’s rights, and who compose this convention.” Conservative carried religion. They censured indentured servitude and some of the same connotations as today’s meaning. It child labor while protecting workers. In Montana, meant cautious or prudent and encouraged following delegates expanded liability law in favor of injured historical or judicial precedent. Henry B. Blackwell, workers. Women’s suffrage sparked some of the most co-founder of the national Republican Party and an passionate debate. The delegates’ attitudes were advocate for women’s suffrage, spoke to the Montana inconsistent when it came to other forms of inclusivity, constitutional convention. He pitched a “very simple especially concerning equal treatment for American and conservative proposition.” Give women the vote. Indians and religious freedom. Their take on religion Why? Because it embraced the principles of equality seems progressive but was traditional. Chalk part of found in the U.S. Constitution. Conservative did this up to the Enabling Act of 1889, the federal legis- not mean, however, anti-government, either federal lation that made these states possible. The Enabling or state. It did not mean exclusivity. Unlike liberal, Act mandated that a “perfect toleration of religious conservative could infer negativity. Democrat James sentiment shall be secured.” Freedom of worship has W. Reid told his fellow delegates at the Idaho conven- deep roots in American history. While faiths besides tion that the press saw him as overly conservative and Christianity were acceptable in the abstract, Christian thus a mossback, or in other words, a stuck-up-to-the- sects proved problematic. South Dakota wrestled hubs feudalist. with anti-Catholic prejudice. The Idaho convention Republicans took progressive stances on a range had a donnybrook over Mormonism. of issues debated at the 1889 conventions, and they If a core tenant of modern conservatism has been did not turn away from the progressive label—an limited government, then these states face charges of umbrella term for anyone hoping to make economic ideological treason. The 1889 conventioneers did not 70 MONTANA THE MAGAZINE OF WESTERN HISTORY subscribe to the adage that government is best when it architecture. By focusing on utilitarian, commodity- governs least. They understood the potentials of state oriented education, the delegates etched in stone government and expanded its powers, passed laws the demise of the family farmer. Large-scale farming that encouraged growth, and beefed up their bills of and mining techniques, better plant genetics, and rights. In 1889, a period of economic, demographic, abandoning the mule for a John Deere—all
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