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University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies (POLIS) State, Religion and Democracy in the Sultanate of Oman Sulaiman H. AI-Farsi Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies (POLIS) June,2010 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS Acknowledgements This thesis is gratefully dedicated in particular to my marvellous supervisors, Professor Clive Jones and Dr. Caroline Dyer for their unparalleled support throughout the study period; for their serenity in reading my successive drafts; for their invaluable advice, comments, and prompt responses; for their immeasurable time expended and for their care and sympathy during trying times. lowe a great debt of gratitude to the University of Leeds for its excellent research resources and environment; for its libraries, the SDDU, the ISS and all staff in the POLIS department, and particularly the most patient and dynamic Helen Philpott. I am also greatly indebted to my beloved country, Oman, for everything, including the scholarship offered to me to do this research; to the members of my family who continued to support me throughout this study, particularly my wife who has taken on all the responsibilities of looking after the house and children; to my children (Maeen, Hamed, Ahmed and Mohammed) for understanding why I was away from them despite their young ages, and my brothers (Abdullah and Mohammed) who backed me and looked after my family. I also convey my most heart-felt, sincere thanks to those who responded to this study in Oman, for sharing their time in spite of busy schedules and for their contributions to the study; and to those who played a part in making arrangements for the interviews to take place, and others who contributed to this study in one way or another. 11 Abstract The extent to which the Middle East in general and the Gulf states in particular are willing and able to embrace more inclusive means of popular political participation has dominated the politics of the region for nearly two decades. Faced with contending pressures of urbanisation, demographic shifts and increasingly finite reserves of oil and gas, that social contract peculiar to the region - the rentier state - is no longer regarded as the panacea for ensuring regime stability and legitimacy. The emergence of powerful and in some cases violent Islamist opposition groups, not least in Saudi Arabia, is seen as testament to such growing socio-political anomie. The Sultanate of Oman is not immune from such pressures. How to ensure the continued legitimacy of the political system in a post-oil era is the focus of this thesis. A traditionally tribal society noted for its adherence to the Ibadi school of Islam, Oman has increasingly been buffeted by the forces of globalisation, population growth, an emerging middle class, accelerating rates of urbanisation and the concomitant demands for greater political participation. Across much of the Middle East, such demands have either been bloodily repressed or, if imposed by outside intervention, have led to the emergence of fragile regimes whose legitimacy is often beholden to an uneasy alliance of otherwise competing sectarian factions. By contrast, Oman provides a unique case study in how attempts to open up the political space in Oman have emerged from three separate but inter-connected constituencies: a top-down approach associated with the state elite; the traditional view of Shura linked to religious and tribal hegemony, and the bottom-up approach to democratisation, associated with an increasingly educated and urbanised middle class. All three constituencies draw upon indigenous symbols such as religion, tradition and norms to promote their view of democratisation. The thesis examines the extent to which these contending approaches to political reform employ existing forms of legitimacy and identity drawn from Ibadi Islam and in particular, the concept of Shura. The thesis explores the extent to which Shura is, in an Omani context, compatible with national emancipation and in so doing, challenges the extent to which this process is less a function of broader public demand, and more a response to the demands of Omani elites wishing to entrench the longevity and legitimacy of the political system in the post-oil era. The thesis argues that all three constituencies believe that Shura in Oman, despite its often contested nature, forms the cornerstone for ensuring the legitimacy of any political regime. Incorporating a sense of shared identity that recognises the continued importance of tribalism in determining political allegiance, the process of Shura has nonetheless reached a level of maturity that now embraces the concept of popular participation. The absence of sectarian factions and other social problems in the evolution of this process serves to highlight how indigenous approaches to popular participation can determine new approaches to political reform across the Middle East. iii Contents Acknowledgements y Abstract l!: Contents .l Figures c::: Glossary .l::a 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Background 1 1.2 Aims and Objectives 11 1.3 Research Questions 12 1.4 Methodology 13 1.5 The Structure of the Thesis 20 2 The Context of Democratisation in the Arab World 23 2.1 Introduction 23 2.2 Democracy: A Review of the Debates 25 2.3 The Democratic Issue in the Arab World 32 2.4 Democracy and External Intervention 35 2.5 Democracy versus Authoritarian Regimes 39 2.6 Democracy and the Rentier State 43 2.7 Islam and Democracy 49 2.8 Democracy and Civil Society 57 2.9 Conclusion 66 3 The Omani Context 68 3.1 Introduction 68 3.2 The Omani Tribes: Origin and Politics 68 3.3 Social Transformation in Oman since 1970 77 3.4 Traditional and Contemporary Political Processes in Oman 84 3.5 The Basic Statute of the State 94 3.6 Majlis Oman (Council of Oman) ..;- 98 3.6.1 Majlis Al-Dawlah (State Council) 99 3.6.2 Majlis Al-Shura (Shura Council) 101 3.7 The Electoral Principle and the Electoral Committees 104 3.8 The Annual Royal Tour 107 3.9 Conclusion 109 iv 4 The 'Top-Down' Model: Challenges to its Success III 4.1 Introduction III 4.2 Reasons for Adopting the Political Process from the Top 112 4.2.1 The Role of the Historical Legacy 113 4.2.2 The Role of Education and Culture 116 4.2.3 The Role of Globalisation 120 4.3 Traditional and Contemporary Shura: Similarities and Differences 126 4.4 Respondents' Critique of the Contemporary Shura 130 4.4.1 The Role of Government.. 131 4.4.2 The Role of Community 135 4.5 Challenges to the Contemporary Shura 141 4.5.1 The Challenge of the Traditional Shura 142 4.5.2 The Challenge of the New Generation 145 4.5.3 The Challenge of the Oil-related Problems 150 4.6 Future of the Shura in Oman 152 4.7 Conclusion 156 5 The Traditional Model: Theology of Ibadism and Modernity 158 5.1 Introduction 158 5.2 The Shura: Origin and Practice 159 5.2.1 The Shura before Islam 159 5.2.2 Islam and the Shura 160 5.2.3 Ibadism and the Shura 162 5.3 Political Regimes in Ibadism 165 5.3.1 The non-Hereditary Regime (the Imamate) 169 5.3.2 The semi-Hereditary Regime 172 5.3.3 Stipulations for Deposition of the Ruler 176 5.4 The Traditional and Contemporary Shura 179 5.4.1 The Powers of the Contemporary Shura 182 5.4.2 The Influence of Tribal Fanaticism 183 5.4.3 Boycotting the Elections: the Graduates Response 185 " 5.4.4 Challenge of the 'Rentier State Model' 186 5.5 Democracy and Globalisation and the Ibadi's View 188 5.5.1 The Shura and Democracy 188 5.5.2 The Shura and Globalisation 189 5.6 Conclusion 191 v 6 The 'Bottom-Up' Model: Ambitions and Challenges ...•...................•........ 193 6.1 Introduction 193 6.2 The Younger Generation's Views of the Traditional Shura 194 6.3 The Younger Generation's Views of the Contemporary Shura 196 6.3.1 Old and Contemporary Shura 197 6.3.2 Influence ofGlobalisation 198 6.3.3 Gradualism of the Contemporary Shura 201 6.3.4 Tribal Fanaticism 202 6.3.5 Graduates' Reluctance 204 6.3.6 The Future of the Shura 206 6.4 The Younger Generation's Political Views and Demands 208 6.4.1 Civil Society Associations 211 6.4.2 Influence of Employment in the Private Sector 213 6.4.3 Post-Oil Era 215 6.5 Conclusion 216 7 Discussion and Conclusions 218 7.1 Introducti on 218 7.2 Democratisation Problem in Oman and the Arab World 218 7.3 Reasons for Adopting the Shura from the Top-Down 219 7.4 Religious Intellectuals Legitimise the Contemporary Shura 220 7.5 Satisfaction of the New Generation 223 7.6 The Shortcomings of the Contemporary Shura 224 7.6.1 Problems Related to the Government 224 7.6.2 Problems related to the Society 226 7.7 The Future of the Shura in the Post-Oil Era 228 7.8 Constraints and Directions for Future Research 229 7.9 Conclusions 231 VI Bibliography 234 Appendix 1: The Government Respondents (GR): 245 Appendix 2: The Religious Respondents (RR): 246 Appendix 3: The Young Generation Respondents (YGR): 247 Appendix 4: Committees' work in Majlis Al-Dawlak (State Council): 248 Appendix 5: Draft laws revised and suggested by the A l-Shura Council: 250 Appendix 6: Issues discussed between the Al-Shura Council and several government ministers: 251 Appendix 7: Reports sent by the Al-Shura Council to the government regarding various issues: 252 Appendix 8: Interview Questions 253 Appendix 9: Interview with Dr Kahlan AI-Kharousi (05/0112009) 255 vii Figures Figure 2-1: Social Divisions vs.
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