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Oman’s History Oman has been inhabited since pre-historic times. Because of its important strategic location, it has been a major trading country since the 6th century BCE – though it was often dominated by other peoples (Persians, Babylonians, etc.). After the coming of Islam, the area was ruled by religious leaders (imams) and then by hereditary kings. With the growth of European influence in the area, the Portuguese took control of Oman and the surrounding areas, ruling through the 16th and part of the 17th centuries. By the mid- 1600s, however, Oman was gradually gaining independence; by 1698, Oman had also taken control of Zanzibar (2000 miles away, but easily accessible by sea thanks to the monsoon winds) and other parts of East Africa. Zanzibar became such an important part of the Omani Empire that for a few decades in the mid-19th century, the Sultan of Oman actually moved to the island and ruled from there. By the 1860s, however, the two areas were ruled by different branches of the same Omani royal family; by the 1890s, the British seized Zanzibar, permanently severing the political link between Zanzibar and Oman. The 20th century saw Oman begin to modernize. In the 1950s, the sultan had to put down a revolt led by the Muslim religious leader (imam) of Nizwa, while in the 1960s, the government had to fight a communist-led rebellion in the Dhofar region, which borders Yemen. The Omani government eventually was successful in putting down both revolts. In 1970, the current sultan, Sultan Qaboos, came to power by ousting his father, who went into exile. The new sultan worked hard to overcome the divisions and create a united country. He also used the oil revenues (Oman has some oil – though not as much as the surrounding countries) to modernize the infrastructure, building roads and schools, financing electrical and water projects, etc. In general, Oman is a contented country. However , it will face many challenges in the coming years. Will Oman be able to continue to balance between East and West? Can it continue to remain on good terms with the rest of the Arab world, with Iran, and with the U.S. – even though the three do not like each other? What will happen to Oman’s government when Sultan Qaboos dies? What will happen to the economy when the oil runs out? All these issues require careful consideration and planning. .

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Pre-Colonial States and Separatist Civil Wars
Historical Origins of Modern Ethnic Violence: Pre-Colonial States and Separatist Civil Wars Jack Paine* August 20, 2019 Abstract This paper explains how precolonial statehood has triggered postcolonial ethnic violence. Groups organized as a pre-colonial state (PCS groups) often leveraged their historical privileges to control the postcolonial state while also excluding other ethnic groups from power, creating motives for rebellion. The size of the PCS group determined other groups’ opportunities for either gaining a separate state or overthrowing the government at the center. Regression evidence based on a novel global dataset of historical statehood demonstrates a strong positive correlation between stateless groups in countries with a PCS group and separatist civil war onset. Although the typical PCS group is large enough to deter center-seeking rebellions, in countries where the PCS group is small, stateless groups in their countries fight center-seeking rebellions at high rates. By contrast, particularly large PCS groups disable any rebellion prospects. These findings also explain cross-regional patterns in ethnic civil war onset and aims. *Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Rochester, [email protected]. I thank Bethany Lacina, Alex Lee, and Christy Qiu for helpful comments on earlier drafts. 1 INTRODUCTION Large-scale ethnic conflict is strikingly and tragically common in the postcolonial world. Numerous states outside of Western Europe fit the categorization of weakly institutionalized polities in which armed rebellion provides a viable avenue for aggrieved groups to achieve political goals. Many scholars analyze prospects for powersharing coalitions in these countries and consistently find that ethnic groups that lack access to power in the central government more frequently fight civil wars (Cederman, Gleditsch and Buhaug 2013; Roessler 2016).
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