PastGraduate Review Tense of History

Volume 5, Issue 1 | Spring 2017

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Copyright © 2017 by the Authors All rights reserved First Published April 2017 Typeface Herr Von Muellerhoff and Minion Pro Cover design by Katie Davis Volume 5, Issue 1 Layout design by Eriks Bredovskis Spring 2017 iv Past Tense Volume 5, Issue 1 Corpus Christi Sphere Corpus inthe Managing Marital Expectations: Marian and Speech Practices Domestic the Southern Unitedthe States...... 71 NotionsRejecting of Passivity: American African Resistance to Lynching in of Miguel Saavedra’s deCervantes Quixote Don A Well-Worn and Far-Travelled Tome:Life The and Times Editionof a1652 Masculinity, and Conceptualized the Other...... 34 Framing Violence Military Metropolitan Africa: inGerman Indoctrination, withto Difficult Dealing Archives...... 29 Archive: the Beyond Looking An Interdisciplinary Approach Imperial Russia’s Penny Press...... 8 Popular Vladimir Anzimirov Liberalism: and Influence the of from theEditors...... vi Letter Table of Sarah Whitwell David Purificato Christopher Goodwin Kelsey Kilgore University of Toronto, 2016 Winner of the 12th Annual Graduate History Symposium Best Paper Prize, Felix Cowan Vanessa Corcoran R.

Contents Cycles...... 96 ...... 65 Editorial Board...... 129 the First World War Review of Marjorie Gehrhardt, The withMen Broken Faces: GueulesCassées of Australia, 1880–1940 Maternalism, and the Removal of Indigenous Children in the American West and Review of Margaret Jacobs, White Mother to aDark Race: Settler Colonialism, Radical ImaginationRadical Review of Taj Robeson Frazier, The Eastis Black:Cold War China in the Black Review of Joanna Bourke, The Story of Pain: From Prayer to Painkillers Evan P. Sullivan...... 126 Baligh Ben Taleb John S.Miller Andrew Seaton...... 121 ...... 122 ...... 124 Volume 5, Issue 1

Past Tense v Volume 5, Issue 1 vi Past Tense Volume 5, Issue 1 Dear Readers, cently published works discipline. inthe Miller, Evan Taleb. Sullivan, Ben and Baligh highlight These re- reviews This issue also features written book reviews Seaton,by Andrew John by tracing international the travels of arare volume Quixote of Don Purificatovid through us the walks value of sourcereading a as object and interdisciplinary approaches into our research- Da methodologies. sources, making astrong for case integrating non-traditional sources sources. Kelsey Kilgore with missing details her experience archival commentaries twoOur critical engage also with value the of primary cotting, and migration. of American African resistance to racism throughsabotage, theft, boy - Works Progress Administration, Whitwell hiddenhistories the accesses timonies in1930sbythe collected Federal the Writers’ Project of the States during nineteenth the and early twentieth centuries. Using tes- ofhistory American African resistance violence to United racial inthe ism to lower-class Russian culture. Sarah Whitwell’s the articletackles newspaperasthe aplatform acted to communicate popular this - liberal source that illuminates aunique vision of modernity. He explains how Russianperial penny newspaper introduces readers to an understudied Felix Cowan’s award-winning piece on prolific the publisher lateof a Im- ofuse sources, new and methodologies, approaches to writing history. topics that span centuries and continents, each author advocates for the students from across North Although articlesaddress America. these commentaries,two critical and four written reviews book by graduate The fifth edition ofPast Tense brings together four articles, academic making process. and around world the with opportunities to participate journal- inthe andhistory to provide graduate students at University the of Toronto motivated by desire the to promote graduate research fields inall of commentary. critical the Throughout these changes all we have been publication layout, and introduced genre new of writing to journal: the journal’s the designed image, launched website, anew created anew editoriala new board and system. piloted review We peer anew re- past the year,Over Past Tense many has seen changes. We welcomed . Toronto, Canada Co-Editors, Past Tense Graduate of History Review Katie Davis Sincerely, History of ate Review research inhistory, and enjoy please latest the issue of Past Tense Gradu - approaches to your own research. Thank you for supportinggraduate and innovative presented ideas issue inthis inspires you to consider new and frames of analyses into our own work. We hope that exciting the As historians, we must to about learn seek and integrate methods new propriety and expression. vocal tionship and Mary between Joseph, emphasizing contested the nature of lights variations the ingender roles illustrated through marital the rela- provided Medieval women with image apowerful to emulate. She- high English liturgical dramas at looks ways the Virgin the inwhich Mary explanatory factor for colonial violence. Vanessa Corcoran’s piece on rolethe of and masculinity culture as male an military German inthe as astarting point,introduces military German Goodwin reader the to thatAfrica resulted Herero inthe genocide of 1904to 1907.Using the Goodwin’s article examines of history the colonialGerman violence in The study of figuresalso gender prominently this in issue. Christopher . From the Editors Laurie DrakeLaurie vii Past Tense Volume 5, Issue 1 Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

n the wake of Russia’s 1905 that included the traditional “working revolution, the press found a new class” of industrial labourers, but also audience in Russia’s lower classes. those who might be called the working Research Article IThe newspaperGazeta-Kopeika (Kopeck poor in industries such as day labour, Gazette, hereafter Kopeika), firstpetty trade, and domestic service, as well Winner of the 12th Annual Graduate History Symposium published in St. Petersburg on June as the much larger peasantry. Drawn Best Paper Prize, University of Toronto, 2016 19, 1908,1 rapidly established itself as from multiple social estates, working the most popular newspaper in the in multiple professions, with multiple Russian Empire because it was the identities, associations, and cultures, it first to make Russia’s impoverished is nearly impossible to categorize these lower classes its primary audience. Russians into one neat group, hence Popular Liberalism: Expressing a liberal stance on most the ambiguous term “lower classes.” issues, Kopeika championed workers’ At times, these Russians distinguished Vladimir Anzimirov and the Influence rights and democratic institutions. But themselves by who they were not, rather its first publisher, Vladimir Anzimirov, than who they were: they were included of Imperial Russia’s Penny Press used Kopeika as an outlet for his in neither the wealthy and privileged own vision of Russian modernity, an elite nor the small Russian “middle agrarian rather than urban plan that class” of professionals and merchants combined elements of liberalism and who were the typical audience for Felix Cowan development along western lines with Russian newspapers before Kopeika. University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign older Russian populist ideas about Russia’s lower classes did share a paucity the centrality of agriculture and the of disposable income, however, making peasantry. Anzimirov did not neatly fit them an ideal readership for Kopeika, into any defined Russian political party which offered a chance to read the news or category, and instead existed in the for a single kopeck each day.2 marginal space between established This article builds on the work This article examines the founding of the Russian penny newspaper Gazeta-Ko- programs. Yet his ideology—which I of several scholars who have studied peika and the influence of its first publisher, Vladimir Anzimirov. First published term “popular liberalism,” to reflect Kopeika and the wider world of in June 1908, Kopeika was the Russian Empire’s first newspaper to target the poor both its ideological progenitors and the Russian newspapers. The classic study and working class as its primary audience and reached hundreds of thousands of popularity of the papers with which he of Imperial Russia’s mass circulation Russians every day. Analyzing the content of Kopeika’s first month of publication, spread it—reached a potential audience press is Louise McReynolds’ The News this article argues that it served as a mouthpiece for Anzimirov’s particular political of hundreds of thousands every under Russia’s Old Regime.3 McReynolds views. It further contends that Anzimirov did not fit into defined trends of Russian day. Anzimirov wielded considerable describes Kopeika as essentially similar political thought. Instead, he advocated a form of “popular liberalism” that com- influence by communicating his ideal to existing middle class newspapers, St. bined a belief in liberal values and Russian backwardness with older populist ideas vision of modernity directly to Russia’s Petersburg’s so-called “boulevard” press. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume about the centrality of agriculture and the peasantry to Russian development. By- lower classes. His writing reminds us She highlights the role of the paper’s 1 5, Issue Volume 8 passing traditional political parties and media, Anzimirov took his political ideas that formal political organizations were editor, Mikhail Gorodetskii, rather than 9 directly to the people via Kopeika, giving his views a wide popular audience and not the only forces in society advancing Anzimirov, in part because Anzimirov highlighting the blurred categorizations of political belief and ideology in the late policies or shaping public opinion, and left St. Petersburg after less than a year Russian Empire. that private individuals could be more to found and run the Moscow version influential than grandiose political of Kopeika. To McReynolds, Kopeika Past Tense Past Past Tense Past figures. sought to integrate and assimilate I use the term “lower classes” to workers, especially peasant migrants to refer to a nebulous group of Russians the city, into urban bourgeois society Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

and the middle class liberal vision general, and Russian newspapers If some readers flipped through his In such circumstances, Kopeika of Russia.4 Another renowned study, in particular, have been accepted as articles, surely others read every word offered St. Petersburg’s cash-strapped Jeffrey Brooks’ When Russia Learned playing a role in shaping public opinion and perhaps even adopted his popular lower classes the opportunity to read the to Read, examines Kopeika and the through editorial choices, in dialogue liberal ideas. news while saving a few kopecks. Where kopeck papers it inspired as a site of with readers’ pre-existing biases and conditions previously had not allowed cultural production for lower class the newspaper’s need to appeal to its Gazeta-Kopeika in 1908 St. Petersburg for a lower-class newspaper, Kopeika print culture in the form of serialized readers in order to achieve commercial took advantage of the relaxation of fiction.5 Recent works of urban history success.11 However, commercial success opeika occupied a rapidly censorship since the 1905 revolution and have used Kopeika to explore daily meant greater influence in society. Kchanging city when it began the advancement of printing technology, life in St. Petersburg, particularly When successful newspapers linked publication in June 1908. A massive in addition to the emergence of a lower- focusing on its regular columns on sensational and commercially appealing wave of migration brought over class readership.18 Kopeika was founded crime, accidents, suicides, and other journalism to social and political issues, one million new residents to the in this new environment by Mikhail events in the city. These works analyze they could exert a “subversive” influence city in two decades, predominantly Gorodetskii, credited as editor and how the press constructed urban far greater than the radical press.12 This from peasant villages in the Russian publisher, and Vladimir Anzimirov, modernity by populating the urban was the situation in which Kopeika countryside.13 New migrants entered credited only as publisher. Gorodetskii landscape with people, landmarks, and found itself during Anzimirov’s time as the St. Petersburg industrial labour was a liberal Jew from Donetsk province incidents.6 Offering a more partisan publisher. Its dramatic commercial success market but more commonly found jobs who had worked his way up through the view, the Soviet historian of journalism may have been due to sensational daily in other low-skill occupations like petty news business from selling newspapers B. I. Esin dismissed Kopeika and other journalism and popular fiction rather commerce, domestic service, day labour, to running them, and whose journalism penny press newspapers as creations than Anzimirov’s political writing, but transportation, and construction.14 The had previously focused on the poor of bourgeois “hucksters” that were either way, its wide readership meant a wages these industries offered were workers of southwestern Russia.19 Most derivative of earlier boulevard papers.7 wide potential audience for Anzimirov. well below the urban cost of living, scholarship on Kopeika’s staff centres on Some studies of Russia’s penny press and most workers had trouble making Gorodetskii, who remained in place as have even left out Kopeika, focusing on ends meet.15 In popular culture, editor and publisher until 1918, when the earlier boulevard papers rather than His writing peasant migrants were often pilloried he died and the Bolsheviks shut down the first publication actually available as backward, and they were pressured the paper. But Gorodetskii rarely wrote for a single kopeck.8 Finally, other works reminds us that to abandon village culture in favour of for the paper. In later years, Kopeika’s on the press mention Kopeika briefly or urban norms. Popular culture reflected tone would be set primarily by two not at all, but speak more broadly to the formal political the stresses placed on migrants who were leading journalists and feuilletonists, press’s role in creating Russia’s public pulled between different classes, locales, Olga Gridina and O. Ia. Blotermants.20 sphere.9 organizations and identities. Conversely, some peasants In its first months, however, Kopeika’s Building on these works, I examine feared the city as a corrupting influence tone was dictated by Anzimirov, who Kopeika as a source of political activism were not the only on traditional peasant morality.16 Most penned numerous articles under his that sought to influence its readers toward importantly for this study, literacy was own name and multiple pseudonyms, a specific view of Russia and a specific rapidly increasing. St. Petersburg’s and whose articles set the broader tone

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume forces in society 1 5, Issue Volume program of agrarian development as inhabitants were mostly literate by the for the paper’s reporting.21 10 described by Anzimirov’s articles, as well time of the 1897 Russian census, with Anzimirov was born in 1859 in 11 as the paper’s broader content. Despite advancing men and youths particularly likely to Barnaul, Western Siberia, to a noble wide circulation, Kopeika’s activism was be literate. Literacy, though, was fairly family. His mother’s uncle was Count not necessarily successful in influencing policies or limited: most had only completed one Fedor Litke, an admiral and at one time the newspaper’s readers. Just because a or two years of school and were unable the president of the Russian Academy of Past Tense Past Past Tense Past popular newspaper commented on an shaping public to write, though they could read well Sciences. In his youth, Anzimirov was a issue does not mean its readers adopted enough to follow the basic print culture radical. During four years (1877–1880) the newspaper’s view.10 Newspapers in opinion that targeted the lower classes.17 at the Moscow Petrovskaia Academy Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

of Agriculture and Forestry he helped name. He also directed two publishing not primarily targeted at them and very few front-page advertisements. In organize populist groups, including houses, “The People’s Benefit” after 1895 never reached the heights of Kopeika’s its first weeks it carried none, typically a circle at his school representing and “The People’s Publishing House” circulation.28 Large national newspapers only including a few advertisements Narodnaia Volia (The People’s Will), after 1909. But Kopeika was where had for decades offered the same kind of on the back page. Even by the end of a revolutionary populist organization Anzimirov was most influential.23 content as Kopeika: political editorials, 1908, issues typically had only one or responsible for the assassination of Gorodetskii and Anzimirov’s brief news stories from across Russia two front-page advertisements and Tsar Alexander II in 1881. Anzimirov newspaper was an instant success. and the world, crime and justice held the rest to the back of the paper. In even spent a month in prison in Circulation rose from its initial 11,000 columns, and so on.29 In many ways, this respect Kopeika was similar to the 1879, suspected of murdering a secret copies to 150,000 in 1909 and peaked Kopeika followed in the footsteps of unprofitable Rech’ rather than the other policeman, before joining the more at 250,000 in 1910, a level that held for middle-class boulevard newspapers like mass circulation papers, indicating peaceful populist group Chernyi Peredel several years. In addition, street sales Petersburgskii Listok, which synthesized that Kopeika may have also relied on (Black Repartition) at the end of 1879. climbed from two million copies sold in cultural, political, and social news in a subsidies at the beginning of its life, He was expelled from school in 1880 and 1908 to 10 million in 1909 and reached single publication primarily focused on before its circulation reached its height.34 retreated to an estate in Ryazan province, a peak of 17 million in 1911. Kopeika daily events in St. Petersburg.30 Kopeika, If Kopeika did receive subsidies at the but was kept under state surveillance rapidly became the most popular though, provided broader coverage: in its start, they likely came from Anzimirov for 15 years. Turning to legal activism, newspaper in St. Petersburg and even first months, compared to Peterburgskii himself given his involvement in setting Anzimirov became deeply involved in in the whole empire, with the highest Listok, Kopeika offered less local and up other newspapers and publishing efforts to promote Russia’s social and circulation and some of the highest more international news.31 Finally, the houses, his own personal wealth economic development, particularly in street sales of all Russian newspapers. Russian press also included an official compared to Gorodetskii’s background agricultural productivity—for example, Actual readership was even higher outlet of the liberal Constitutional of poverty, and the degree to which he was one of the first people in Russia since copies were often shared among Democratic Party (the Kadets), Rech’ early issues of Kopeika were filled with to mass produce phosphate fertilizer. multiple readers.24 Indeed, Kopeika was (Speech), which was edited by the his articles and centred on his favourite He published numerous articles on so successful that it was able to outfit its Kadets’ leader, Paul Miliukov. But Rech’ themes. the subject in the journal Khoziain own modern press capable of printing was unsuccessful as a mass paper: it had (Landlord), as well as monographs 112,000 issues per hour.25 In terms of a small circulation, failed in attempts Vladimir Anzimirov’s Popular with titles such as On Fertilizer, and readership, evidence points to Kopeika to reach the lower classes, and relied Liberalism in Gazeta-Kopeika articles in publications, such as Russkoe reaching a previously untapped market. on subsidies from wealthy benefactors Bogatstve (Russian Wealth), Russkoe Sales of established boulevard papers because it never turned a profit.32 he dominant strain of Russian Slovo (Russian Word), and Birzhevyia like Peterburgskii Listok (Petersburg One area where Kopeika distinguished Tliberalism grew out of the zemstvo Vedomosti (Stock Exchange News). List) were unaffected by Kopeika’s itself was its relative lack of advertising, and by 1908 was concentrated in the He was also involved in zemstvo22 growth, implying that Kopeika’s readers which may point to financial support Kadets. Ideologically closer to the institutions in the Ryazan, Klinsky, and were not drawn from the middle-class from Anzimirov. In its early years, period’s interventionist liberals than Moscow districts, serving on zemstvo audience of the existing boulevard Kopeika carried proportionally less classical liberalism, the Kadet program boards, as the secretary of agricultural press.26 Finally, Kopeika was also advertising than other mass circulation advocated traditional liberal values like societies, and as a local magistrate. influential within the newspaper world, papers.33 What advertisements it did the rule of law, personal liberty, judicial Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Anzimirov’s involvement in the press as dozens of other kopeck dailies sprang carry tended to be less conspicuous: independence, and legal equality, but 1 5, Issue Volume 12 extended beyond Kopeika—he set up up across the empire.27 papers like Peterburgskii Listok, also included more specifically Russian 13 several other publications between 1908 Compared to other newspapers, Peterburgskaia Gazeta (Petersburg and broad-based policies like free and 1912: Derevenskaia Gazeta (Village Kopeika’s unprecedented characteristics Gazette), Novoe Vremia (New Times), movement, decentralization of political Gazette), Put’ (The Way), Kinematograf were its low price, its intended and Russkoe Slovo typically filled their authority, the right to unionize and (Cinematography), and Detskii Mir readership, and its success. Previous front pages with advertisements that strike, and progressive tax reform.35 Past Tense Past Past Tense Past (Children’s World), sometimes with papers, such as Moskovskii Listok could cover half the page or even leave Miliukov claimed with pride that the surrogates listed as editor and publisher (Moscow List), had included lower- just a small corner for newspaper content. Kadets were the most left-wing major and sometimes under Anzimirov’s own class readers in their audience, but were On the other hand, Kopeika carried political party in Europe, and the Kadets Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

wanted to build a mass party that would his real name—primarily in his lengthy Anzimirov’s signed writing appeared re a s on .” 46 Appeals to reason, personal include workers.36 But, despite their best serialized editorial “How to Get as early as the second article of the first freedom, education, and constructive efforts, the Kadets remained primarily Rich?”—accounted for 29 per cent of all issue. Following Kopeika’s opening work were emblematic of Anzimirov’s an urban bourgeois party populated by articles, in the first month of publication. editorial proclaiming its “peaceful, popular liberal politics, and also of professionals, academics, and white- His influence over Kopeika’s editorial creative work,” Anzimirov (writing as Russian liberalism more broadly. collar workers.37 Anzimirov closely stance was even greater. Editorials in Mirskoi) penned an editorial about rural As Mirskoi, Anzimirov published resembled the older zemstvo liberals Kopeika occupied a prime location at education, remarking that “ignorance” multiple editorials calling for broader whose ideas about mass education, the the front of the paper: first page, first was “the most tender spot of our life” education, frequently crediting the rule of law, representative government, column. Like other Russian newspapers and “the most necessary person in the West’s success to mass education. He reformism, and professional service to of the time, Kopeika led most issues village is, of course, the teacher.”43 Later attributed the importance of an eight- the Russian people had evolved into with an untitled and unsigned in the same issue, under the pseudonym hour workday to workers’ pursuit of the Kadet platform.38 But his agrarian editorial followed by one or two Bat’ko, Anzimirov included a fable with education in their increased leisure proposals also seem derived from additional editorials, sometimes signed the moral to be open to new ideas and “let time, while also emphasizing education’s Russian populism, a defunct ideology and sometimes unsigned. Anzimirov everyone live as they like.”44 Anzimirov’s role in increasing worker productivity emphasizing the centrality of Russia’s wrote 67 per cent of all Kopeika’s interest in fiction, often with heavy- so that the eight-hour day could be vast peasantry and countryside to signed editorials in the first month of handed morals and metaphors that realized.47 He clearly had a high opinion revolutionary progress.39 Anzimirov’s publication, under his own name or suggested his interest in proselytizing of Kopeika’s potential, at one point unique proposal was a Russian the pseudonym Mirskoi. Including all directly to an unsophisticated audience, declaring “let a monument of education homestead system of peasant settlers editorials, signed and unattributed, would continue: from the first issue be created, for one kopeck each, with the onto land reclaimed by the state, and Anzimirov personally wrote 30 per cent the resulting centrality of the peasantry of the 54 editorials Kopeika published to his popular liberalism set him in its first month. Considering how When successful newspapers linked apart from his contemporaries. When much he wrote for the paper, it is also Anzimirov’s writing reached hundreds highly likely that Anzimirov wrote, sensational and commercially appealing of thousands of readers, he promoted co-wrote, or influenced the writing of an ideology that was not represented by many of Kopeika’s unsigned editorials. journalism to social and political issues, Russia’s established political parties and In short, in numerical terms, Anzimirov movements. was the most prolific of Kopeika’s s t a ff they could exert a “subversive” influence Anzimirov was a remarkably and wielded a considerable degree prolific writer. In the first month of of influence over its editorial page far greater than the radical press Kopeika’s publication, he authored more and editorial policy. His prolificacy, articles than anyone else. Under his own editorial influence, and willingness on, notices regularly proclaimed that hands of the people! Before the eyes of name and the pseudonyms Bat’ko and to openly attach his name to the ideas Kopeika would, in the future, publish all mankind it will show that our people Mirskoi, Anzimirov signed off on 20 presented in the paper also reveal how Anzimirov’s serialized novel The Dregs.45 [...] are not worse than the peoples that articles, editorials, and even fairy tales.40 closely Anzimirov and Kopeika were As Bat’ko, Anzimirov published another gave the world Goethe, Shakespeare, Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume The next most productive writer, N. I. linked. Even when Anzimirov did fable a week after his first, a piece that Lessing, and Washington!”48 Education 1 5, Issue Volume 14 Vasil’ev, signed 14 articles under his own not personally write or sign Kopeika’s showed Anzimirov’s shortcomings as was even the answer to famine, as 15 name and pseudonyms, followed by the articles, I argue that they still reflected a writer but contained two messages: Anzimirov noted that “The educated sport columnist Kitych with 11 articles his ideas and his influence.42 warmth, light, and growth can overcome countries have not known hunger for a and the pseudonym Svoi who authored The content of Kopeika’s articles, darkness and destruction; and “One long time,” and the solution to Russia’s nine, neither of whose identities could both by Anzimirov and others, clearly need not be intrusive, even for the best frequent famines was therefore “broad Past Tense Past Past Tense Past be verified.41 Pseudonyms were so demonstrates how the paper followed of intentions! Otherwise you will sooner education of the masses.”49 Although common in Kopeika that Anzimirov Anzimirov’s lead editorially and served or later become hated and you will calls for wider education, a common alone, in just 12 articles signed with as an outlet for his popular liberalism. kill the best idea with excess zeal, not liberal refrain, were primarily found in Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

Anzimirov’s articles—indeed, they were was not passing legislation, but rather private property, and a sense of duty to frequent enough that at one point he “strengthening national representation the public in a mass sense, rather than Kopeika rapidly exasperatedly asked “do I have to repeat in Russia,” a goal it achieved simply to narrow political goals.60 Kopeika, the alphabet?” before advocating an by continuing to exist.53 Furthermore, in turn, at times backed the Kadets became the most expanded education system50—anxiety Kopeika depicted the Duma as the place and Miliukov. Both Miliukov and over Russia’s backwardness compared where “the pulse of national life” beat, Kopeika vehemently attacked the same to the “western” countries of Europe and when it was not in session “life right-wing groups;61 Kopeika’s coverage popular newspaper and North America was not unique to comes to a standstill.” If some of its (including an article by Anzimirov) of his writing. Rather, this theme recurred deputies did not deserve their positions, a legal battle between Miliukov as editor in St. Petersburg throughout Kopeika’s coverage of Kopeika implored its readers not to of Rech’ and the Russian newspaper Rus’ numerous issues, which typically argued let their bad behaviour “undermine strongly favoured Miliukov;62 Kopeika and even in the for liberal reforms to align Russia more the people’s inclination towards the also gave Miliukov a glowing review for closely with the West. very idea of popular representation.”54 a speech to the All-Russian Congress whole empire Criticism of the government and Indeed, Kopeika thought it self- of Journalists in which he praised calls for reform were hardly new to evident “that without the people’s the press’s role in Russia’s ongoing sense modernization strategies like newspapers in either Russia or the representatives, without the Duma, democratization.63 the introduction of modern fertilizers, West.51 Kopeika was no different. it is impossible to cure the chronic However, it is too simplistic to say seeds, and agricultural techniques, but At various times, editorials called diseases of our homeland.”55 Editorials Kopeika was entirely a liberal paper in the others included a call for the state “to for progress toward an independent even claimed that Russia’s Duma was vein of the Kadets. Indeed, Anzimirov conduct economic policy in the interests judiciary, equal rights for women, the envy of countries outside Europe.56 differed from them in significant ways of the main occupation of the people, state support for single mothers, safety In addition, Kopeika combined its calls and his importance to the newspaper in agriculture” rather than urban trade or regulations for dangerous industries for liberal reform and democracy with its first months meant that during that industry.65 It was this prioritization of the such as construction and mining, action critiques of Russian backwardness. time Kopeika acted more as an outlet countryside that set him furthest apart against corruption, and support for Anzimirov himself implored two for his own popular liberalism. In his from mainstream Russian liberalism as unemployed workers.52 Most frequently, Duma deputies planning a duel to serialized editorial, “How to Get Rich?,” represented by the Kadets, who tended though, Kopeika touted the benefits of resolve their dispute with “the noble, Anzimirov delineated a view of agrarian to express vague and indecisive views Russia’s State Duma, the new parliament peaceful weapon of words” rather than modernity for Russia that differed on agrarian issues so as not to alienate set up due to the 1905 revolution, which violence, and alcoholism was a frequent sharply from the Kadet vision for the any part of their big tent party. When was dramatically and undemocratically subject of criticism that was depicted future of the Russian countryside. In the Kadets did articulate a position, it restructured to benefit the nobility and as actively harming Russia’s youth.57 these articles, billed as “Simple talk was for a land bank to provide state, other conservative groups in 1907. More frequently, though, Kopeika’s about serious things,” Anzimirov laid crown, church, and some expropriated Kopeika’s writers acknowledged the critiques of Russian backwardness were out the basis of his agrarian program. land to poor peasants, a contradictory new Duma’s drawbacks, but attempted simply lines within articles stating that His primary argument was for Russia compromise between Kadets who to soothe budding discontent at its in Europe or North America they had to unlock the potential of its vast favoured widespread expropriation and takeover by insisting the Duma’s a solution to whatever problem Russia geography in order to reach the levels those who wanted strong respect for Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume symbolic value was greater than its faced, or that such a problem no longer of productivity and wealth in Europe private property rights.66 The confused 1 5, Issue Volume 16 instrumental one. “Is it possible to sum happened in the West at all.58 and North America by expanding onto nature of Kadet agrarian policy likely 17 up the work of the Third Duma in its In many respects, then, Kopeika was the unused “wasteland, swamp, taiga, further entrenched the popular view first session?” a Kopeika editorial asked, a traditionally liberal Russian paper.59 tundra, and steppe” that occupied of them as an urban bourgeois party before concluding, “No, this time has It followed a tradition of liberalism in 94 per cent of the Russian Empire. whose reformism protected entrenched not yet come. [...] The results of all this Russian newspapers that advanced the Since Russia was “predominantly interests.67 Past Tense Past Past Tense Past work will only manifest themselves at expansion of political and civil rights, agricultural,” the solution to Russia’s It would be hard for any reader to a later date.” This editorial went on to criticism of older, arbitrary forms of problems would also be agricultural.64 describe Anzimirov’s agrarian proposals claim that the Duma’s primary purpose rule, advocacy of the rule of law and Some of his proposals were common as confused or vague. They laid out in Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

countries, conducting “a thorough Anzimirov wanted a return to the land him apart from the left wing of the Anzimirov land survey” during the construction with economic policy that favoured Russian political spectrum.78 His ideas of new railroads and even giving away agriculture and uplifted the peasantry. about the development of a peasant wanted a return land “on favourable terms, sometimes “A dense network of schools” in rural market found their closest analogue for free (based on future taxes or goods areas would create “a new Russian in the columns of A. I. Chuprov, a to the land with from the farmers who settled there).” generation” that, from the “land-nurse,” populist professor who wrote on Such a policy yielded further benefits: could “gain new strength, harden their economics for the liberal newspaper entrepreneurs and settlers following health, and strengthen their souls.” By Russkiia Vedemosti (Russian Bulletin).79 economic policy the railroad “erected factories, farms, such means, “future Russian leaders” Anzimirov’s interest in personal mines, schools, hospitals, etc., earning and “real workers” would emerge from improvement through agricultural work that favoured huge fortunes from turning [acres] the peasantry and create “private and resembled earlier Russian populists’ of wasteland, which cost pennies or social welfare, like in America.”74 But, to notions of learning from the peasantry. agriculture rubles, into land that quickly amounts achieve this success required extensive But, Anzimirov’s adoption of western to hundreds and even thousands of state support for homestead settlers on economic ideas set him apart from and uplifted the rubles.”71 new land. the 1870s populist movement. By Anzimirov wanted a similarly At the time, there was an ongoing advocating state involvement in nation peasantry involved role for the Russian state, the resettlement program relocating Russian building, Anzimirov’s program in some only force capable of enacting his desired peasants to the east, but its budget was ways resembled older Russian liberal specific detail all the ways Anzimirov changes. Reclamation of unproductive stretched very thin.75 To Anzimirov, traditions carried on by the Kadets.80 thought Russian peasants, if equipped land was “beyond the power of the such a program only attracted the Indeed, in many ways, in both his with the correct tools, could improve emaciated peasant, who has neither the weakest peasants and was thus doomed personal background and his writing, agricultural productivity. He firmly knowledge nor the capital to do so, but is to failure. To attract strong settlers, Anzimirov resembled a classic zemstvo believed Russia had the capacity even beyond wealthier entrepreneurs.” who could remain on their new land liberal. Zemstvo liberalism had mostly to achieve such goals, writing that Instead, the process of mass land and thrive, as they supposedly had disappeared after the 1905 revolution “To increase our crop yield (‘sam’68) reclamation and the construction of “in Germany, England, and America,” in a wave of conservative reaction, is entirely in our hands,” both in communications infrastructure to new required state support in the form of and in any case, zemstvo liberals were individual agricultural activities and land was “a state matter,” an investment agricultural technicians and associations ineffectual at mobilizing support for in the state’s capacity to assist the that would be recovered through that could organize the new land their ideas through means such as peasantry.69 Anzimirov’s own experience nonspecific remuneration after the land productively.76 If such efforts to enrich newspapers or political action outside in agronomy shone through as he was given away to peasants. Such an the peasantry were successful, Russia the insular world of the provincial listed the various ways to improve crop effort would solve Russia’s land problem would then establish a massive internal gentry.81 Anzimirov clearly defied this rule. yields. Based on his understanding of by allowing millions of peasants to market for industry and commerce, in Even if his political ideas corresponded agriculture in the West, he described in productively relocate from crowded and turn strengthening those areas of the to zemstvo liberalism and the Kadets, the precise detail the need for agricultural inefficient agricultural land in the most Russian economy. After all, to provide centrality and specificity of his agrarian mechanization; the uses of different populated parts of Russia.72 Anzimirov one example of Anzimirov’s reasoning, ideas did not place him ideologically in Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume kinds of fertilizers; and the most criticized recent government policies “If the Russian peasant woman, like the line within any of the existing political 1 5, Issue Volume 18 efficient sizes and shapes for new as too short-term. He claimed Russia German, began to wear two pairs of parties.82 19 individual plots of farmland, rejecting needed lengthy work over several long underwear a year, then for this one In his autobiography, Anzimirov both traditional Russian strip holdings generations, again following his new demand we would need to build 30 described himself as a “nonpartisan and new plots of land, known as otruby, vision of western development.73 Most new cotton-weaving factories.”77 progressive-populist” and in his created by the ongoing agrarian reforms importantly, he argued, “It is necessary Anzimirov’s agrarian ideas did writing he explicitly rejected party Past Tense Past Past Tense Past of Prime Minister Petr Stolypin.70 to abandon the idea of creating industry not fit established political thought. views on agrarian issues.83 In short, his Moreover, Anzimirov described the at agriculture’s expense.” Rather than He promoted private property in the popular liberalism defied contemporary crucial role of the state in western promote urban industrial development, form of settler homesteads, which set classifications. However, even as he Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

refused to fit into any ordered political rapidly reached its own high circulation Appendix A: Attributed authors of were signed with a name or pseudonym. category, Anzimirov’s writing reached numbers of 60,000 in 1909 and 150,000 signed Gazeta-Kopeika articles The other 30 were unsigned. Sixteen of hundreds of thousands of lower-class by 1912 but frequently clashed with the n total, Gazeta-Kopeika published the 24 signed editorials were attributed 84 Russians, a wider readership than any authorities over its radicalism. In the I131 signed articles in its first 26 to Anzimirov, under his own name official party newspaper could claim. Of Moscow edition, Anzimirov quickly issues, covering the first month of and the pseudonym Mirskoi, meaning course, it is impossible to guarantee that reprinted much of his own writing, publication from June 19, 1908 to July that he was directly responsible for 67 Anzimirov’s readers adopted his ideas; including his fairy tales, his serialized 18, 1908 (Kopeika did not publish on per cent of signed editorials and 30 per many surely ignored his lengthy essays novels, and “How to Get Rich?” Clearly, Mondays at the time). Forty-one of cent of all editorials. It is likely he also on economics. Yet Anzimirov’s personal he felt these pieces remained relevant these articles were signed using the played a role in writing at least some of views were deeply embedded in Kopeika and worthy of spreading to the lower- author’s real name, typically in the form the unsigned editorials, but this cannot in several ways. First, as its most prolific class readership of Moscow as well as of first initial and last name (e.g. “V. be verified. writer in its first month of publication, St. Petersburg. Indeed, through the Anzimirov”), or what could conceivably Kopeika’s editor, Mikhail Borisovich he set the editorial tone that others daily publication of both Kopeikas, have been an author’s real name.85 The Gorodetskii, did not sign any articles followed. Second, he may have acted Anzimirov’s popular liberalism may other 90 articles were published under or editorials during this month, either as a financial backer for the paper in have reached a larger and broader pseudonyms or merely initials. Signed under his own name or a known articles included not only journalism pseudonym. If he played any role in and regular columns, but also fiction, writing for the paper, it was solely in Anzimirov reminds us of the blurred poetry, sport, and theatre sections, as the form of unsigned pieces or editorial well as letters to the editor, jokes, and influence over other writers’ articles. boundaries that prevent neat historical articles. The paper’s second most prolific During the month under review, author was Nikolai Ivanovich Vasil’ev, categorizations of political beliefs Vladimir Aleksandrovich Anzimirov who published 14 articles in total. wrote 12 articles under his own name Vasil’ev published four articles under (one editorial, one feuilleton, and 10 his own name (three editorials and one its early days, ensuring an outlet for audience than the more classically entries in his serialized editorial essay regular article), nine articles under the his own writing. Third, he attempted liberal ideas spread by newspapers “How to Get Rich?”), six articles under pseudonym Smaragd Gornostaev, or to communicate his ideas in ways like Rech’ and Russkiia Vedemosti. In the pseudonym Mirskoi (five editorials “Emerald of the Ermines” (including that would appeal to his lower-class the process, Anzimirov reminds us of and one regular article), and two fables five entries in the regular columns audience, by billing his own writing as the blurred boundaries that prevent under the pseudonym Bat’ko. He may “Around Russia” and “The Maelstrom of a simple take on complex issues and neat categorizations of political beliefs have also written three articles (two Life”) and one article under the initials advancing concepts through fables and and points out that those individuals editorials and one regular article) under N. V. The third most prolific author editorials as well as lengthy essays. who existed between defined political the initial A, but this could not be published 11 entries in Kopeika’s regular Anzimirov left St. Petersburg after programs could still exert powerful and verified. In total (not counting articles sport column under the pseudonym less than a year to found and edit a widespread influence in society. published by “A”), Anzimirov authored Kitych, real name unknown. The fourth Moscow edition of Kopeika, which 15 per cent of the paper’s total signed most prolific author published under Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume content and 29 per cent of the paper’s the pseudonym Svoi, a Russian word 20 content signed under a real name rather roughly translating to “One’s Own,” 21 than a pseudonym. which was a common pseudonym at the During this single month, Kopeika time and may have represented more published 54 total editorials—meaning than one author, real name or names unknown. The pseudonym Svoi was Past Tense Past argumentative pieces published in Tense Past the traditional editorial space at the attached to nine articles, including two beginning of the first page—before any editorials and two entries in the regular other columns. Twenty-four out of 54 column “Around Russia.” Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

Endnotes People: Educated Society and the Quest for Public Identity in Late Imperial Russia, ed. Edith W. Clowes, Samuel D. Kassow, and James L. West (Princeton: Princeton University 1 Dates in this paper follow the Julian (Old Style) calendar, in use in Russia until 1918. In Press, 1991), 247; McReynolds, The News, 28. On the other hand, the idea that the press 1908, this calendar was 13 days behind the Gregorian (New Style) calendar. has the ability to set the agenda for public discourse is ambiguous and contested. Another 2 In making this classification, I draw on the analysis of Mark Steinberg and Stephen Frank, theory has been put forward by David Paul Nord, stating that newspapers are one of many who express similar difficulties in finding a single term to describe the “tenuous relativity potential agenda-setting institutions and often, rather than set the agenda themselves, do and ambiguity of social boundaries” and the corresponding “inadequacy of simple and rigid so on behalf of other powerful interests. See David Paul Nord, Newspapers and New Politics: categories such as peasants or workers to express the variety of situations, mentalities, and Midwestern Municipal Reform, 1890–1900 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981), 16–18. even identities among the urban and rural poor” (italics in original). See Stephen P. Frank 11 Neuberger, Hooliganism, 19–20; McReynolds, The News, 146–47; McReynolds, and Mark D. Steinberg, eds., Cultures in Flux: Lower-Class Values, Practices, and Resistance “‘Boulevard’ Press,” 125–26; Balmuth, The Russian Bulletin, 6; Nord, Newspapers and New in Late Imperial Russia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 3. Politics, 9, 13; Jacob Walkin, “Government Controls Over the Press in Russia, 1905–1914,” 3 Louise McReynolds, The News under Russia’s Old Regime: The Development of a Mass Russian Review 13, no. 3 (1954): 209; Brower, “The Penny Press,” 150; Peter Fritzsche, Circulation Press (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). McReynolds’ section on Reading Berlin 1900 (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1998), 6. In Kopeika is on pages 225–239. addition, not all Russian newspapers had political goals; some merely sought profit. See 4 McReynolds has expanded on this theme in “St. Petersburg’s ‘Boulevard’ Press and the Brower, “The Penny Press,” 151. Process of Urbanization,” Journal of Urban History 18, no. 2 (1992): 123–40. This vision of 12 Jonathan W. Daly, “Government, Press, and Subversion in Russia, 1906–1917,” The Kopeika conflicts to a degree with Mark Steinberg’s writing about the Kopeika columnist Journal of the Historical Society 9, no. 1 (2009): 26. Olga Gridina, who warned Russians, especially women, against the city as a debauched 13 James H. Bater, “Between Old and New: St. Petersburg in the Late Imperial Era,” in and immoral showcase for the darkest parts of modernity. See Mark D. Steinberg, “Feeling The City in Late Imperial Russia, ed. Michael F. Hamm (Bloomington: Indiana University Modern on the Russian Street: From Desire to Despair,” in The Routledge Handbook of Press, 1986), 46; Robert B. McKean, St. Petersburg Between the Revolutions: Workers and Gender and the Urban Experience, ed. Deborah Simonton (New York: Routledge, 2017). Revolutionaries, June 1907–February 1917 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 16, Elsewhere, McReynolds has described Kopeika, in the context of the First World War, table 1.vi. On peasant migration, see also Evel Economakis, From Peasant to Petersburger as encouraging its readers to abandon class identities in favour of wartime nationalism, (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998). Much of this migration could be temporary or precarious, moving away from the sense of it as a primarily urban paper found in her work on Kopeika as close to 60 per cent of migrants to St. Petersburg either died or left the city within 10 before the war. See McReynolds, “Mobilizing Petrograd’s Lower Classes to Fight the Great years. See Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, Social Identity in Imperial Russia (DeKalb: Northern War: Patriotism as a Counterweight to Working-Class Consciousness in Gazeta-kopeika,” Illinois University Press, 1997), 146. Radical History Review 57 (1993): 160–80. 14 Richard H. Rowland, “Urban In-Migration in Late Nineteenth-Century Russia,” in The 5 Jeffrey Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Literature, 1861–1917 City in Russian History, ed. Michael F. Hamm (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 130–41. 1976), 120–22; Bater, “Between Old and New”, 48–50; Daniel R. Brower, “Urban Revolution 6 See, for example, Joan Neuberger, Hooliganism: Crime, Culture, and Power in St. Petersburg in the Late Russian Empire,” in The City in Late Imperial Russia, ed. Michael F. Hamm (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Mark D. Steinberg, Petersburg Fin de Siècle (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 324–25; McKean, St. Petersburg, 3–5. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011); Julie A. Buckler, Mapping St. Petersburg: Imperial 15 Bater, “Between Old and New,” 50–51; James H. Bater, St. Petersburg: Industrialization and Text and Cityshape (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005). Change (London: Edward Arnold, 1976), 256; W. Bruce Lincoln, In War’s Dark Shadow: The 7 B. I. Esin, Russkaia dorevoliutsionnaia gazeta, 1702–1917 gg.: Kratkii ocherk (Moscow: Russians Before the Great War (New York: The Dial Press, 1983), 119; Walter Sablinsky, The Izdatel’stvo Moskovskogo Universiteta, 1971), 72–73. Road to Bloody Sunday: Father Gapon and the St. Petersburg Massacre of 1905 (Princeton: 8 Daniel R. Brower, “The Penny Press and Its Readers,” in Cultures in Flux: Lower-Class Princeton University Press, 1976), 9; McKean, St. Petersburg, 34–36. Values, Practices, and Resistance in Late Imperial Russia, ed. Stephen P. Frank and Mark D. 16 James von Geldern, “Life In-Between: Migration and Popular Culture in Late Imperial Steinberg (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 147–67. Russia,” Russian Review 55, no. 3 (1996): 368–372, 382; Barbara Alpern Engel, “Russian 9 Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume See, for example, Daniel Balmuth, The Russian Bulletin, 1863–1917: A Liberal Voice in Peasant Views of City Life, 1861–1914,” Slavic Review 52, no. 3 (1993): 449–50. 1 5, Issue Volume Tsarist Russia (New York: Peter Lang, 2000); Octavie Bellavance, “Fourth Estate, Fifth 17 McKean, St. Petersburg, 23; Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read, 35–58. Literacy was 22 Power: The Daily Press, the Public and Politics in Russia, 1861–1907” (PhD diss.,Yale especially prized for workers as it increased productivity, and as a result factory schools 23 University, 2015). Representing a similar trend, Solomon Volkov briefly mentions Kopeika and adult education classes also became increasingly widespread, though these in many but adds nothing that is not covered in other works. See Solomon Volkov, St. Petersburg: A cases faced difficulties from the authorities and tended to enrol those who were already Cultural History, trans. Antonina W. Bouis (New York: Free Press, 1995), 153. at least somewhat literate. See Leonid Borodkin and Evgeny Chugunov, “The Reading 10 McReynolds has characterized Russia’s press and influential journalists as not telling their Culture of Russian Workers in the Early Twentieth Century (Evidence from Public Library Past Tense Past Past Tense Past readers “what to think” but rather telling them “what to think about,” that is, setting the Records),” in The Space of the Book: Print Culture in the Russian Social Imagination, ed. agenda for public discourse. See Louise McReynolds, “V. M. Doroshevich: The Newspaper Miranda Remnek (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 144–47; Madhavan K. Journalist and the Development of Public Opinion in Civil Society,” in Between Tsar and Palat, “Casting Workers as an Estate in Late Imperial Russia,” Kritika 8, no. 2 (2007): 334; Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

Daniel R. Brower, The Russian City Between Tradition and Modernity (Berkeley: University Thus, Kopeika’s relative lack of advertising implies a greater stream of income or support of California Press, 1990), 165. from other sources even before it reached its later sales heights. See Hans Ibold and Lee 18 See Daly, “Government, Press, and Subversion,” 27–42; Charles A. Ruud, “Russia,” in Wilkins, “Philosophy at Work: Ideas Made a Difference,” in Journalism 1908: Birth of a The War for the Public Mind: Political Censorship in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Robert Profession, ed. Betty Houchin Winfield (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2008), 83. Justin Goldstein (Westport: Praeger, 2000), 247–49; Benjamin Rigberg, “The Efficacy of 35 On the characteristics of Russian liberalism, see Melissa Stockdale, “Liberalism and Tsarist Censorship Operations, 1894–1917,” Jahrbücher Für Geschichte Osteuropas 14, no. 3 Democracy: The Constitutional Democratic Party,” in Russia under the Last Tsar: (1966): 327–46; McReynolds, The News, 228–29. Opposition and Subversion 1894–1917, ed. Anna Geifman (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 153– 19 McReynolds, The News, 228–29; Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read, 130–31. 78; Melissa Stockdale, Paul Miliukov and the Quest for a Liberal Russia, 1880–1918 (Ithaca: 20 McReynolds, The News, 230–31. On Gridina, see Steinberg, “Feeling Modern.” Cornell University Press, 1996); William G. Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution: 21 Of course, Kopeika was not shaped entirely by either Anzimirov or Gorodetskii. As David The Constitutional Democratic Party, 1917–1921 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Paul Nord has pointed out, there are two competing visions of newspapers’ origins: formed 1974), 11–46; Shmuel Galai, The Liberation Movement in Russia, 1900–1905 (London: by the actions of “Great Men,” press barons who use newspapers to push their own agendas, Cambridge University Press, 1973). On the regressive Russian taxation system, see Gregory or by “Great Forces,” changing circumstances making it inevitable that a newspaper will M. Dempster, “The Fiscal Background of the Russian Revolution,” European Review of emerge to fill some newly created gap. See David Paul Nord, Communities of Journalism: Economic History 10, no. 1 (2006): 36; Hans Rogger, Russia in the Age of Modernization and A History of American Newspapers and Their Readers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Revolution, 1881–1917 (London and New York: Longman, 1983), 117–18. 2001), 133–34. The circumstances of Kopeika’s founding seem to confirm Nord’s view 36 Stockdale, “Liberalism and Democracy,” 157–60; William G. Rosenberg, “Representing that newspapers can emerge from a middle ground between the two. Certainly, Kopeika Workers and the Liberal Narrative of Modernity,” in Workers and Intelligentsia in Late seems to have been shaped by “Great Men” like Anzimirov. But, Kopeika also depended Imperial Russia: Realities, Representations, Reflections, ed. Reginald E. Zelnik (Berkeley: on changing circumstances. As mentioned above, without the relaxation of censorship, International and Area Studies, University of California at Berkeley, 1999), 229. advances in printing technology, and the emergence of a lower-class readership, its success 37 Rosenberg, Liberals, 23–24, 31. would not have been possible. 38 See Thomas Earl Porter, The Zemstvo and the Emergence of Civil Society in Late Imperial 22 The zemstvo was a Russian local government institution mostly populated by the nobility. Russia, 1864–1917 (San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press, 1991), 176; Roberta 23 A. I. Reitblat, “Anzimirov, Vladimir Aleksandrovich,” in Russkie pisateli, 1800–1917: Thompson Manning, “The Zemstvo and Politics, 1864–1914,” in The Zemstvo in Russia: Biograficheskii slovar, ed. P. A. Nikolaev (Moscow: Sovetskaia entsiklopediia, 1989). An Experiment in Local Self-Government, ed. Terence Emmons and Wayne S. Vucinich 24 Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read, 131; McReynolds, The News, Appendix A, tables (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 146; Jeffrey Brooks, “The Zemstvo and the 5–6; Steinberg, Petersburg, 35; Brower, “The Penny Press,” 148. Education of the People,” in The Zemstvo in Russia: An Experiment in Local Self-Government, 25 Esin, Russkaia dorevoliutsionnaia gazeta, 72. ed. Terence Emmons and Wayne S. Vucinich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 26 Neuberger, Hooliganism, 52–53. Brooks has also examined the readership of the kopeck 1982), 243; Charles E. Timberlake, “The Zemstvo and the Development of a Russian Middle press and concluded that, compared to previous newspapers that had tried to include lower- Class,” in Between Tsar and People: Educated Society and the Quest for Public Identity in Late class Russians in a broad audience, such as Moskovskii Listok (Moscow List), Kopeika likely Imperial Russia, ed. Edith W. Clowes, Samuel D. Kassow, and James L. West (Princeton: had a higher proportion of lower-class readers. See Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read, Princeton University Press, 1991), 177–79; Galai, The Liberation Movement, 32; Thomas 139–41. Porter and William Gleason, “The Zemstvo and the Transformation of Russian Society,” 27 McReynolds, The News, 226. in Emerging Democracy in Late Imperial Russia: Case Studies on Local Self-Government 28 See Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read, 128–29; McReynolds, “V. M. Doroshevich,” (the Zemstvos), State Duma Elections, the Tsarist Government, and the State Council Before 235–36. Moskovskii Listok’s innovation was its brazenly commercial character, with little and During World War I, ed. Mary Schaeffer Conroy (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, political content, and its attempt to appeal across classes to urban residents by including 1998), 64. entertainment and satisfying its readers’ “desire to read about their own lives” (McReynolds, 39 The classic account of Russian populism is Richard Wortman, The Crisis of Russian “V. M. Doroshevich,” 235). Populism (London: Cambridge University Press, 1967). 29 40

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Bellavance, “Fourth Estate, Fifth Power,” 35. Three articles, including two editorials, were also published under only the initial “A” 1 5, Issue Volume 30 Neuberger, Hooliganism, 15–17; Esin, Russkaia dorevoliutsionnaia gazeta, 47, 72–73. which may well have been Anzimirov. However, signing articles with initials was common 24 31 McReynolds, The News, Appendix C, Tables 17 and 23. enough that this cannot be guaranteed, and so A’s articles are not counted as Anzimirov’s 25 32 Thomas Riha, “Riech’: A Portrait of a Russian Newspaper,” Slavic Review 22, no. 4 (1963): for my analysis of either his prolificacy or the content of his writing. 663–66. Miliukov, notably, still believed that “Rech’ did more for the popularization of our 41 See I. F. Masanov, Slovar’ psevdonimov russkikh pisatelei, uchenykh i obshchestvennykh ideas than all the other public activities of the Kadets” despite its low circulation of 17,000, deiatelei (Moscow: Vsesoiuznoi knizhkoi palaty, 1956), 1: 298, 2: 190, 4: 37, 4: 96. possibly because it was read by influential members of the Russian elite (Riha, “Riech’”, 664). 42 All calculations are my own based on an analysis of Gazeta-Kopeika’s first 26 issues, Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 33 McReynolds, The News, Appendix C, tables 17–23. covering a one month period starting with its first issue (the newspaper did not publish on 34 Notably, in North America, the mass circulation press by this time had shifted towards Mondays at the time). Gorodetskii, notably, published no signed articles during this period. advertising as a form of financial support, instead of funding itself through subscriptions. For detailed numbers, see Appendix A. Popular Liberalism Felix Cowan

43 Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “Classes for Teachers,” Gazeta-Kopeika (hereafterGK ) No. 1, June Stockdale, “Liberalism and Democracy,” 158. This compromise policy reflected the Kadets’ 19, 1908, 1. nature as “a loose association” of liberals with differing views rather than “a tightly knit 44 Bat’ko [Anzimirov], “The Pig and the Skylark,” GK No. 1, June 19, 1908, 2. monolithic group in the Bolshevik mold” (Rosenberg, Liberals, 13). 45 In fact, Kopeika’s first serialized novel was Anzimirov’s Scarlet Roses of the East, which 67 Rosenberg, Liberals, 19–20. began publication on August 28, 1908. According to Brooks, serial fiction was one of the 68 The Russian word sam roughly translates to “oneself.” It was used as a measurement of penny press’s main attractions for lower-class readers (see Brooks, When Russia Learned agricultural productivity by Russian peasants. See “Mera izmereniia – ‘sam’,” November 26, to Read, 135–139). Anzimirov’s interest in fiction and fairy tales extended as far as the 2014, accessed February 28, 2017, http://www.vedom.ru/news/2014/11/26/15828-mera. Its publication of a collection of fables entitled My Little Fairy Tales (Moscow, 1911), which presence here indicates how Anzimirov tailored his message to potential peasant readers by often included “political allusions” just as his early fiction in Kopeika did (see Reitblat, using colloquial terms with which they would be familiar. “Anzimirov”). Anzimirov’s repeated use of popular fiction to spread his political views, 69 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 9, June 28, 1908, 1. and Kopeika’s prominence as an early outlet for this tendency, only adds to the sense of 70 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 14, July 4, 1908, 1; GK No. 12, July 2, 1908, 1; No. Anzimirov using the newspaper as a means for his ideas to reach Russia’s lower classes. 11, July 1, 1908, 1; No. 16, July 6, 1908. 46 Bat’ko [Anzimirov], “The Sun and the Wind,” GK No. 7, June 26, 1908, 3. 71 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 11, July 1, 1908, 1. 47 Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “Eight Hour Workday,” GK No. 6, June 25, 1908, 1. 72 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 14, July 4, 1908, 1. 48 Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “On the Fund in the Name of L. N. Tolstoy,” GK No. 8, June 27, 73 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 17, July 8, 1908, 1. 1908, 1. 74 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 19, July 10, 1908, 1. 49 Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “A New Disaster,” GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1. 75 Thomas Earl Porter, “The Development of Political Pluralism in Late Imperial Russia: 50 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 19, July 10, 1908, 1. Local Self-Government and the Movement for a National Zemstvo Union” (PhD diss., 51 Bellavance, “Fourth Estate, Fifth Power,” 4–5; Betty Houchin Winfield, “1908: A Very University of Washington, 1990), 270–71; Porter, The Zemstvo, 212–14. Political Year for the Press,” in Journalism 1908: Birth of a Profession, ed. Betty Houchin 76 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 23, July 15, 1908, 1. Winfield (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2008), 30. 77 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 25, July 17, 1908, 1. Italics in original. 52 “Independent Judiciary,” GK No. 3, June 21, 1908, 1; A. Gorev, “Women’s Rights”, GK No. 78 On the Socialist Revolutionaries, Russia’s most popular party among peasants, see 2, June 20, 1908, 2; A., “Half Measure,” GK No. 26, July 18, 1908, 1; GK No. 5, June 24, 1908, Michael Melancon, “Neo-Populism in Early Twentieth-Century Russia: The Socialist- 1; “Doomed”, GK No. 13, July 3, 1908, 1; GK No. 18, July 9, 1908, 1; N. Vasil’ev, “A Good Revolutionary Party from 1900 to 1917,” in Russia under the Last Tsar: Opposition and Idea,” GK No. 20, July 11, 1908, 1. Subversion 1894–1917, ed. Anna Geifman (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 73–90; Manfred 53 GK No. 10, June 29, 1908, 1. Hildermeier, “The Socialist Revolutionary Party of Russia and the Workers, 1900–1914,” 54 GK No. 14, July 4, 1908, 1. in Workers and Intelligentsia in Late Imperial Russia: Realities, Representations, Reflections, 55 GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1. ed. Reginald E. Zelnik (Berkeley: International and Area Studies, University of California 56 “Light From the West,” GK No. 15, July 5, 1908, 1; GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1. at Berkeley, 1999), 206–27. 57 Anzimirov, “No Need for Blood!,” GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1. On alcoholism, see 79 See Balmuth, The Russian Bulletin, 267–70. Svoi, “Around Russia: ‘Respectable Persons’,” GK No. 17, July 8, 1908, 4. McReynolds has 80 See Susanna Rabow-Edling, “Liberalism and Nationalism in Russia. Boris Chicherin as also discussed the frequency of GK’s criticisms of Russian traditions, rural conditions, a Modernist Nationalist,” Nations and Nationalism 18, no. 4 (2012): 701–18; Rosenberg, and alcoholism compared to the supposedly sophisticated, safe, and sober West. See Liberals, 15. McReynolds, “‘Boulevard’ Press,” 133–34. 81 Manning, “The Zemstvo and Politics,” 147, 161; Francis W. Wcislo, Reforming Rural 58 See, for examples, “Doomed,” GK No. 13, July 3, 1908, 1; GK No. 17, July 8, 1908, 1; Russia: State, Local Society, and National Politics, 1855–1914 (Princeton: Princeton Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “A New Disaster,” GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1. University Press, 1990), 195; Stockdale, Paul Miliukov, 171. 59 This is the image put forward by McReynolds. See McReynolds, The News, 225; 82 In Reitblat, “Anzimirov,” he is classified as between the Left Kadets and Right Socialist McReynolds, “‘Boulevard’ Press,” 132; McReynolds, “Mobilizing.” Revolutionaries, meaning he fit neither party well since both of these wings were relatively 60

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Bellavance, “Fourth Estate, Fifth Power,” 14; Neuberger, Hooliganism, 18; Balmuth, The marginalized by the mainstream of their parties. See Melancon, “Neo-Populism,” 80; 1 5, Issue Volume Russian Bulletin, 4–5; McReynolds, The News, 5, 7. Rosenberg, Liberals, 32–38. 26 61 GK No. 4, June 22, 1908, 1; Stockdale, Paul Miliukov, 183. 83 Quoted in Reitblat, “Anzimirov.” Anzimirov, in “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 17, July 8, 1908, 27 62 “The Case of the Attack on P. N. Miliukov,” GK No. 9, June 28, 1908, 3 and GK No. 10, 1, explicitly rejected the views of the peasantry, the Kadets, the Socialist Revolutionaries, June 29, 1908, 3; Mirskoi [Anzimirov], “The Case of ‘Rus,’” GK No. 10, June 29, 1908, 2–3. the Social Democrats, and the right wing, saying that all of them took the wrong approach 63 GK No. 7, June 26, 1908, 1. and without following Anzimirov’s own approach to the land question “it is impossible to 64 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 5, June 24, 1908, 1. achieve the well-being of the masses.” Past Tense Past 65 Anzimirov, “How to Get Rich?,” GK No. 9, June 28, 1908, 1. 84 Esin, Russkaia dorevoliutsionnaia gazeta, 72; Reitblat, “Anzimirov”; McReynolds, The Tense Past 66 Victor Leontovitsch, The History of Liberalism in Russia, trans. Parmen Leontovitsch News, 229. Anzimirov even spent a year in prison for an article entitled “Fermented.” See (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012), 155–61; Rosenberg, Liberals, 19; Reitblat, “Anzimirov.” Popular Liberalism Kelsey Kilgore

85 Many of these authors were not famous and their names and pseudonyms have not been recorded, even in Masanov’s excellent Slovar’ psevdonimov russkikh pisatelei. Unfortunately, many attributions thus come down to a judgment call. I have chosen to count articles signed by “N. Levitskii,” “Arnold’ov,” “Zhosef Chuprina,” “A. Gorev,” “K. O. Min,” and “Ia. Murzin” as articles signed with real names despite the fact that these, too, may have been Critical Commentary pseudonyms and the authors’ full identities could not be verified. If any of these indeed were pseudonyms, it would only enhance Anzimirov’s proportion of the newspaper’s signed articles. Looking Beyond the Archive: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Felix Cowan is a PhD student in the Department of History at the University of Illinois Dealing with Difficult Archives at Urbana-Champaign. His research focuses on the Russian penny press from 1908–1918 as well as larger issues of urban poverty and inequality in the late Russian Empire. Felix’s research has been supported by the University of Illinois Graduate College, the Social Kelsey Kilgore Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the University of Toronto. University of Toronto

As historians, our work can be seriously the theoretical tools and research methods compromised when access to archives of multiple disciplines—a methodological is complicated by factors beyond our synthesis—can help us find new ways of control. Perhaps they are permanently working around formal archives. classified, or caught in the middle of In formulating my dissertation political conflicts that threaten not research project, like any historian, I only their contents but also the lives of relied heavily on institutional archives those pursuing them. Some collections and records. This process left me defy easy cataloguing, and others have frightfully underprepared when I been collected without organization arrived at my research destination to in an attempt to simply preserve an find that one of my key archives did not increasingly obscured history. And, exist. Although some of the material had sometimes, archives just disappear. been digitized, the physical collection In the course of my own research I was inexplicably gone. Having travelled have fortunately not encountered the 4,000 miles on grants, it was troubling more dangerous of these problems. (to say the least) that no one knew However, my work on the history of a what had happened to the materials. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume recently-closed United States military Moreover, only one of a dozen contacts 1 5, Issue Volume 28 base introduced me to the difficulties even responded to my requests for 29 of archiving places in transition, and information. Despite my advance revealed the possibilities of working preparation, I was at a loss for how my across disciplines to research beyond research could effectively proceed in the archive. Based on my own recent the absence of a formal archive. It was Past Tense Past Past Tense Past archival difficulties on a dissertation by sheer chance that my one reliable research trip, I suggest that employing contact connected me to a community Looking Beyond the Archive Kelsey Kilgore

organization that proved invaluable to repurposing lands contaminated by the abandoned buildings I walked through service of present opinions about that my work. When the base closed in 1994, debris of military activity, like water independently, the vehicles suggested a indecision. Likewise, the ghost town’s this group formed to direct plans for pollution, abandoned military vehicles, constructed historical narrative. brothels and saloons were allowed to the land’s reuse, and upon meeting its and unexploded artillery buried in the My encounter with the vehicles decay but the more “wholesome” main members, I was given the opportunity ground. This debris revealed not only to visit the ruins of the base. Moreover, present concerns, but also the past their use of the past to direct the activities in which they were rooted. course of the present reminded me of As Stoler and her colleagues argue, this scholarship outside of my discipline problem of contamination not only that presented ways of understanding defines the present, but simultaneously my subject in the absence of a formal confirms and demonstrates the history archive. Together, these influences of military training that I initially helped me recognize the physical ruins thought inaccessible without formal of the base as an alternative to my archival sources. missing collection, presenting me with The tour also posed questions about an abundance of resources beyond the debris and authenticity, prompting me archive. to think further about my research The physical debris and ruins of a beyond the archive. When examining historical place, as well as processes of historical sites in decay, the present-day “ruination” left in the present, offer up use of this debris prompts questions abandoned military vehicles on the former base. note the “caution” tape valuable alternatives to formal archives. about the authenticity of its use. dividing the space between viewer and object much like a museum display. Here I refer to the work of Ann Stoler, Have the ruins remained because the photo taken by author with permission, summer 2016. a historian and anthropologist, whose place is untouched, or have they been work on the histories of empire intentionally preserved? If preserved, reminded me of research by geographer street was strategically maintained validates the inclusion of physical for what reason, and how does that Dydia DeLyser on U.S. “ghost towns,” in a state of what she calls “arrested debris and ruins as archival sources. impact our ability as historians to use which directly confronts the problems decay,” much like the placement of Stoler’s work also highlights active them as sources? This consideration of authenticity and debris noted by the tank along the tour route. This processes—language, political systems, complicates our reliance on historical Stoler. Where the past continues to affect kind of narrative construction reveals and environmental contamination, ephemera—both formal and informal the present through contamination secondary histories that can be used as which often accompany physicalsources—as proving historical fact. and debris in Stoler’s work, DeLyser a peculiar kind of archive. Moreover, ruins—that reveal history through their The tour ended with an opportunity further defines the ever-present past both Stoler and DeLyser indicate that continued impact on the present.1 For to look at and take photographs with as a series of moments that were once this construction involves a process my research, some of the most poignant ruined military vehicles. Having shifted “the present.” Each of these moments of deliberate selection of artifacts and physical ruins are the military vehicles my methodology to consider the adds a narrative and hermeneutic layer information, which itself presents left on the base grounds. While a vehicle authenticity of the present-day base, I to debris and contamination. A key a historical narrative and provides Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume is a passive reminder of the history of could not help but wonder if the vehicles moment in her work is her realization another way of thinking about research 1 5, Issue Volume 30 a place, processes of ruination actively had been moved there for the purpose that the “authentic” layout of objects beyond the formal archive.2 31 involve the past in the present. For me, of a “photo-op,” as if to prove that this in rooms in a nineteenth-century The methodologies presented by this reading of the past through the place had indeed been a military base. ghost town was in fact staging done these scholars took on new meaning as I present served as a crucial methodology Since most of the ruins were buried in the 1960s. At the former base, this met with individual collectors to examine that became apparent as I toured the unexploded artillery, leaving the kind of staging is maintained by the their uncatalogued personal archives. Past Tense Past Past Tense Past former base. The purpose of the tour vehicles as remnants—visual pieces of community’s indecision regarding the While private collections supplemented was to demonstrate the transitional debris—seemingly authenticated the fate of abandoned buildings, and their my informal archives with materials nature of the site and the difficulties in history of the place. However, unlike the use in the writing of histories in the that could be formally catalogued, Looking Beyond the Archive Kelsey Kilgore

they bore the mark of the politics and ultimately revealed the fate of my this question I drew on a third scholar training as a historian. As I continue experiences of their collectors and formal archive, itself a victim of outside of my discipline. Vivian my research and begin my writing, I thus complicated my understanding of strategic choosing in the construction Sobchack’s work in cinema studies on have adopted her model to both collect authenticity and fact. The assembly of of a specific historical narrative. The the inconsistencies of time articulated unexpected evidence beyond the documents was not chronological or sacrifice of my archive due to budgetary how I might synthesize my varied archive, and incorporate the story of my based on subject matter, but arranged in concerns by the host university was archives. Visual media, like film, play research into my examination of a space thematic bunches to prove a thesis. As indicative of broader social trends, with time and chronology in a way in transition. a scholar working on my own research but in its absence other archives were that reflects and is reflected by what This first trip pushed my abilities as a questions, it was challenging to avoid established, both by personal collectors I discovered while researching my scholar and revealed the interdisciplinary reading the documents as they were and a group of military-affiliated project. Sobchack describes telling a opportunities afforded beyond the archive. presented, especially knowing that a historians, which highlighted a different three-fold history involving excavated The value of an interdisciplinary approach Egyptian ruins, their reproduction in lies in its use of multiple methodologies plaster for a film set in the 1920s, and that help scholars contend with difficult These collections emerged not simply as their recent excavation as buried ruins or missing archives. Stoler’s debris and in the dunes outside of Hollywood.3 “ruination” reveals alternatives to the uncatalogued primary materials but as She suggests that these histories be formal archive, and DeLyser highlights layered histories with present-day meaning told not as linear chronologies, but the problems of authenticity that arise as interweaving stories that present when humans unavoidably interact with themselves akin to a screenplay. Rather historical artifacts. Finally, Sobchack’s different assembly structure might tell a set of problems. While private collectors than attempt to force a linear structure, multiple chronologies reconciles the different story. Although it was critical were simply waiting for a space in some histories are better told through above methodologies, helping me to most that I access the documents owned by which to assemble their vast and varied non-traditional chronologies that effectively use the alternative archives I private collectors, my access to those materials, the military had been quietly demonstrate the inconsistencies of found. This synthesis revealed histories documents was pre-determined by what storing documents, salvaged when the time and make apparent the processes and materials that have already enriched they considered important enough to base closed, in a now-defunct library. of choosing primary materials. Even my work. Should you encounter a preserve. My reading and application of Happy though I was to have access to with formal archives eventually at difficult archive in the course of your the methodologies proposed by Stoler a formal archive, I wondered about hand, making sense of what I found own work, it is worthwhile to look beyond and DeLyser facilitated my navigation of the processes of selection that led to demanded that I consider this set of it, where opportunities for synthesis and these uncatalogued archives, insofar as the collection’s present state. Some methodological tools far beyond my alternative sources abound. the private collections were assemblages official records and documents had of debris. As a whole, their physical and been sent to the National Archives and ideological arrangement told me why Records Administration in College Endnotes particular kinds of documents survived, Park, Maryland by base staff in 1994, 1 Ann Stoler, ed., Imperial Debris: On Ruins and Ruination (Durham: Duke University due to their importance to the collectors but swathes of material were simply Press, 2013). as historical objects and as evidence of discarded in dumpsters. This quiet 2 Dydia DeLyser, “Authenticity on the Ground: Engaging the Past in a California Ghost Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume their own present-day research projects. archive only exists because a handful of Town,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 89, no. 4 (1999): 602–632. 32 By considering the influence of past hired historians salvaged materials from 3 Vivian Sobchack, “What is Film History? Or, the Riddle of the Sphinx,” Spectator 20, no. 33 debris on the present, these collections the trash, making their existence not 1 (1999–2000): 8–22. emerged not simply as uncatalogued only accidental but subject to personal primary materials but as layered and institutional choices and by no histories with present-day meaning. means comprehensive in scope. Kelsey is a third-year Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Toronto, supervised by Professor Past Tense Past Past Tense Past The personal nature of these Which of these layered histories, Dan Bender. Her work examines the relationship between Hollywood and the military collections also allowed for informal then, would be most useful to pursue during the Cold War. She focuses on the influence of the film industry on army training conversations with the collectors that in my work? In attempting to answer and the negotiation of citizenship through militarized entertainment. Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

Since 1894… [t]his indefatigable, Hans Dominik could enact violence dashing, militarily and scholarly in the euphemistic name of justified distinguished officer made a pacification. His case is not unique Research Article name for himself…. Adored by his among the military in the colonies. A colored troops, he was the terror framework can be constructed in which of all agitators…. His name… colonial military violence in German made the colored hearts tremble. Africa can be explained by three causal Iron energy and the greatest factors: standardized military training Framing Military Violence in German lack of consideration for himself, and indoctrination in Germany; the he coupled this with a jubilant transfer of the “whole man” ideal from Africa: Metropolitan Indoctrination, temperament and an unfailing the metropole and its subsequent benevolence for his subordinates. transformation into hyper-masculine form in the colonies; and, stereotypic Masculinity, and the Conceptualized Eulogy for Major Hans conceptions of the colonized Other as Dominik, 19111 Other existing outside European or German norms. he popular newspaper This article attempts to specify an Kolonie und Heimat expressed origin of German violence in Africa these panegyric sentiments after within historical context, which has TMajor Dominik died from the strains hitherto remained historiographically Christopher Goodwin of quelling an uprising of the Maka problematic. Many previous studies Norwich University people in Cameroon. The uprising have focused on the genocide against began after Dominik led a “punitive the Herero as a precursor to the expedition” (Strafexpedition) in response Holocaust, often with allusions to the to a tale that a “German trader had once-ubiquitous Sonderweg theory. been ‘eaten’ in the area.”2 He was, in Although the issue of historical the end, regarded as a great pacifier Explanations for German colonial violence in Africa tend to revolve around either continuities is most often at the of the region. Dominik’s methods of proto–Holocaust centered theories or the colony as a permeated space of continual forefront, a subtler issue is the difficulty warfare would have been atypical on a violence. Both methods falter due to overgeneralization, often through lack of of building a comprehensive theory of European battlefield, but the underlying nuanced consideration of differing societal groups within the German colonial colonial violence predicated on a specific ideas originated in the metropole. This populations. This article addresses one of these populations, namely the German endpoint that was neither “the end,” nor military training was coupled with a military administrations and personnel, primarily before the scandal of the Herero a representative case.3 Some scholars form of masculinity also transmitted genocide resulted in a loss of relative administrative power for the colonial army. have attempted a generalized framework from the homeland, but adapted to Military violence in the colonies arose through a combination of army values in which colonists performed violence the colonial environment. The eulogy developed in Germany, an adapted version of metropolitan masculinity, and as an integral part of a system of

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume depicts Dominik as the “whole man,” 1 5, Issue Volume potent interpretations of European discourse on the colonized peoples. Coercive dominance. While this piece does not occupying such contradictory positions command became standard policy to maintain the equilibrium of the perceived deny such a framework, a more nuanced 34 as idolized/feared, benevolent/ruthless, 35 power differential between colonizer and colonized. Although this balance became view shows that varying motivations and serious/exuberant. He is militaristic, the standard goal of native policy for all German societal groups within the colonies, among colonial societal groups resulted yet scholarly; energetic and dashing, but the military remained the only group with the ability to exert coercive command in differing levels and types of violence. contemplative when needed. Armed on a large scale. Central to investigating this theme are Past Tense Past with an overbearing and purposely Tense Past the strides made in the historiography manufactured feeling of superiority over since 1970, specifically in the way that the native African population, Major the colonial spheres are viewed. The Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

effects of colonialism are no longer subject to much less governmental Both nationalism and bourgeois ruralness could be the answer. It could ignored under the pretext of existing oversight as well as outside the effectual, sensibilities emphasized the idea of “the be a world created in masculine form, as an ephemeral phenomenon.4 More though highly circumscribed, realm whole man,” an ideal masculinity that emphasizing all of the characteristics recently, historians have used historical, of emerging international law. This harmoniously combined rationalism of “the whole man.” That this world cultural, and literary studies to probe provided the impetus for the evolution and emotionalism.6 Martina Kessel has would be distinctly masculine in nature the depths of colonists’ minds, but also of violence from military campaigns argued convincingly that this “holistic is supported by the fact that, even after those of the colonized.5 The following (Feldzüge) during the initial colonization version” of man amalgamated male and efforts to increase female presence, both framework for colonial violence takes phase to the punitive expeditions female characteristics in an attempt to German Southwest and East Africa a similar interdisciplinary approach of occupation. It is the peculiar create a distinctly masculine world.7 held ratios of seven German men to to include the effects and interactions manifestation of the latter that this article New societal norms emphasized only one white woman.10 The isolated of institutions and actors. The most attempts to explain. The fundamental traditional areas of masculinity, such nature of Africa distorted the whole- significant contribution of the recent difference between military campaigns as intellectualism and productivity, man concept into an extremely rugged historiography is that “actors” now and punitive expeditions was whether includes the colonized peoples, who a legitimate military goal existed. are no longer viewed simply as those Beyond this ambiguous definition, The heightened masculinity of the “acted upon.” This article continues punitive expeditions were more this historiographical trend by localized and often conducted during military found greater expression in an differentiating sources of agency, but times of occupation, rather than initial also by recognizing the interactivity of colonization. The dividing line became environment that promoted strength, groups. continually blurred as time went on, The German army is a useful especially in the cases of uprisings starting point for inquiry into (Aufstände). Thus suppression, usually danger, and domination group differentiation. Though many a job for garrison troops, became a institutions and classes of actors military goal for army governors and yet also espoused “typical” feminine and un-tempered version of those existed on the German side during commanders. The melding of campaigns characteristics of sensitivity and characteristics considered most manly. the colonial era, the army contrasted and punishment was sometimes passion. Society placed bounds on In essence, attributes of masculinity were most with other factions. The German characterized as “revenge campaigns” subjective versions of identity, asserting taken to extreme levels. Though precise army developed unique systems and (Rachefeldzüge). The haphazard the primacy of order and harmony, ideas of which aspects of masculinity beliefs that distinguished it from other blending found its greatest expression or the careful balance of male/female should be emphasized differed, the contemporary European militaries. in the Herero genocide (1904–1907), a attributes. Nonconformance to the new hyper-masculinized ideal of the whole Experiences in the Wars of Unification development that is analyzed in detail mores supposedly led from a depraved man became hegemonic during the formed an ideology that placed a below. The Maji Maji Rebellion (1905– individual to an ill nation-state, thus era. The methods of enforcement premium on harsh expedients in pursuit 1907) in Eastern Africa was another introducing a national peril that also differed by the class of the settler, of “military necessities.” Doctrines such curious admixture of campaigning and reinforced the need for widespread but in the military realm, hegemony as mission-based tactics (Auftragstaktik) suppressing. adherence.8 Industrialization promoted was enforced by “cultural consent, Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume gave individual commanders significant On a deeper level, the harsh urbanization, and nationalists felt that discursive centrality, institutionalization, 1 5, Issue Volume 36 amounts of autonomous authority and militaristic colonial environment concentration in the cities created and the marginalization or deligitmation 37 to determine military necessity. The also provoked the creation of a sexual abnormalcy, “alienation,” and a of alternatives,” but especially by army had little regard for international specific brand of masculinity. A crisis removal from the traditional German physical force against the native laws in Europe and even less so in the of masculinity taking place in the soil.9 The rapid pace of urbanization peoples.11 Furthermore, the heightened rugged and “uncivilized” context of the metropole arrived in the colonies, but and industrialization prompted a crisis masculinity of the military found Past Tense Past Past Tense Past African colonies. Without a specific the unique setting provided a means of in masculinity whenever the gender greater expression in an environment colonial army, Germany transferred escape, and eventually the formation order appeared in question. Africa, that promoted strength, danger, and its European-based military to an area of a hegemonic settler masculinity. therefore, with its abundant land and domination. Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

Military commanders subscribed of a mission [eines Auftrages], prudent on European battlefields during the of responsibility, especially for lower to a specific precolonial ethnographic deliberation, quick and appropriate Wars of Unification had shown the ranking personnel, such as junior discourse that, when wedded with decisions, and outstanding vigor relative merits of a flexible mission officers and noncommissioned officers.26 colonial masculinity and German and bravery.”16 Courses in military system compared to attempts at near- Authority predicated on mission- military ideology, created an ethos in history would “safeguard the officer absolute control of subordinates in the based tactics provided the pretext which extremely coercive measures, from excessive humanitarian outlooks Napoleonic Wars.21 German officers for much of the violent coercion that and eventually even genocide, were [Anschauungen]… that in war certain gave orders that lacked specific detail, colonial troops enacted. The system’s considered necessary.12 The inherently severities cannot be done without, that and they preferred troops to adapt interpretive nature allowed a wide scope violent nature of the military resulted in fact often the only true humanity when confronted with the fog of war for individual initiative, but without the in interpretations of ethnographic lies in their ruthless application.”17 or complications on the battlefield. usual restraints of specific military goals discourse that highlighted the allegedly Furthermore, the official field manual This was not, however, a free pass or a defined battlefield. The problem savage and inhuman nature of those sanctioned harsh “preventative measures” for an officer to do as he pleased. The became particularly acute when orders colonized. Coercive behavior against against occupied populations.18 While “coherence of the plan” was a guide from above conflicted with standard fellow whites in Europe became, fairly it would be a mischaracterization to to follow, and the fulfilment of the notions of European military ethics, easily, murderously violent acts against suggest that the colonial environment overall mission was always the goal.22 as will be shown in the context of the “inhuman” and “cruel” blacks in Africa. itself had no impact on troop behavior, On the other hand, it required a degree Herero uprising. The home government The metropole government made no indoctrination and military culture of latitude: officers were expected to reduced this authority only when serious attempt to restrain this behavior provided fundamental attitudes toward produce action and take risks, but with “mistakes” rose to the level of genocide, until the genocide of the Herero military practice wherever German the reciprocal expectation that mistakes and even then only because of the created a backlash that fundamentally troops were stationed. Unit formation in could happen and would be forgiven resulting furor in the metropole as well shifted colonial ideology away from the the colonies, however, differed markedly if it could be shown that the officer as by other colonial powers. Kulturmission imposed primarily by the from the metropolitan army. Colonial had worked within the framework of Nevertheless, the German government military.13 units were temporary and makeshift, Auftragstaktik.23 Any military action still condoned the army’s general resulting in a lack of cohesion normally that vaguely supported the intentions doctrine on the treatment of civilians, The Transfer of the Metropolitan formed through common regional origins, of higher-ranking commanders ideas that encouraged a loose definition Imperial Army constant group interaction, and social was usually sufficient evidence. If of military necessity. Again, experiences maintenance.19 Continuity in leadership performed correctly, the system allowed during the Wars of Unification, particularly istinct from other imperial and experience was severely hindered by adaptability to changing battlefield the French popular uprising and use Dpowers, Germany did not have short terms of service; half of the officers conditions, and resulted in greater of unconventional troops in the form a specifically designed colonial army, served only one year in the colonies and speed and maneuverability compared of franc-tireurs during the Franco- making it possible to frame some only 12 per cent served more than three to armies that required lengthy, vertical Prussian War of 1870–1871, instigated aspects of colonial military practice years.20 Therefore, the standardized hierarchical communication. The need a belief in harsh measures based on within the metropolitan-based military military training received in Germany for mission-based tactics was clear in “military necessity.”27 Victory against an institution.14 Initially, the German colonial was a particularly important influence the African colonial context. Germany enemy military was not a guarantee of army (Schutztruppe) was organized under on collective behavior, as it was the controlled an area roughly five times peace, as was shown by continuing anti- Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume the German Imperial Naval Office, but was strongest source of group identity. the size of its European territory, along occupation operations after the French 1 5, Issue Volume 38 in reality a kind of “third branch” of the Shared knowledge of doctrine and with an indigenous population of over field army was defeated in 1870.28 39 German military.15 The army conducted standard operating procedures strongly 11 million.24 With a German colonial Though commanders initially, but all infantry training within Germany, informed group behavior. Auftragstaktik, population of 22,000, of which only questionably from a legal standpoint, and indoctrinated troops received the already a hallmark of the German 6,500 were military troops, a wide ordered reprisals against spies and dominant military ideologies and belief army, became a recurrent and enlarged Past Tense Past degree of authority was necessary guerilla fighters under the authority Tense Past systems prevalent in the homeland. This capacity for individual action at all within any given field of operations.25 of Auftragstaktik, Chief of the General primarily meant an emphasis on the levels of the military hierarchy within This produced a much greater sphere Staff Helmuth von Moltke eventually “skillful, independent understanding the colonies. Large numbers of troops Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

sanctioned the practice legally.29 Though method efficient enough to deal with he had attempted to work within this Wilhelm Deist have characterized as German casualty figures by irregular irregular warfare, and the need to framework. “Byzantinism.”38 Consequently, offices French fighters was relatively low, a quickly and effectively combat it so That these principles transferred worked in relative seclusion, causing quarter of the field army was arrayed paramount, the army fought any limits from the metropole to the African a lack of coordination in policy. The against the franc-tireurs due to their for responding to civilian fighters. colonies is clear. Training that took place result for the military was an almost seeming ability to be anywhere at any This permeated down to the lower in Germany ensured the indoctrination complete insulation from non-executive time.30 Such an imbalance to combat levels, and recruits were generally of this mindset. The primary difference oversight. Though the Kaiser was the small numbers of enemy fighters unaware of specific legal requirements was that, due to the expanse of territory Commander-in-Chief of each branch raised harsh responses to the level of on the treatment of civilians or and the miniscule amount of troops of the military, his authority over the military necessity in the eyes of field prisoners of war.33 Retired General with which to control it, even low- Schutztruppe was even more marked. commanders. Horne and Kramer Julius von Hartmann, a prominent ranking commanders held authority to Unlike the army, in which some states’ have shown extensively that the fear of writer on military affairs, expounded impose large, broad fines or summarily contingents, such as Bavaria and Saxony, guerilla tactics became mythologized in in Clausewitzian terms both the overall execute those defined as rebels.35 In maintained a “special bond” with their the psyche of the German military and purpose of war, as well as the variables the midst of the Herero uprising, the kings in peacetime, the navy was an played a crucial role in military decision that would influence individual soldiers German General Staff, in its historical exclusively imperial institution from making and doctrinal development to act in the name of military necessity: analysis, asserted that “[w]homever the very beginning.39 Organizationally 31 in the subsequent decades. In the [T]he one, great, final goal of war is wished to colonize here [Africa], must located under the navy, the Schutztruppe colonies, where the pervasiveness of the subjugation of the enemy power, first grasp the sword and wage war, not was under the absolute authority of the need for dominance was even more the overcoming of the enemy energy, with petty and delicate means, but rather the Kaiser during both times of peace widespread, it was far easier to consider the mastery of the enemy will. This with great, awe-inspiring power until and war. Due to precedent and the groups as rebel fighters. Whereas in one goal commands absolutely and the utter defeat of the natives.”36 This Kommandogewalt, his position and Europe there were at least hazy limits it dictates law and regulation. The assessment did not differ from German influence was circumscribed only as to what constituted rebellious or concrete figuration of this law appears precolonial theory, but the experience marginally with its transfer to the partisan behavior, the maintenance of in the form of military necessity…. The of colonization had seemingly validated Colonial Department in 1896 and then course of war appears as a stringing the perceived power differential required extremely coercive methods, further the Reichskolonialamt in 1907. together of actions, in which military a much lower tolerance for supposedly personnel, as carriers of the military enshrining them in standard colonial These kinds of constitutional and “threatening” behavior. Coupled with strength of the state and under the military practice. Additionally, Kaiser legal disconnects were widespread, the belief that natives were inhuman full exploitation… of the striving Wilhelm’s Kommandogewalt, or broad effecting a seclusion of military and could only be subjugated through toward a common goal, are subject to constitutional rights to command development, both in the metropole fear, this perceived power differential particular targets of military necessity the armed forces, ensured that, when and overseas, from virtually any civilian intensified the idea of reprisals as that they must execute .34 colonial troubles arose, he could oversight. Clausewitz’s assertion of the military necessity. Some, in fact, did appoint an officer closely aligned military as a tool of policy was reversed.40 There was, therefore, not an 37 directly compare reprisals against insistence on mission-based tactics with his way of thinking. This would As one of the many repercussions of natives with the execution of civilians in in the name of military necessity in have serious repercussions during the administrative Byzantinism, the military the Franco-Prussian War.32 Herero uprising with the appointment narrowed its view to the tactical and

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume the German military; there was an 1 5, Issue Volume Disregarding the dissenting opinions understood compulsion. The pursuit of Lothar von Trotha, as will be shown operational levels, forgoing much 40 and diverging widely from emerging of military necessity was defined as a later, but it was also vitally important consideration of the political-strategic 41 international law, the German military basic right of the army and, with the for the colonial military context as a aspects of war-making. This produced was primed for excessively violent means use of Auftragstaktik, encompassed whole. The combined framework of a much greater emphasis on the actions of coercion in the colonies. The German virtually anything that could lead to any Immediatsystem, in which subordinates of individual commanders in the military, as a whole, viewed laws reported solely to the Kaiser, and the field, allowing them to direct policy Past Tense Past vaguely defined goal of a superior. If the Tense Past regulating warfare as an infringement result were unsuccessful, latitude was Kommandogewalt accentuated the image “on the ground.” The Kaiser set the on the basic right to conduct combat. given if the commander showed that of the Kaiser’s authority, yet it also tone of military governance through Considering Auftragstaktik the only created what Annika Mombauer and his customarily boisterous martial Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

declarations. An ingrained adherence personnel. Africa was a battlefield in in the field of physiology. Growing the ideal transformed from head-of- to Auftragstaktik and a disdain for which industrialized warfare on a mass industry prompted labor unrest and family to “master over a domain.”54 This international laws of war ensured that scale could not take place; this “allowed socialist ideologies.50 Along with rising power was easily circumscribed by the the Kaiser’s policies were transmitted masculine heroism, determination and nationalism, these pervasive ideologies colonial administration or, in the case down the chain of command. Ministers nobility to shine through.”43 Colonists attempted to subsume the individual of soldiers, the military. Nevertheless, such as Chancellor von Bülow claimed perceived Africa as a wide open space into society in the pursuit of higher colonists found outlets for exercising that “colonial politics was still a policy where a man could become his true ideals. Advances in technology seemed mastery in a variety of places, whether of conquering, and that nowhere in the and whole self without the artificial to “speed up time itself.”51 Medical in labor relations with natives, sexual world did one succeed at appropriating constraints imposed by industrialized doctors promoted ideas of degeneracy, aggression, or military violence. Among land from a foreign people without society.44 This “true self” harkened back both physical and mental.52 While military personnel, mastery was battles…. Colonial wars will therefore to a pre-industrial masculinity that the ideologies co-opted masculinity most obviously demonstrated by the invariably be a necessary consequence arose during the Wars of Liberation.45 with some success, science was mainly summary judgment of supposed rebels of a colonial politics.”41 Nevertheless, A working reconciliation between the a man’s preserve, and degeneracy through the wide breadth of command this military culture and legal individual and the collective defined prompted the most concern for the and emphasis on mission-based tactics, sanctioning only provided the ability to the “militarization of masculinity.”46 future of masculinity. This particularly especially during Strafexpeditionen. use violent coercion. It does not explain The collective was not necessarily informed the debates on race in Colonial men were also expected to the motivation for such coercion, which German society as a whole, but rather conceiving of the colonized as either be fearless, work hard, show dedication requires an investigation of individual the pursuit of a higher ideal that often inferior or child-like in development, and self-confidence, and be creative.55 beliefs and actions. involved some aspect of Deutschtum. but also in the potential degeneracy of These were not new attributes of Willpower was an integral component the “white race” arising from biological masculinity. They were, however, The Transfer and Distortion of of manliness.47 It allowed a dogged or cultural admixture. To a large degree, magnified by the environment and German Metropolitan Masculinity determination for “heroism, death, and the enforced racial hierarchy propagated interactions with strange, new peoples. sacrifice” in the name of this higher by German colonists was based on these Diseases, weather, and animals were he military provided an insular, ideal.48 Yet the valuation of a man along new developments in science. Africa constant dangers, as well as African Tmasculinized world whether it this ideal was based on his individual functioned as one of several pressure warriors with non-European customs was stationed within the metropole and particular attributes: valves for those wishing to escape and methods. The colonies initially or beyond its borders. Nevertheless, The great community of the state will the masculinity crisis in Germany. lacked economic infrastructure, the form that this masculinity took not be served by an internally changed Many believed that the “untainted” terminology that was still synonymous was also dependent upon its location. person. Rather, he will lovingly naturalness, and therefore beauty, of the with “railroad network.”56 Many believed Thus, the “standardized” masculinity serve in the manner that he wishes environment, along with harsh living that “economic salvation… lay in the inculcated in troops in Germany and is capable of, with an unbroken conditions would help alleviate mental construction of railways.”57 Military during training was subject to change peculiarity and his entire soul.49 and physical degeneracy. commentators of the era believed that when it entered the African environs. Ideal masculinity was not envisioned Rather than simply a return to Strafexpeditionen could prompt economic The military environment allowed, as a composition of mechanically traditional, pre-industrial conceptions growth by increasing German prestige promoted, and created a space for the functioning men, but of those that of masculinity, colonial maleness became in an era, something that Hermann Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume expression of masculinity, but it was pursued a collective ideal with the a grandiose distortion of the old ideals. von Wissmann supposedly benefited 42 not the sole definer of male gender individual talents he possessed. Manhood had once meant embodying from in East Africa at the expense of the 43 58 ideals. Manliness itself did not conform German men saw Africa as a way the physical representation of the Hehe people. Nevertheless, until this to such a narrow spectrum, and it was to return to these values, and as an family unit as a whole in dealings with infrastructural dream could become a fundamental basis for the colonial escape from the crisis that now befell the state; in essence, the husband solely reality, agricultural work was widespread power framework more broadly.42 represented the interests of his household among the colonial population and Past Tense Past masculinity in the metropole. This crisis Tense Past 53 This was true among and between the arose primarily from industrialization, and was, therefore, a citizen. In the necessary for subsistence in each varied classes of colonizers, but even technological increase, and advances colonies, due to a lack of family units locality. Although there was certainly more specifically in the case of military and the attendant rise in land holding, exploitation of native labor, hard Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

physical labor remained necessary for limits: masturbation was a contributor male desire for natives, and citizenship colonial affairs. At least in the beginning, settlers. Dedication was required both to internal weakness; marital sexual through jus sanguinis, or descent by German women had little impact on the on the individual level and in working relations should be moderate; and blood. In the later stages of colonization, formation of colonial masculinity. toward the “colonial experiment.” Self- laws should prohibit homosexuality.61 the colonial administration’s position Colonial authorities considered the confidence contributed to an individual’s Homosexuals found little respite in stated that German men could only passage of citizenship to offspring as the life, but was also vitally important for the colonies as authorities considered succeed as true men through marital clearer and more present danger. First, 66 interactions with native peoples and it dangerous to the imperial cause union with “racial equals.” They opposition to mixed marriages usually the maintenance of white hegemony. from the beginning.62 They did not reasoned that only German women, as ignited specifically when soldiers were Creativity was predicated on initiative, consider sexual relations, violent or the harbingers of future generations, involved, regardless of the fact that this 67 risk-taking, and the ability to flexibly consenting, with indigenous women were the guardians of culture and race. was a much less likely scenario than Many nationalists in the metropole were civilian mixed marriages.72 Soldiers, of the same opinion. Unlike countries as the upholders of German honor Colonists perceived Africa as a such as France, German law considered and supposed models of German only biological descent as a qualifier for masculinity, were the most recognized wide open space where a man could citizenship: the children of a married symbol of Germany and its power in the couple acquired the citizenship of the colonies. Not only would other colonial father, but if the father could not be powers recognize this, but also the become his true and whole self determined, the child received the native subjects, thus endangering the mother’s citizenship.68 Furthermore, at perceived power differential. Second, without the artificial constraints the time of marriage, the wife received German citizenship entailed potential the husband’s citizenship.69 This latter duties such as military service, voting imposed by industrialized society point, when applied to German-male/ rights, and the ability to hold public native-female marriages, offendedoffice. 73 The cultural level of the entire accomplish tasks.59 As the civilian governor to be extraordinary, but rather quite German women in particular. The family unit was, therefore, governed by Friedrich von Lindequist stated, it was an normal, and it did not become a concern increasing opposition of German that of the wife, and marriage to a native 74 official goal to “awaken and promote until there was a spike in interracial women to mixed marriages and the defiled masculinity. Furthermore, the the independence and spontaneity of marriages. Colonizers were attracted to greater support by women in general children of such unions were supposedly the settlers as much as possible.”60 As the “naturalness,” ease of availability, and for colonization resulted in an influx “by rule, morally and physically weak, noted above, the lack of a specialized perceived promiscuity of the natives.63 of female settlers. In the harsh colonial [and] combined the worst characteristics 75 colonial army engendered a need for These encounters allegedly cured environment, the gender divide had of both parents.” a generalized skill set. Auftragstaktik boredom and loneliness, and authorities already begun to blur, as women were It must be noted that these differing was the German military’s answer to considered them to be expected given expected “to be able to do everything views necessarily meant that conceptions 70 the question of initiative and risky the dearth of German women in the their husbands did.” This included of masculinity were contested, though pursuits. Though Lindequist referred colonies.64 More than this, it was a way many of the traditional colonial the settler-soldier model remained the to colonial settlers rather than the army of further conquering Africa beyond masculine qualities such as work ethic hegemonic model. Settlers held to the Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 71 1 5, Issue Volume explicitly, military experience in mission- the land or on the battlefield. Indeed, and willpower. Only in the area of exaggerated traditionalist form while 44 based tactics was considered excellent both consensual relationships and sexuality did the entrance of German colonial authority, now firmly in the 45 preparation for future life as a colonist; cases of rape became more frequent as women attempt to alter conceptions hands of middle class administrators after soldier-turned-colonist was an outcome the German military’s control over the of masculinity. In effect, these women news of the genocide provoked outrage that was by no means rare. colonies grew.65 expected reciprocation of the sexual in Germany, attempted to rein them in modesty that men imposed on them. toward the rapidly racializing form of Past Tense Past Masculinity also contained an explicit Challenges to this sexuality did arise Tense Past sexual component. Bourgeois values in after a turn toward racial components Yet for much of the era of colonization, bourgeois values of propriety. After the metropolitan Germany acknowledged of masculinity. This came from two German women were absent and colonial administration’s attempts to ban sexual desire as natural, but within directions: German women’s concern over played few significant roles in internal mixed marriages on racial grounds, Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

the Reichstag decision in 1912 to allow intermarriage was low, resulting in only and adventure of Africa, military men it is often difficult to divide action and them to continue further heightened 24 mixed marriages prior to 1905.78 were in a position to exercise their reaction. Nevertheless, it is possible the crisis afflicting masculinity in the This number rose marginally following version of masculinity to a far greater to find primary motivations, whether metropole.76 In contrast, the settlers’ the arrival of German troops during the extent than would have been possible through inference from events or legal argument rested on the traditional Herero Wars.79 That these marriages in the metropole. The geographic occasionally even clearly stated goals. masculine legal right to pass on occurred, offspring produced, and distance and perception of residing The main task of colonial governance citizenship. Although the legal basis neither later repudiated by the German outside the bounds of industrialized was the maintenance of alterity, or the of citizenship was “by blood,” this was soldiers is evidence that imperial soldiers and “degenerate” metropolitan sexuality “otherness” of the natives, and is generally never meant as racial categorization, subscribed to the “settler version” of fostered the growth of colonial hyper- referred to as “native policy.”82 This but was firmly rooted in gender. As the sexual and citizenship aspects of masculinity. did not necessarily mean that colonial far as strict legal jurisprudence was masculinity. The same can be said for authorities attempted to force natives concerned, laws that attempted to insert other types of sexual encounters, though Conception of the Other and its into a static mode of life or culture, racial categories were an infringement rape and prostitution were perhaps more Influences on Military Masculinity though this was the case in certain on patriarchal rights, and therefore available and permissible expedients for circumstances. The policy for alterity invalid.77 The formalized citizenship soldiers than long-term concubinage, ombined, the military structure was predicated on an “assumption of laws of 1870 and 1913 were based on which was the most common scenario Cand hyper-masculinity were unlikely an unbridgeable difference between German men’s rights and interests in for established settlers. In other aspects, to result in the level of violence that themselves and their subjects and contrast to women, not in contrast to military conceptions of masculinity eventually occurred in Africa. Certainly, of the ineradicable inferiority of the “racial non-Germans.” Marriage was were in line with those standardized in it could have resulted in scattered colonized.”83 Therefore, the focus on the an exceptional situation, however, the German army, but with a heightened acts of violence, but a more universal maintenance of otherness emphasized a and most sexual encounters remained emphasis on honor, adventure, and explanation or motivation is needed need to maintain the recognition of this in the form of rape, concubinage, or individual heroism. Volunteer officers to account for widespread aggression. “unbridgeable difference,” rather than prostitution. Colonial and metropole were detached from the regular army A crucial component has thus far an attempt to ensure that this difference authorities focused on marriage and were more often of the eccentric been absent: colonized men, both existed. This distinction is significant because it appeared an existential threat variety, preferring the greater military their masculinity and its effect on for understanding military and settler to the perceived power differential, a action available in the colonies, and German masculinity. Although it is clear behavior; the colonizers believed that this situation that always made settler-native would perhaps have had less success that military culture contributed to difference was inherent and could not be relations more tense and violence more in their careers domestically.80 The violence in Africa, the contribution of changed, either through intermarriage likely. Threats to sexual freedom with colonies were also a field in which masculinity remains incomplete if one or by any amount of cultural change. natives were met with legal challenges formerly disgraced officers could begin considers only the transformation of Intermarriage would only produce and refusals to testify against alleged anew.81 German military masculinity metropolitan manliness in the colonies. children of a lower level, and cultural rapists. German authorities never found in the colonies aligned closely with the Yet, in many ways, distinguishing the change or assimilation were viewed a satisfactory solution for the frequent settler colonial mentality, though in impact of native sexuality on German as insidious mimicry, and not true rapes during military campaigns or militarized form. Settlers often called masculinity is a more complicated improvement. The source of colonial large scale containments, such as those for harsher punishments to perceived or task. It involves preconceived notions power, and therefore the focus of Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume that occurred after the establishment of real threats from natives than even the of natives, how actual contact altered imperial native policy, resided in the 1 5, Issue Volume 46 concentration camps during the Herero heads of the military administrations; these pre-conceived notions, responses mutual recognition and perception of 47 uprising. individual soldiers and units, through and changes in natives engendered by alterity and its immutability. Military personnel, though not either Auftragstaktik or their own the arrival of the German military and The belief of inherent inferiority was in the same societal class as settlers volition, were often more willing to settlers, and the subsequent German initially based on precolonial discourse. in general, aligned closely with this oblige. This was a combination of hyper- responses to these changes in native Early discourse was not uniform, and often Past Tense Past Past Tense Past general form of colonial hegemonic masculinity and the army’s willingness behavior. These complicated sets of contained contradictory representations masculinity. Although settlers clung to create a space for its expression. interaction formed much of the basis of natives. Writers described the Khoikhoi to traditional masculine legal rights, Coupled with the perceived dangers of settler-native relationships, though both as practitioners of grotesque sexual Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

acts, but also as the “Hottentot Venus” Public perception and the ensuing of reasoning. To the metropolitan the characteristics the military attributed in the case of women.84 They placed scorn of Thameyer’s loss of masculinity government, it seemed reasonable to to the natives; but, as infantry Captain special emphasis on sexual aspects, drove him to suicide. He portrayed continue military administration until Schwabe expressed, greater conviction ranging from alleged bestiality with the African as a grotesque distortion pacification was complete. Typical and coercive command remained the apes to the commonly repeated of male sexuality, physically large with military policy consisted of “coercive best options: astonishment at the size of various body corresponding facial hair, and eyes that command” to enforce the recognition of One gets to know this people after 85 parts. In other cases, the Khoikhoi burned with sexual desire for the white difference and compliance with colonial one has lived among them for were described either as noble savages, woman. That something like this could authority. Quick initial victories years… Mistrustful, conceited, proud, or with the more ubiquitous “ignoble happen on German soil, rather than reinforced the idea of German military and in turn beggarly and servile, savage” trope.86 Although the specifics of thousands of miles away in the colonies, supremacy. Although soldiers viewed mendacious and faithless, thieving— precolonial discourse differed by African concerned contemporary readers. The worst the native peoples as inferior, they whenever they are in the majority— ethnic group, all discourses were in infraction on Thameyer’s masculinity, also believed them excessively cruel, violent and cruel…. The one thing agreement that Africans were on a lower however, is that if somehow this betrayal a stereotype that allegedly legitimized that cannot be denied is bravery in battle, but only when the situation civilizational level developmentally. occurred, his wife was impregnated massacres or atrocities.93 Captured is at its direst. My judgment may be More generally, however, depictions from a single encounter. His German enemy soldiers were often executed severe, but fair in every case, and the emphasized the “compulsive nature of masculine honor could be salvaged only en masse, because they were labeled treatment [of this people] must be, the [African] colonial soldier, his sexual through his suicide. as rebels. This labeling was possible and remain, severe and fair. The Kaffir energy, and the necessity to control Varying discourses led to competing because of the unique German view on [common pejorative for Africans] these passions.”87 This supposed energy visions of ethnographic acuity.90 Different what constituted “occupied territory,” a must be given this treatment, or became a concern regarding relationships colonial social groups adhered to significant distinction in determining else they will play dirty tricks on us, between German women and native different views of the natives, and whether a prisoner was a legitimate because the Herero always considers men.88 The fear found its ultimate each attempted to construct policy combatant or a rebel behind enemy mellowness and leniency as weakness 96 expression in Arthur Schnitzler’s short accordingly, though always with the lines. The German view held that and cowardliness. story “Andreas Thameyer’s Last Letter.” goal of stabilizing the perceived power “occupation began immediately behind The description appears in many Thameyer’s wife had an illicit affair differential between colonist and the front lines, regardless of whether the ways to be the opposite of the “whole with an African on display at a zoo in native. While educated officials were ‘occupier’ actually controlled the area.”94 man” concept; even bravery is only Europe, but he refused to accept it, even concerned with cultural and linguistic This presented an interesting, though possible under extenuating circumstances. after the illegitimate son was born. His communication, and landowners with unfortunate, scenario in the colonies; These sentiments were ubiquitous sense of masculinity and honor led him monetary incentives, the military as inferior peoples were allegedly among the military community, and to despair and disbelief: viewed the older ethnographic discourse incapable of waging civilized warfare, this led to conflicts with the natives in I can in no way continue living. as proof that coercive command was the front lines were virtually non-existent, which commanders did not consider Because as long as I live, the people most suitable method for interacting resulting in the military administration negotiation an option.97 To a degree, will mock, and nobody would see with natives.91 During the early period of often labeling the entire territory as this was becoming the German view the truth. The truth is that my wife colonization, the military held primacy occupied. Unsurprisingly, 54 “punitive on war generally. Nevertheless, in the was true to me—I swear on all that in policymaking, and sometimes held expeditions” occurred in East Africa colonial context, the notion was taken Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume I find holy, and I seal it through my civil authority as well.92 This is more alone in the short span between 1891 to to an extreme. Harshness continued 1 5, Issue Volume 48 death…. My Anna was alone—alone obvious during the initial military 1894.95 to serve “native policy,” because 49 just once…. Who wouldn’t conceive campaigns, but it extended afterward With circular logic, the occurrence punishments such as large fines, public that under these circumstances she during “pacification.” Violent means of and frequent recurrence of coercion humiliation, and executions would “keep must have felt a monstrous horror for pacification often led to dismay and small- reinforced the perception that it was their subjection permanently awake in this giant man with fervent eyes and a scale revolts. The military establishment needed. Furthermore, it augmented the 98 Past Tense Past

the native’s memory.” Of particular Tense Past great, black beard.89 cemented its importance in the colonial military’s preferred precolonial discourse. importance was the idea, as expressed Readers perceived a manifold of experiment by emphasizing its centrality There were only minor changes from by Captain Schwabe, that leniency insecurities in the young Thameyer. in pacification, invoking a circularity precolonial to colonial era discourse in Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

would only lead to further revolts or, European contact, natives became more conceptions were derided as unnatural, natives were unable to use natural in other words, the breakdown of the knowledgeable about the colonizers than beastly, and unrefined—the whole man resources as “real men,” the military perceived power differential. the reverse; some natives were bilingual, was a balance. This derision allowed a administration believed it necessary German soldiers’ justifications for received non-native names, or converted freer hand when implementing military to transfer such resources to settlers. violence were not limited to pure religions.103 A “talent for mimicry” was coercion. The military occupation allowed Finally, in January 1904 the Herero rose military reasoning, but were more often not complimentary. Rather, it seemed to a space for the expression of hyper- up against the German administration. intimately tied to ideas propagated in upset the recognition of difference, and masculinity; the addition of comparing A local colonial association called for precolonial discourse as well as the therefore the entire colonial order.104 natives to this ideal, and then finding them an “energetic military action” because implicit goals of the colonial project. Permitted mimicry, such as black wanting, perpetuated a willingness for, and “only through the absolute perpetuation Although, as shown above, the natives’ colonial troops in German uniforms, conduct of, violence. of the supremacy of [the white] race battlefield characteristics were held became a source of discomfort when can its rule be enforced.”111 In effect, in low regard, German soldiers also these same soldiers became “rebels,” A Case Study: From the Leutwein only extreme violence maintained considered them lazy regarding work yet continued to wear the uniforms.105 System to the Genocide of the Herero the perceived power differential. more generally.99 This was anathema to Authorities and colonists did not view Unsurprisingly, Leutwein attempted to “true German manliness,” but especially mimicry as cultural change, or the lthough colonial violence in subdue the native peoples through force. to the prevailing colonial view. Gustav advancement of native culture. Instead, Ageneral, rather than genocide in He claimed to critics in Germany that Frenssen, in his 1906 fictional book Peter they perceived it as a tool of the natives particular, is the focus of this article, it there were no orders to kill women and Moors Fahrt nach Südwest, portrayed to upset the power differential. is useful to analyze the progression and children or refuse prisoners. This would the German soldier’s reasoning for the Disparity in knowledge was a escalation of violence in a case-study have been in contradiction to military massacre of natives: particular area of contention because format. Colonial violence and cruelty and metropole masculine values. Still, These blacks have earned death from natives had access to the more intimate were not rare, but one native reaction he admitted that the troops had been 112 God and man. Not because they parts of the colonizers’ lives. In effect, the invariably resulted in the escalation of acting in excess. There had been a murdered 200 farmers and revolted colonizers were always on display, and coercion: rebellion. Few uprisings were flood of reports, though erroneous, against us, but because they have therefore it was necessary to perpetually very large, but the Herero rebellion of that the Herero had butchered German built no houses or dug wells…. God show mastery and power.106 In the 1903 was a major response to sustained women and children and burned houses, has allowed us victory because we are earlier days of military penetration, this maltreatment, fines, land disputes, and further proof of unmanly and savage noble and strive for progress.100 was of little concern for the soldiers, as sexual violence. In 1894, army officer behavior. Masculine honor demanded German correspondents deplored power or mastery was shown through Theodor Leutwein was appointed as a the protection of all three signifiers of the lack of adventurous spirit of natives, battlefield victories, sexual violence, high-ranking colonial administrator, the household domain. Nevertheless, 107 110 that “the house, the village, or at most or the purchase of prostitutes. When and then governor in 1898. His Leutwein’s goal had always been to the countryside was the world of his these relationships transformed into native policy has become known as use enough violent coercion to open 113 field of vision.”101 This was certainly household servitude, domestic unions, the Leutwein System, and consisted of negotiations. His final mistake, in not the cosmopolitanism of the “whole or marriage, the prominent scandals diplomacy, divide and rule tactics, and the eyes of military authorities, was man.” Military atrocities, therefore, of the era clearly displayed the limits military coercion. A typical example his personally-ordered retreat of his revolved more around a worldview than of privacy. Sexual honor became a of this model was the requisitioning of unbeaten troops at Oviumbo on April 13, Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume the military acts or abilities of the natives. concern through the legal crime of cattle from natives: first, bribery was implemented both for military as well as 114 50 Masculinity required hard physical labor sodomy; it was legally impossible for a attempted, then official favoring of administrative concerns. Within the 51 108 and progress, and the precolonial and man to be raped. Fears of “unnatural certain chieftains, and finally outright context of the German military culture contemporary discourse emphasized seductions” arose through propaganda violent coercion. When this ultimately of offense, which contemporary military that the natives were incapable of of the “amplified affinity of the African failed to satisfy the needs of colonists, theorists often defined in stereotypic 102 for homosexuality.”109 There was, he repeated the cycle for native-land nineteenth century masculine terms Past Tense Past this sustained test of manliness. An Tense Past even more pernicious native response therefore, an effort to portray the male acquisition. Again, the colonists were such as energetic and inexorable, this was mimicry. Through the course of African Other as unmanly. Attributes not satisfied and reservation land was retreat was a defeat. that were “more manly” than German parceled out to native groups. If the Owing both to the ineffectiveness of Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

Leutwein to quell the rebellion and his power differential between colonists the shooting of civilians continued. circular logic regarding this violence, shameful retreat, the German military and natives, and future German By September 30, supply levels were mentioned above, was applicable in sent General Lothar von Trotha to restore administrative policy would forever be perilous and Trotha ordered the pursuit this situation. The Herero, thought the order. Trotha was the quintessential met by armed rebellion if the Herero to end. Two days later he issued the military administration, were rebelling example of the new, heightened colonial succeeded in this instance. Vernichtungsbefehl, thus ending any idea because they believed the Germans were military masculinity. Although he had This line of reasoning was used in of future negotiations, and rejecting weak, and only an even greater display gained experience during the Wars of the aftermath of the battle of Waterberg, even the complete submission of the of force could stabilize the mutual Unification, his career was particularly which had taken place on August 11. Herero.122 recognition of racial and civilizational successful outside of Germany, owing The Herero were soundly defeated Aside from the escalation of the idea difference. Ironically, native policy to merciless, but successful, campaigns in an attempted concentric battle of of Vernichtung, Trotha still operated conducted along military lines would in East Africa and China.115 Trotha’s annihilation, a Vernichtungskrieg in the within the framework of the colonial theoretically eventually lead to colonies brutality was well known, and Kaiser military sense. Owing to difficulties German military. In Southwest Africa, without natives. Wilhelm either directly appointed or in the conduct of the battle, however, frontlines did not exist, and it was The genocide could not have personally approved his appointment many of the Herero escaped and Trotha customary to execute rebels. As the occurred without Trotha’s order, but the to the Southwest African command on did not consider it a “total military Vernichtungsbefehl made clear, a large Vernichtungsbefehl and its results were May 3.116 The Kaiser, identifying the v i c t or y.” 119 When the Herero attempted scale revolt of this nature expanded made possible only through the already rebellion as a serious matter of national multiple times to open negotiations, as security and using his constitutional had normally happened after previous prerogative of Kommandogewalt, placed military defeats, Trotha refused on the Standard military practice the conduct of operations under military grounds that it would show “weakness control, instead of civilian leadership.117 and embarrassment,” thus impugning Trained in Germany and long part of the both military and manly honor.120 emphasized relentless system, Trotha understood the German Meanwhile, some German troops had military concept of Vernichtungskrieg, the begun to openly massacre the Herero, complete and comprehensive military regardless of age or gender. Trotha pursuit to defeat enemies defeat of the enemy. Nevertheless, in attempted to limit such actions to armed the colonial context, he linked the same men classified as rebels.121 Thus, courts the definition of “rebel” to include violent colonial context. Contrary to verbiage (vernichten) with methods martial were no longer necessary. This “every Herero, with or without rifle… Trotha’s own dealings in Southwest contrary to normal European warfare. was a clear departure from the Leutwein [and] no more women or children Africa, the violence against the Herero Rather than the destruction of military System and ensured an escalation of accommodated.”123 The attribution of escalated gradually, as shown through forces, Trotha, in a letter to Leutwein, sanctioned military violence. That many “rebel” was tied to the familiar trope of the development of the Leutwein stated that “the use of [v]iolence with of the troops were recently arrived and the “cruel Herero,” by citing crimes such System.125 Though this earlier policy and stark terrorism and cruelty was and is inexperienced reinforcements from as murder, theft, and the mutilation of its violence had always been extreme my policy. I destroy the African tribes Germany increased the likelihood that wounded German soldiers.124 Trotha’s compared to European contexts, the with streams of blood and streams of the infliction of violence would be less call for annihilation was not a mistaken move to genocide was an evolution Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume money.”118 The “whole man” concept of restrained. Standard military practice usage of the word, but rather a of German military native policy and 1 5, Issue Volume 52 balanced rationality and emotionality emphasized relentless pursuit to defeat conscious escalation of military values administration. Furthermore, it was the 53 is present in this statement, the enemies that had escaped destruction exported from Germany, heightened result of progressive dehumanization rationality of an industrialized nation’s by concentric attack, as had occurred at by prevailing notions of colonial and the “fear of a possible loss of war-making system and the emotional Waterberg. A refusal to negotiate inspired masculinity. A European-style defeat prestige.”126 It was not, however, systematic vision of “justified” blood-letting, continual and escalating violence and the had not been inflicted and masculine murder. This does not mean that there Past Tense Past Past Tense Past violence, and terrorism. Trotha believed lack of logistical support promoted small honor could not allow negotiation. was not intended genocide. Instead, it is that negotiation, as Leutwein now groupings of German soldiers; especially Violent coercion had been successful acknowledgment that German soldiers advocated, would destroy the perceived at this low level of the military hierarchy, against smaller uprisings thus far. The were not expected to systematically Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

execute thousands, rather they were amount of violence that individual units Germany; the distorted transfer of employ themselves for real, tangible to not prevent deaths resulting from performed. Nevertheless, the guidelines masculinity from the metropole to benefits on a large plot of land. This starvation and dehydration.127 Still, set forth by the highest commander, the colony; and conceptions of the produced a work ethic that colonists German soldiers had already escalated the Vernichtungsbefehl, became the colonized Other. No single aspect is perceived was higher than that in the violence beyond the limits prescribed minimum acceptable level of violence sufficient to account for the use of metropole because the work was more by the Vernichtungsbefehl. This was for soldiers through the combination violence, though each was necessary. fulfilling to a man. As shown above, carried on at the lowest tactical levels. of an institutional culture of obedience Furthermore, though the colonies were many soldiers opted to remain in the The order gave official direction to and a gender-enforced commitment to generally a cruel and violent place, colonies rather than return to Germany. more effectively pursue what was duty. military coercion escalated progressively A man was the head of his household already being done through personal Although the war with the Herero for the supposed furtherance of native in Germany, but still a mere citizen of expressions of violence. For those who was construed as a racial war in the policy. Once administrators felt that the state. In Africa, settlers perceived had not been inclined to such gratuitous mind of Trotha, it was not considered the “lesson” was understood, the themselves as kings of their estates. violence, an institutional culture of a life-or-death struggle between two environment would return to its normal Men could exert more dominance over obedience ensured compliance. This peoples. The goal was not the survival of level of violence. However, with circular women with relative impunity. Native was the case for Major Ludwig von the “German race,” but instead a means logic, subsequent lessons were harsher women were plentiful, and seemingly Estorff as he pursued the Herero under of restoring the perceived colonial power so as to quell supposed native beliefs of servile within the binary hierarchy Trotha’s orders to drive them into the differential, predicated on colonial hyper- German weakness. of native and German. For soldiers, desert: masculinity and normativity, even if this The standardized military training Africa was filled with adventure and I followed their tracks and arrived at meant the destruction of one side of the that soldiers received in Germany danger that was more natural than the several wells behind them and found equation. The standard practices of the was the fundamental component of rapidly industrializing and impersonal a dreadful sight. Cattle that had died German military were certainly at play the colonial army’s ability to function battlefields of Europe. Opportunity of thirst were lying in heaps around during these events, but masculine ideals coercively. It provided both the means for advancement for those willing to them…. Now the Herero flew further played a key role in their initiation and and the authority to do so. Auftragstaktik work hard was possible in the colonies, from us…. The dreadful scene was perpetuation. This is true both for those sanctioned individual actions of a perception that few had of the always repeated. With frantic speed ideals that were inherent in the German violence and punitive expeditions. homeland. This was especially true for the [Herero] men attempted to tap metropolitan military and those that Legal theories developed in Germany those in the military, as Germany was the wells, but the water always became arose during the course of colonization allowed a wider range of treatment not engaged in a traditional, European sparser, the waterholes more infrequent. They flew from one to another and lost and occupation. Nevertheless, genocide under the guise of suppressing rebels, war until the First World War. almost all of their animals and a great was a unique outcome of native policy even if most other countries agreed that Yet the ideology for dominance on many people. They dwindled away to as a whole. Though it can be seen as a international law ended at the borders a larger scale was impossible without scarce remnants and were gradually logical conclusion of the progression of of Europe. The German military’s two further components: a belief in at our mercy. Some escaped now and military native policy, this was only one disregard for international law within the inferiority of the colonized and the some later…. It was a policy that was colonial group’s method, and cannot Europe was a precursor for what could mutual recognition of this judgment as foolish as it was cruel, to shatter be generalized. It occurred through an be expected in the colonies. Everything by both Germans and native peoples. those people. Many of the people and exclusive combination of attributes, seemed proportionally larger in the For the German military, approaching Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume livestock could still be saved, if they abilities, and beliefs that only the colonies: land; freedom; opportunity. It hegemony on the Continent after its 1 5, Issue Volume were now spared and readmitted, they military possessed. The backlash in the is not surprising that the same applied victory against France, a hubris-filled 54 were punished enough. I suggested this 55 to General von Trotha, but he wanted metropole ensured that the military to military violence. interpretation of precolonial discourse their complete destruction.128 would rarely again have such unfettered The scope and scale of masculinity seemed natural. Rapid victories during administrative power. was also enlarged. Manliness achieved initial colonization efforts reinforced Though Major Estorff disagreed new levels of domination. Owning these interpretations. A coercive Past Tense Past Past Tense Past with the policy and found its olonial military violence land in Germany was unlikely and the command mentality circularly bolstered implementation egregious, he complied. Carose from three primary areas: alternative was an unpleasant existence many of these conceptions and seemed There was certainly variance in the standardized military training in in a factory. In the colonies, men could to validate them. With rare exceptions, Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

Endnotes

For the German military... after its 1 Anon., “Major Hans Dominik,” Kolonie und Heimat 4, no. 16 (1910/11): 7. “Seit 1894… hat sich dieser unermüdliche, schneidige, militärisch und wissenschaftlich hervorragende victory against France, a hubris- Offizier… einen Namen gemacht.... Von seiner farbigen Truppe vergöttert, war er der Schrecken aller Unruhestifter; sein Name… die farbigen Herzen zittern machte. Eiserne Energie und die grösste Rücksichtslosigkeit gegen sich selbst verband er mit einem filled interpretation of precolonial glücklichen Temperament und mit nie versagendem Wohlwollen für seine Untergegeben.” All translations are those of the author, unless specifically noted. discourse seemed natural 2 Peter Giersche, “Von Gravenreuth and Buea as a Site of History: Early Colonial Violence on Mount Cameroon,” in Encounter, Transformation, and Identity: Peoples of the Western violence prevented the formation of colonies. These ideas were transferred Cameroon Borderlands, 1891–2000, Ian Fowler and Verkijika G. Fanso, eds. (New York: large-scale rebellions. Small bands of from the metropole and shaped by the Berghahn Books, 2009), 92n71. Hans Dominik’s earlier exploits were captured in his indigenous rebels were defeated, and unique characteristics of the African autobiographical work: Hans Dominik, Kamerun: Sechs Kriegs- und Friedensjahre in this was submitted as further proof of environment and the colonial state. deutschen Tropen, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Georg Stilke, 1911). 3 native inferiority. Furthermore, these Yet, to dominate requires those who The most recent general history of German colonization can be found in Sebastian Conrad, German Colonialism: A Short History, Sorcha O’Hagan, trans. (Cambridge: rebellious acts lent credence to the are dominated. Precolonial discourse Cambridge University Press, 2012). The current state of the historiography is represented alleged inherent cruelty of the natives. and new discourse that arose during in Eric Ames, Marcia Klotz, and Lora Wildenthal, eds. Germany’s Colonial Pasts (Lincoln: That the intolerable conditions of colonization implanted firm beliefs in University of Nebraska Press, 2005). For various, other perspectives on the debate, see coercion may have led to such rebellion the military that the natives deserved Henning Melber, “How to Come to Terms with the Past: Re-Visiting the German Colonial held little stock, and the military used to be dominated by coercive force. Genocide in Namibia,” Africa Spectrum 40, no. 1 (2005): 139–48; Janntje Böhlke-Itzen, this as evidence that more, not less, This domination required a native Kolonialschuld und Entschädigung. Der deutsche Völkermord an den Herero (1904–1907), coercion was needed. Authorities, the policy that maintained the perceived Perspektiven Südliches Afrika 2 (Frankfurt am Main: Brandes and Apsel, 2004); Jürgen military, and settlers thought little power differential; only the military Zimmerer, “Holocaust und Kolonialismus. Beitrag zu einer Archäologie des genozidalen of the sexual attack of indigenous apparatus initially seemed suitable for Gedankens,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 51 (2003): 1098–119; Volker Langbehn women, who were already considered the forced subjugation of an indigenous and Mohammad Salama, eds., German Colonialism: Race, the Holocaust, and Postwar promiscuous and wanton. German men population that was 500 times larger Germany (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Birthe Kundrus, “Grenzen der in Africa considered the dominance of than the German presence.129 The Gleichsetzung. Kolonialverbrechen und Vernichtungspolitik,” Blätter des iz3w 275 (March men an established fact, and they saw military had the training, legal authority, 2004), 30–33; Birthe Kundrus, “From the Herero to the Holocaust? Some Remarks on the imposition of the perceived power hyper-masculine identity, and racial the Current Debate,” Africa Spectrum 40, no. 2 (2005): 299–308; Jürgen Zimmerer, Von differential as proof, rather than the ideology to pursue and execute coercive Windhuk nach Auschwitz? Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Kolonialismus und Holocaust (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2011). cause of this dominance. command in the colonies. It took only 4 Birthe Kundrus, “Blind Spots: Empire, Colonies, and Ethnic Identities in Modern German The convergence of military training, circular logic for this combination to History,” in Gendering Modern German History: Rewriting Historiography, Karen Hagemann masculinity, and negative racial perpetuate itself into ever greater levels and Jean H. Quataert, eds. (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 87. conceptualization found its ultimate of violence. 5 Ibid., 87–88. expressions of dominance in the 6 Martina Kessel, “’The Whole Man’: The Longing for a Masculine World in Nineteenth- Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume Century Germany,” Gender and History 15, no. 1 (2003): 2. The linking of rationalism and 56 emotionalism began much earlier, but became most prevalent during the Napoleonic Wars 57 of Liberation. For background, see Karen Hagemann, “Mannlicher Muth und Teutsche Ehre”: Nation, Militär und Geschlecht zur Zeit der Antinapoleonischen Kriege Preußens (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2002); Karen Hagemann, “Of ‘Manly Valor’ and ‘German Honor’: Nation, War, and Masculinity in the Age of the Prussian Uprising Against Napoleon,” Past Tense Past Central European History 30, no. 2 (1997): 187–220; and Karen Hagemann, Revisiting Tense Past Prussia’s Wars Against Napoleon: History, Culture and Memory, Pamela Selwyn, trans. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015). Furthermore, Nancy Reagin has pointed out that, Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

in the colonial context, “[w]hat was bourgeois in Germany, however, was simply ‘German’ 1908), 104. abroad.” See Nancy R. Reagin, “German Brigadoon? Domesticity and Metropolitan 19 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 133. See, for instance, Theodor Leutwein, Elf Jahre Gouverneur Perceptions of Auslandsdeutschen in Southwest Africa and Eastern Europe,” in The Heimat in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1908), 211. Leutwein Abroad: The Boundaries of Germanness, Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy cites expansive territory and a shortage of soldiers as reasons for the ad-hoc assembly of Reagin, eds. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 250. units. 7 Ibid., 23. 20 Bührer, Die kaiserliche Schutztruppe, 115. 8 George L. Mosse, “Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in 21 Daniel J. Hughes, “Schlichting, Schlieffen, and the Prussian Theory of War in 1914,” the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Contemporary History 17, no. 2 (1982): 224. See also, Journal of Military History 59, no. 2 (1995): 270. George L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality: Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in 22 German War Ministry, Exerzir-Reglement für die Infanterie (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Modern Europe (New York: Howard Fertig, 1985). For further information concerning Mittler und Sohn, 1888), 129–30. subjective identity in the context of masculinity, see Christopher E. Forth, Masculinity in 23 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 117. See also Robert Citino, The German Way of War: From the Modern West: Gender, Civilization and the Body (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, the Thirty Years’ War to the Third Reich (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2005). Citino 2008). shows that this latitude was present at least as far back as the armies of Frederick the Great. 9 Ibid., 227. The key difference was that Auftragstaktikwas more likely to exonerate an officer even if his 10 Daniel J. Walther, “Sex, Race and Empire: White Male Sexuality and the ‘Other’ in battlefield decisions had ultimately resulted in failure. Germany’s Colonies, 1894–1914,” German Studies Review 33, no. 1 (2010): 50. 24 Carol Aisha Blackshire-Belay, “German Imperialism in Africa: The Distorted Images of 11 R. W. Connell, “Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept,” Gender and Society 19, Cameroon, Namibia, Tanzania, and Togo,” Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 2 (1992): 239. no. 6 (2005): 846. For further explication on the subject, see Raewyn Connell, Der gemachte These numbers were calculated from Table 1 without including the figures for the Asian and Mann: Konstruktion und Krise von Männlichkeiten (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2015). Pacific colonies. These figures are from 1916 population statistics. 12 This discourse included images, portrayals in travel journals, public debate, and all other 25 Woodruff D. Smith, German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North forms of native representations created by the major colonial powers. For a detailed analysis, Carolina Press, 1978), 138. The number of troops is based on a 1914 statistic. It is interesting see George Steinmetz, The Devil’s Handwriting: Precoloniality and the German Colonial State to note that the total number of soldiers was a mere three thousand in 1900. in Qingdao, Samoa, and Southwest Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); For 26 Ibid., 139. a focus on the precolonial period, see Susanne Zantop, Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, 27 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 117. and Nation in Precolonial German, 1770–1870 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997). 28 John Horne and Alan Kramer, German Atrocities, 1914: A History of Denial (New Haven, 13 Cornelia Essner, “Zwischen Vernunft und Gefühl: Die Reichstagsdebatten von 1912 um CT: Yale University Press, 2001), 141. koloniale ‘Rassenmischehe’ und ‘Sexualität,’” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 45, no. 6 29 Michael Howard, The Franco-Prussian War: The German Invasion of France, 1870–1871, (1997): 505. ThisKulturmission should not be confused with the idea of spreading German 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2001), 378. culture to the natives. Rather, it was the pseudo–social Darwinian belief that advanced 30 Horne and Kramer, German Atrocities, 142. cultures would survive by physically spreading their culture, which was contained only 31 Ibid. Though the authors carry this thesis out to the First World War, they are also explicit within the body of the colonist. that it was a grave concern in the intervening years. See Raffael Scheck, Hitler’s African 14 Isabel V. Hull, Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Victims: The German Army Massacres of Black French Soldiers in 1940 (Cambridge, UK: Germany (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 132. Cambridge University Press, 2006), 85–88. As late as the Second World War, German 15 Tanja Bührer, Die kaiserliche Schutztruppe für Deutsch-Ostafrika: Koloniale Sicherheitspolitik troops compared European partisans to Hottentots and had a tendency to label black und transkulturelle Kriegführung, 1885 bis 1918 (Munich: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, French troops franc-tireurs. 2011), 87. 32 Robert von Friedeburg, “Konservativismus und Reichskolonialrecht—Konservatives 16 “Literatur,” Neue militärische Blätter, vol. 48 (1896), 276–77. This was an editorial that Weltbild und kolonialer Gedanke in England und Deutschland vom späten 19. Jahrhundert commented on the Field Manual of 1894. “… geschickte selbständige Auffassung eines bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg,” Historische Zeitschrift 263, no. 2 (1996): 382. 33

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Auftrages, umsichtige Erwägung, schnelle treffende Entschließung und hervorragende Hull, Absolute Destruction, 120. 1 5, Issue Volume Thatkraft und Tapferkeit.” 34 Julius von Hartmann, “Militärische Nothwendigkeit und Humanität,” Deutsche Rundschau 58 17 German General Staff, Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler 13 (1877): 453–54. “[D]as eine große Endziel des Krieges: die Bezwingung der feindlichen 59 und Sohn, 1902), 3. “… wird den Offizier vor übertrieben humanitären Anschauungen Kraft, die Überwindung der feindlichen Energie, die Bewältigung des feindlichen Willens. bewahren… daß der Krieg gewisser Härten nicht entbehren kann, daß vielmehr in ihrer Dieses eine Ziel gebietet absolut, es dictirt Gesetz und Vorschrift. Die concrete Gestaltung rücksichtslosen Anwendung häufig die einzig wahre Humanität liegt.” My translation. For dieses Gesetzes erscheint in der Form der militärischen Nothwendigkeit… Der Verlauf officer education specifically, the best source remains Steven E. Clemente, For King and des Krieges stellt sich dar als eine Aneinanderreihung von Kriegshandlungen, welche Past Tense Past Past Tense Past Kaiser! The Making of the Prussian Army Officer, 1860–1914 (New York: Greenwood Press, das Kriegspersonal, als Träger der Wehrkraft des Staates, unter voller Ausbeutung… der 1992). Erstrebung des allgemeinen Kriegszieles und der ihm eingeschlossenen Einzelnziele nach 18 German War Ministry, Felddienst-Ordnung (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, Maßgabe der militärischen Nothwendigkeit zu vollführen hat.” Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

35 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 133. 54 Walther, “Gender Construction,” 4. 36 War History Department I of the Great General Staff, Die Kämpfe der deutschen Truppen 55 Ibid. in Südwestafrika (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn Königliche Hofbuchhandlung, 56 See Dirk van Laak, Imperiale Infrastruktur: Deutsche Planung für eine Erschließung 1906), 4. “Wer hier kolonisieren wollte, mußte zuerst zum Schwert greifen und Krieg Afrikas, 1880 bis 1960 (Paderborn, Germany: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2004). Particularly führen—aber nicht mit kleinlichen und schwachlichen Mitteln, sondern mit starker, important is van Laak’s discussion of “railway imperialism” as a means of empire-building Achtung gebietender Macht bis zur völligen Niederwerfung der Eingeborenen.” My through the extension of economic, but also political, capital associated with long-distance translation. power projection. 37 Annika Mombauer and Wilhelm Deist, introduction to The Kaiser: New Research on 57 “Intensive Kulturpolitik,” Koliniale Zeitschrift, May 9, 1901. “… die wirtschaftliche Wilhelm II’s Role in Imperial Germany (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, Rettung… im Eisenbahnbau liege.” My translation. Although this quote refers specifically 2004), 2. This power was explicitly spelled out in §11 (Reichskriegswesen), Article 63 of the to East Africa, due to its unique geography, the case was similar in other German colonies. Constitution of the German Reich of 1871. 58 C. v. Perbandt, G. Richelmann, and Rochus Schmidt, Hermann von Wissmann: 38 Ibid. Deutschlands gröster Afrikaner: Sein Leben und Wirken unter Benutzung des Nachlasses 39 Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte: 1866–1918, vol. 2, Machtstaat vor der Demokratie (Berlin: Alfred Schall, 1906), 433. (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2013), 202. Also, Annika Mombauer, Helmuth von Moltke and the 59 Walther, “Gender Construction,” 5. Origins of the First World War (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 16–17. 60 Ibid., 6. It should be noted, however, that this was not the usual policy of colonial governors, 40 For an in-depth discussion of Clausewitz and later German interpretations, see Hew who more often believed that colonial governance was an extension of metropolitan control. Strachan, European Armies and the Conduct of War (London: Routledge, 1983), 89–105. 61 Mosse, Image of Man, 62. 41 Fürst von Bülow, “Denkschrift über die Ursachen des Aufstands in Deutsch-Ostafrika 62 Daniel J. Walther, “Racializing Sex: Same-Sex Relations, German Colonial Authority, and 1905,” in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, vol. 222 (Berlin: Deutschtum,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 17, no. 1 (2008): 11. Julius Sittenfeld, 1906), 3080. “… denn Kolonialpolitik ist noch immer Eroberungspolitik 63 Steinmetz, Devil’s Handwriting, 95. gewesen und nirgends in der Welt erfolgt die Besitzergreifung eines Landes durch ein 64 Walther, “Sex, Race and Empire,” 55. fremdes Volk ohne Kämpfe. Kolonialkriege werden daher stets zu den notwendigen Folgen 65 Ibid., 49–53. einer Kolonialpolitik gehören.” 66 Walther, “Gender Construction,” 11. 42 Heike I. Schmidt, “Who is Master in the Colony? Propriety, Honor, and Manliness in 67 Ibid., 12. German East Africa,” in German Colonialism in a Global Age, Bradley Naranch and Geoff 68 Lora Wildenthal, “Race, Gender, and Citizenship in the German Colonial Empire,” in Eley, eds. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014), 110. Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, eds. Frederick Cooper and Ann 43 David Ciarlo, “Globalizing German Colonialism,” German History 26, no. 2 (2008): 289. Laura Stoler (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 264. 44 Daniel J. Walther, “Gender Construction and Settler Colonialism in German Southwest 69 Ibid., 265. It should be noted that a woman received the citizenship of her husband Africa, 1894–1914,” Historian 66, no. 1 (2004): 4. whether he was German, another European nationality, or native. In the case of acquiring 45 Ibid., 17. native citizenship, this was often left unacknowledged, as it was an even more emotionally 46 George L. Mosse, The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity (New York: volatile issue than the German male/native female citizenship controversy. Oxford Universtiy Press, 1996), 44. See also, Emilio Willems, A Way of Life and Death: 70 Walther, “Gender Construction,” 15. Three Centuries of Prussian-German Militarism, an Anthropological Approach (Nashville, 71 Ibid. TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 1986). 72 Lora Wildenthal, German Women for Empire, 1884–1945 (Durham, NC: Duke University 47 Ibid., 47. Press, 2001), 94. After one thousand German soldiers decided to officially settle in the 48 Ibid., 57. colony, only two applied for a mixed marriage license. 49 Hans Kohn, “Romanticism and the Rise of German Nationalism,” Review of Politics 12, 73 Tina M. Campt, “Converging Spectres of an Other Within: Race and Gender in Prewar no. 4 (1950): 465n35. Originally in Eichendorff, Sämmtliche Werke, vol. 10, 341. “So wird Afro-German History,” Callaloo 26, no. 2 (2003): 329. 74

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume auch der grossen Genossenschaft des Staates mit innerlich ausgewechselten Gesellen nicht Walther, “Gender Construction,” 10. 1 5, Issue Volume gedient, sondern der der liebste sein, der ihr, weil mit ungebrochener Eigenthümlichkeit, 75 Essner, “Vernunft und Gefühl,” 503. “Die Abkömmlinge sind in der Regel sittlich und 60 aus ganzer Seele dient, wie er eben kann und mag.” Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff körperlich schwach, vereinigen in sich die schlechten Eigenschaften beider Eltern.” My 61 expounded upon this valuation during the initial conceptions of Romantic Nationalism translation. during the Napoleonic Era. 76 Ibid., 518. 50 Mosse, Image of Man, 79. 77 Wildenthal, “Race, Gender, and Citizenship,” 268. 51 Ibid. 78 Nils Ole Oermann, “The Law and the Colonial State,” in Wilhelmism and its Legacies: Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 52 Ibid. German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meanings of Reform, 1890–1930, eds. Geoff Eley 53 Eve Rosenhaft, “Gender,” in Germany, 1800–1870, ed. Jonathan Sperber (Oxford: Oxford and James Retallack (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2003), 176. University Press, 2004), 225. 79 Ibid. Framing Military Violence in German Africa Christopher Goodwin

80 Smith, German Colonial Empire, 139. uns aufgestanden sind, sonder weil sie keine Häuser gebaut und keine Brunnen gegraben 81 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 132–33. haben.’…. ‘Gott hat uns hier siegen lassen, weil wir die Edleren und Vorwärtsstrebenden 82 George Steinmetz, “’The Devil’s Handwriting’: Precolonial Discourse, Ethnographic sind.’” My translation. Acuity, and Cross-Identification in German Colonialism,” Comparative Studies in Society 101 Julius Smend, “Wie der Neger in Togo wohnt,” Kolonie und Heimat 3, no. 2 (1909/10): 6. and History 45, no. 1 (2003): 44. 102 Steinmetz, Devil’s Handwriting, 183. 83 Steinmetz, Devil’s Handwriting, 36. 103 Ibid, 103. 84 Ibid., 79. 104 Ibid., 102. 85 Ibid., 83. These body parts included the buttocks as well as the sexual organs of both men 105 Kenosian, “Colonial Body Politic,” 188. and women. 106 Heike I. Schmidt, “Colonial Intimacy: The Rechenberg Scandal and Homosexuality in 86 Ibid., 90. German East Africa,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 17, no. 1 (2008): 53. 87 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 88 Ulrike Lindner, “German Colonialism and the British Neighbor in Africa before 1914: 108 Ibid., 31–32. Self-Definitions, Lines of Demarcation, and Cooperation,” in German Colonialism: Race, 109 Sandra Maß, “Das Trauma des weißen Mannes: Afrikanische Kolonialsoldaten in the Holocaust, and Postwar Germany, eds. Volker Max Langbehn and Mohammad Salama Propagandistischen Texten, 1914–1923,” L’ Ho m m e 12, no. 1 (2001): 26. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 260. 110 Smith, German Colonial Empire, 61. 89 Arthur Schnitzler, “Andreas Thameyers letzter Brief,” in Gesammelte Werke von Arthur 111 “Zu den Unruhen in Deutsch-Südwestafrika,” Flugblatt des Deutschen Kolonial-Bundes, Schnitzler: Erste Abteilung, vol. 1, Die erzählenden Schriften (Berlin: S. Fischer Verlag, 1912), January 14, 1904. Source located at BArch R 1001/2111. “… eine energische militärische 220. See also ibid., 227. “Keineswegs kann ich weiterleben. Denn solange ich lebe, würden Aktion… nur durch unbedingtes Aufrechterhalten der Suprematie seiner Rasse seiner die Leute höhnen, und niemand sähe die Wahrheit ein. Die Wahrheit aber ist, daß mir Herrschaft Geltung verschaffen kann.” meine Frau treu war—ich schwöre es bei allem, war mir heilig ist, und ich besiegle es durch 112 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 14. 113 meinen Tod… [M]eine Anna war allein—mit einem Male allein… wer begreift nicht, daß Ibid., 22. 114 sie unter diesen Umständen ein ungeheures Grauen vor diesen Risenmenschen mit den Ibid. 115 glühenden Augen und den großen schwarzen Bärten empfinden mußte?” My translation. Smith, German Colonial Empire, 64. 116 90 Steinmetz, Devil’s Handwriting, 48. Jeremy Sarkin, Germany’s Genocide of the Herero: Kaiser Wilhelm II, His General, His 91 Ibid., 50. These distinctions, as with any characterization of large swathes of society, Settlers, His Soldiers (Cape Town, South Africa: University of Cape Town Press, 2011), 190– are generalizations. Nevertheless, although individual behavior and beliefs may have 1. There remain questions as to the nature of the Kaiser’s selection of Trotha. The Kaiser varied from group norms, policies actually implemented by each group align closely with knew of Trotha’s exploits; whether it was direct appointment or merely approval, Kaiser Steinmetz’s model. Wilhelm and Trotha were aligned closely in the methods deemed necessary to effectively 92 Smith, German Colonial Empire, 139. administer colonization. 117 93 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 134. Hull, Absolute Destruction, 12. 118 94 Ibid., 124. “Gewalt mit krassem Terrorismus und selbst mit Grausamkeit auszuüben, war und 95 Ibid., 132. ist meine Politik. Ich vernichte die afrikanischen Stämme mit Strömen von Blut und 96 K. Schwabe, Der Krieg in Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 1904–1906 (Berlin: C. A. Weller Verlag, Strömen von Geld.” My translation. Cited in Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher 1907), 69–70. “Man lernt dieses Volk erst kennen, nachdem man jahrelang unter ihm gelebt Kolonialherrschaft: Der Kampf der Herero und Nama gegen den deutschen Imperialismus, hat… Mißtrauisch, dünkelhaft, stolz und wiederum bettelhaft und hündisch, lügnerisch 1884–1915, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1984), 156. 119 und treulos, diebisch und—wenn sie in der Überzahl sind—gewalttätig und grausam…. Hull, Absolute Destruction, 45. 120 Das Einzige, was man der Mehrzahl nicht absprechen kann, ist Tapferkeit in Kriege, aber Ibid. 121 auch nur, wenn es zum Äußersten kommt. Hart mag mein Urteil sein, gerecht aber ist es General Staff, Kämpfe der deutschen Truppen, 190. 122 Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume jedenfalls, und hart und gerecht muß auch die Behandlung sein und bleiben, die wir den Hull, Absolute Destruction, 60. 1 5, Issue Volume 123 Kaffern angedeihen lassen, sonst warden sie uns noch oft übel mitspielen, den her Herero Barch R 1001/2089. “[J]eder Herero mit und ohne Gewehr… nehme keine Weiber 62 halt Milde und Nachsicht stets für Schwäche und Feigheit!” My translation. und Kinder mehr auf.” My translation. This document has been customarily named the 63 97 Hull, Absolute Destruction, 176. “Vernichtungsbefehl,” but was more commonly known at the time as the “Aufruf an das Volk 98 Ibid., 177. der Herero,” or “Proclamation to the Herero people.” 124 99 David Kenosian, “The Colonial Body Politic: Desire and Violence in the Works of Gustav Ibid. “Sie haben gemordet und gestohlen, haben verwundeten Soldaten Ohren und Nasen und andere Körperteile abgeschnitten.” Past Tense Past Frenssen and Hans Grimm,” Monatsheft 89, no. 2 (1997): 186. Tense Past 125 100 Gustav Frenssen, Peter Moors Fahrt nach Südwest: Ein Feldzugsbericht (Berlin: G. Kundrus, “Herero to the Holocaust,” 304. 126 Grote’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1906), 200. “’Diese Schwarzen haben vor Gott und Ibid. 127 Menschen den Tod verdient, nicht weil sie zweihundert Farmer ermordet haben und gegen Ibid. Framing Military Violence in German Africa David Purificato

128 Ludwig von Estorff, Wanderungen und Kämpfe in Südwestafrika, Ostafrika und Südafrika, 1894–1910 (Windhoek, Namibia: Christoph-Friedrich Kutscher, 1979), 117. “Ich folgte ihren Spuren und erreichte hinter ihnen mehrere Brunnen, die einen schrecklichen Anblick boten. Haufenweise lagen die verdursteten Rinder um sie herum…. Die Herero flohen nun weiter vor uns…. Immer wiederholte sich das schreckliche Schauspiel. Mit fieberhafter Eile Critical Commentary hatten die Männer daran gearbeitet, Brunnen zu erschließen, aber das Wasser ward immer spärlicher, die Wasserstellen seltener. Sie flohen von einer zur anderen und verloren fast alles Vieh und sehr viele Menschen. Das Volk schrumpfte auf spärliche Reste zusammen, die allmählich in unsere Gewalt kamen, Teile entkamen jetzt und später… Es war eine A Well-Worn and Far-Travelled Tome: ebenso törichte wie grausame Politik, das Volk so zu zertrümmern, man hätte noch viel von ihm und ihrem Herdenreichtum retten können, wenn man sie jetzt schonte und wieder The Life and Times of a 1652 Edition aufnahm, bestraft waren sie genug. Ich schlug dies dem General von Trotha vor, aber er wollte ihre gänzliche Vernichtung.” My translation. of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra’s Don 129 Blackshire-Belay, “German Imperialism in Africa,” 239. Quixote

Christopher Goodwin received his undergraduate degrees in economics and history at the University of Missouri. He holds a master’s degree in military history from Norwich David Purificato University, where he researched changes in Prussian masculinity engendered by the Stony Brook University Napoleonic wars. His publications include the chapter “Patriotic Nationalism and Hegemonic Valorous Masculinity: The National Monument for the Prussian Wars of Liberation,” Translated into dozens of languages produced this seminal work and several published in Remember the Dead, Remind the Survivors, Warn the Descendants. He has and published thousands of times in of the notable individuals who have presented at numerous conferences on German nationalism, militarism, and gender history. numerous countries around the world owned it through time. This leather- His current studies focus on the history of psychological subjective identity formation and in its 411 years of existence, Miguel de bound tome about a fictional member its relationship to group affiliation. Cervantes Saavedra’s (1547–1616) The of Spain’s petty nobility has passed from Ingenious Hidalgo Don Quixote of La one minor British aristocrat to another, Mancha has attained recognition as only to mysteriously rest in Stony Brook one of the most read books in western University’s Rare Book Collection in culture. Various reproductions of Don Stony Brook, Long Island.1 Quixote over the last four centuries The cross-hatched leather binding include parodies, plays, paintings and of Cervantes’ tale about an aging and illustrations, cartoons, comic books, eccentric member of the Spanish movies, and music. Of the many text nobility endears itself to musings on editions in existence today, this short how the character Don Quixote may study will address a particular copy of have appeared to the reader. In addition Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Cervantes’ Don Quixote: The History to the fading varnish and stains 1 5, Issue Volume 64 of the valorous and witty-knight-errant collected over centuries of use, this well- 65 Don Quixote of La Mancha, Translated worn mottled-brown leather re-binding out of the Spanish [by T. Shelton] now bears the scars of many readings. There newly corrected and amended (1652), is still evidence of a long lost elegance along with a few of the people who in the faintly discernable gold piping Past Tense Past Past Tense Past A Well Worn and Far Travelled Tome David Purificato

around the front and back covers. The London.2 However, Hodgkinson became The original pages have small scorch marks and extensive reading of this 11 inches high implicated in a pirated copy of St. by 7.5 inches wide, and 1.5 inches Francis de Sales Introduction to a Devout burned through pinholes, which reinforce the deep seventeenth century tome, with Life (1637). For this transgression suggestion of many readings by candlelight or fireside a detached back cover, speaks of many Hodgkinson’s type was destroyed and adoring touches transcending time and his press confiscated, though it was how dedications acted as social Hill.” The first appears on the original place. eventually returned.3 Historian Adrian currency within the patronage system, title page and the second appears on The heavy use of this edition Johns cites Hodgkinson’s notoriety even though Blount claims otherwise.10 the newer flyleaf. Both names provide is apparent in the condition of the for a dispute involving printing rights Blount’s compilation of parts I and II interesting points of entry to consider original leaves and the added pages. stemming from a disagreement over were both translated by the controversial the secondary life of this object. The The rebinding is evident from the six entry into the stationer’s ledger in 1656.4 Thomas Shelton. Shelton translated first name can be traced to Thomas additional unprinted pages both front Hodgkinson seems to have printed Don the first English language edition of Bainbrigge (died 1818), father of George and back, which consist of relatively Quixote in 1652 during a lull in his Don Quixote (1607) and later Blount’s Alsop Bainbrigge of Woodseat Hall in cleaner, whiter, and less course paper. tumultuous career; however, he printed updated and re-printed edition.11 Rocester.15 George Bainbrigge was an Instead of printed text on the added pages Cervantes’ story for Andrew Crooke. Although Shelton is not on the title associate of Mark Anthony White of there are several elements of marginalia. Crooke operated as a publisher out page, he is credited with translating part Barrowhill outside of Rocester.16 The two The paper of the original pages is of St. John’s Churchyard in the center I (1612) and part II (1620); his name is men were instrumental in establishing sturdy despite heavily ground-in dirt. of London’s mid-seventeenth century only at the end of the 1612 dedication.12 The Friendly Society of Rocester in The original pages have small scorch book trade.5 Adrian Johns explains that According to Harrington, this edition 1832 because they donated most of the marks and burned through pinholes, Crooke was scandalously accused of was “The most popular version of Don money to found the Quaker meeting which reinforce the suggestion of many plotting to commit mass piracy.6 As for Quixote circulating in England during hall.17 Maria Luisa Whyte married readings by candlelight or fireside. One this 1652 edition, rare book dealer Peter the seventeenth century.”13 Shelton’s Mark Anthony White of Barrow Hill interesting feature of these 364–year old Harrington suggests there is a “Variant beloved translation has carried with it [Barrowhill], a member of the landed pages is the little tear on the recto side issue” containing Andrew Crooke’s two interesting theories. The first is that gentry.18 Even though the original of leaf number 54. The repair consists address “At the Green-Dragon in Pauls Thomas Shelton was an alias of Edward owner and any subsequent owners of a small strip of identical paper glued Church-yard” added in the imprint. 7 Blount. The second is that Shelton may before Bainbrigge are not evident, this over the tear at the bottom of the verso This may be just such an edition. have been a diplomat, which explains association suggests this 1652 edition side, which suggests the imperfection Andrew Crooke and Richard the “Colloquial style of translation” passed from Tho: Bainbrigge to George was detected and addressed in 1652 by Hodgkinson appear on the title page of as well as his familiarity with Spanish Bainbridge and then to Maria Luisa the printer. this copy; the stationer Edward Blount customs. These are curious claims Whyte at Barrowhill in the nineteenth While the physical pages of this appears on the dedication to part II. because they both lack evidence, century. copy expose seventeenth century Known for the first folio of William particularly the second contention Of “Barrow Hill House,” just one repair techniques, the printed text Shakespeare’s plays, Blount published because no “Diplomat with the same mile from the village of Rocester and on the original pages reveals several the first London edition of Don Quixote name… has been established” as a five miles north of Uttoxeter in the infamous characters in the seventeenth Part I in 1612.8 He published the first possible translator.14 center of England, Frances Redfern Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume century London book trade. The English translations of part I and The names found within the printed wrote in 1865 “The late Mrs. White 1 5, Issue Volume 66 text on the title page bears “Printed part II in a single volume in 1620.9 text are indeed interesting personages collected there a fine library of books.”19 67 by R. Hodgkinsonne [Hodgkinson] Hodgkinson’s 1652-reprinted edition associated with the seventeenth century Of this library many books remain, for A. Crooke at the Green-Dragon includes Blount’s 1620 part II dedication London book trade. The names written albeit scattered among different owners. in Pauls Church-yard.” Eighteenth to “George Marquesse Buckingham, into the book are interesting for different “Maria Louisa Whyte” is inscribed on century bibliographer Joseph Ames Baron of Whaddon.” The servile posture reasons. The two hand-written names several flyleaves and title pages of other Past Tense Past Past Tense Past lists Richard Hodgkinsonne as having in the dedication to George Villiers, the inside the book are “Tho: Bainbrigge” rare books, such as the third edition been given royal decree to operate as first Duke of Buckingham and current and “Maria Louisa Whyte, Barrow of Abraham Cowley’s The Works of a printer in mid-seventeenth century “Favourite” of King James I, epitomizes A Well Worn and Far Travelled Tome David Purificato

Mr. Abraham Cowley (1672), Mary bookplate used to show the book’s owner Endnotes Wollstonecraft’s Letters Written During bears the inscription “Ex Libris: Fairfax a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway of Cameron.” The bookplate refers to 1 The Rare Book Collection at Stony Brook University is facilitated by Librarians Kristen and Denmark (1796), and The Works of the Scottish peer Albert Kirby Fairfax, J. Nyitray and Lynn Toscano, who were both indispensable to this project by helping to Virgil: Translated into English Verse by twelfth Baron Fairfax of Cameron discern minute details of centuries-old faded text. Both Nyitray and Toscano report there is no record of how Don Quixote came to the Rare Book Collection in 1967. Mr Dryden (1782). As a member of the (1870–1939). Fairfax renounced his 2 Joseph Ames, Typographical Antiquities: Being an Historical Account of Printing in England English gentry, Whyte would have had U.S. citizenship when he assumed the (London: W. Faden, 1749), 462. the resources to collect a “Fine library” Barony of Cameron upon admittance 3 Peter W. M. Blayney, The Texts of King Lear and Their Origin: Volume 1, Nicholas Oaks and 23 and to have the volumes re-bound. to the British House of Lords in 1908. the First Quarto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 305. The inside fore edge of Whyte’s How a displaced American in London 4 Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago: re-bound Don Quixote bears a badly and member of the House of Lords University of Chicago Press, 1998) 300–302. worn gold-lettered imprint, but enough acquired Whyte’s copy of Don Quixote, 5 London Topographical Society, London Topographical Record, Illustrated, Volume 3 remains to determine the re-binder. I have found no evidence. Nor could I (London: Chiswick Press, 1906), 110. Upon close inspection the words discover how this edition crossed the 6 Johns, The Nature of the Book, 167. 7 appear as _ IMMOCK — BIND_ Atlantic Ocean to end up in Stony Brook Peter Harrington London, accessed October 25, 2015, http://www.peterharrington.co.uk/ _ _ _ — _ TTOXETER, which is University’s Rare Book Collection on rare-books/literature-history/the-history-of-the-valorous-and-witty-knight-errant-don- quixote. most likely DIMMOCK BINDINGS “12/16/67” as the label on the inside 8 “Edward Blount: English Publisher,” Encyclopedia Britannica, accessed October 29, 2015, UTTOXETER. According to an 1818 front cover attests. However, the records http://www.britannica.com/biography/Edward-Blount. Staffordshire business directory of of Albert Kirby Fairfax may provide 9 Queens College Print History Collection, “Don Quixote: The Publisher,” accessed April Rocester (the year the elder Bainbrigge clues to how the Baron eventually 26, 2017, http://archives.qc.cuny.edu/books/exhibits/show/1620/donquixote/page3-2. died), M. Dimmock was a bookseller in gained possession of the book and how 10 Roger Lockyer, Buckingham: The Life and Political Career of George Villiers, First Duke of the center of Uttoxeter five miles from this copy of Don Quixote found its way Buckingham 1592–1628 (London: Routledge, 2014), 93–94. Barrow Hill.20 The fact Whyte’s name from Britain to the United States. 11 Peter Harrington London. appears on the newer flyleaf suggests From the available evidence, I was 12 Queens College Print History Collection, “Don Quixote: The Translator,” accessed April able to determine that this well-read 26, 2017, http://archives.qc.cuny.edu/books/exhibits/show/1620/donquixote/page3-3. she had Dimmock re-bind the volume 13 when it came into her possession. It book, printed amid mid-seventeenth Peter Harrington London. 14 Queens College, “The Translator.” would be of particular interest to inspect century controversies in London’s 15 The English Reports: Chancery, Volume XLV (Edinburgh: William Green and Sons, 1904), the many books still in circulation that book trade, surfaced in the historical record in the small village of Rocester 557. Of how this 1652 copy of Don Quixote, printed in London 146 miles distant, came to bear Whyte’s name for evidence of be in Bainbridgge’s possession, I have found no evidence. 143 miles northeast of the city. After Dimmock. Thus far, digital images of 16 “Records of the Union Friendly Society, Rocester (Register No. 410 Stafford),” Staffordshire rebinding in Uttoxeter, Don Quixote books from Whyte’s personal library & Stoke-on-Trent’s Cultural Heritage, accessed October 24, 2015, http://www.archives. remained in central England for three do not include pictures of the inside staffordshire.gov.uk. to four decades, until an American 17 front cover fore edge. According to the Ibid. expatriate and newly minted member 18 National Archives in England, Maria Sir Bernard Burke, Index to Burke’s dictionary of the landed gentry of Great Britain & of Britain’s peerage took possession Ireland (London: Henry Colburn, 1853), 400. Louisa Whyte of Barrow Hill died a 19

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume of it. The American connection at this 1 5, Issue Volume widow in 1855.21 After Whyte’s death Francis Redfern, History and Antiquities of the Town and Neighborhood of Uttoxeter point in the book’s history is intriguing. (London: Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., 1886), 461. Barrow Hill and its contents passed 68 This link allows for the impetus of a 20 W. Parson and T. Bradshaw, Staffordshire general & commercial directory (Manchester: 69 to Louisa Jane Finch Simpson, but cross Atlantic transfer to Stony Brook Parson and Bradshaw, 1818), 268. unfortunately there is no discernable University in the twentieth century, and 21 The National Archives [Britain], “Probate of Maria Louisa Whyte of Barrow Hill, Rocester, evidence of what Whyte or Simpson did a way to explain how Don Quixote went widow,” Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire County Record Office, with Don Quixote.22 accessed April 26, 2017, http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/rd/926084f6- Past Tense Past from the coveted possession of several Tense Past There are no other names hand British minor nobles to a Rare Book ebd0-4239-a5eb-fb2aaf6eb003. written into Whyte’s rebound edition Collection in the United States which 22 Lorne Campbell, “Jan Gossaert (Jean Gossart), ‘An Elderly Couple,’” The National Gallery of Don Quixote, however the Armorial facilitates access for the public. (London, England), accessed April 26, 2017, http://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/paintings/ A Well Worn and Far Travelled Tome Sarah Whitwell

research/jan-gossaert-an-elderly-couple. 23 University of Toronto Libraries, “Fairfax, Albert Kirby,” British Armorial Bindings, access April 26, 2017, https://armorial.library.utoronto.ca/content/fairfax-albert-kirby. Research Article

David Purificato is a PhD student at Stony Brook University where he earned his Master’s degree, with Distinction, in 2015, and his Bachelor’s degree, with Honors, in 2013. David’s research interests include antebellum U.S. domestic history focusing on material culture Rejecting Notions of Passivity: African and borderlands studies, particularly in respect to social and cultural spaces. American Resistance to Lynching in the Southern United States

Sarah Whitwell McMaster University

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, lynching impacted African Americans across the Southern United States. Generations of African Americans lived with the constant fear of racial violence; however, it is inconceivable that a vibrant group of people would bow to subjugation. Therefore, this article attempts to discern how African Americans employed informal methods of resistance to oppose racial violence. In order to uncover instances of informal, unorganized re- sistance—theft, sabotage, boycotting, migration—this article draws on a collection of interviews conducted with formerly enslaved people in the 1930s by the Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Progress Administration. By utilizing the slave narra-

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume tives, in conjunction with other primary source evidence, it is possible to uncover 1 5, Issue Volume 70 a hidden history of resistance. 71

Past Tense Past Past Tense Past Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

ynchings, riots, and other methods of resistance to oppose racial were African Americans. Of these the informal methods of resistance forms of racialized violence have violence? This paper considers the variety victims, 94 per cent were killed by lynch employed by African Americans shaped race relations in the south- of means by which African Americans mobs comprised of white southerners. against lynching. This is not to say that Lern United States since the seventeenth could resist violent oppression. Using Lynching was a powerful tool of scholars have not addressed clandestine century. Slavery, for example, was a rela- lynching as a case study, it is possible intimidation. It impacted black people resistance more broadly. Robin D. G. tionship based on violence; slaveholders to elucidate the responses of African across the South, and generations Kelley, for example, examines how and overseers had the right to use phys- Americans to racial violence. Because of African Americans lived with the African Americans waged everyday ical and psychological violence to con- whites were frequently able to escape constant fear of racial violence. The conflicts over power, autonomy, and 13 trol the behaviour of enslaved people. punishment for participating in lynch publically stated reason for lynching pleasure. Leon Litwack, in a study of If an enslaved person resisted, violence mobs, African Americans had to turn was the punishment of black criminals. the Jim Crow South, similarly explores could be used to break that resistance. towards informal methods of resistance Lynch mobs organized to punish alleged racial subjugation and the efforts of Indeed, violence was crucial for main- to protect themselves. Through informal, criminal offenses, including murder and blacks to endure poverty, cruelty, 14 taining racial subordination, and con- unorganized resistance—theft, sabotage, rape. In the eyes of white southerners, and oppression. African Americans tinued to exist long after the abolition destruction of property, boycotting, lynch mobs were carrying out justice. have never bowed to subjugation, and of slavery.2 Formal emancipation and migration—African Americans resisted Many white southerners believed that scholars have documented their efforts racial violence. As only a small number black-on-white crime was increasing, to resist oppression. Few scholars, the legal framework of Reconstruction of blacks were either members of and that the formal system of criminal however, have explicitly addressed partially undermined white control over visible reform groups or participants justice was too weak to ensure an informal actions against lynching.15 blacks.3 As thousands of African Amer- in organized protest, these forms of appropriate punishment.9 While whites This article analyzes the Slave icans gained the rights of citizenship, resistance constitute an important area claimed that lynching was necessary Narrative Collection of the Federal many white southerners felt that their of study.5 Informal resistance, therefore, to punish black criminals, statistics Writers’ Project of the Works Progress economic interests and social expect- better represents how the average black indicate that many lynching victims Administration (WPA).16 In the 1930s, ations were being challenged. In an at- individual responded to racial violence. were lynched for minor offenses, or were the Federal Writers’ Project undertook tempt to re-exert control, whites again To find examples in the historical record, innocent of any wrongdoing. Lynching an ambitious assignment to interview turned towards violence to perpetuate it is necessary to rethink preconceived was not about punishing alleged black their control over the newly freed black expectations about the ways in which criminals, but crushing black economic population. The difference, however, resistance was expressed. Informal spirit and aspirations, and enforcing Lynching was not was the increased prevalence of lynch- resistance was difficult to recognize, or white hegemony.10 ing. In the antebellum period, lynch- could appear inconsequential to white Amidst widespread violence, an about punishing ing was relatively rare. Enslaved people people. This allowed African Americans organized antilynching movement were considered to be valuable property, to establish a culture of opposition with emerged. The National Association for alleged black and it was not in the best interest of the limited risk of reprisal.6 the Advancement of Colored People 4 slaveholder to murder the workforce. Lynching refers to the practice of (NAACP) championed federal legislation criminals, but But, after emancipation, there was little exercising punishment on a victim to outlaw lynching. The organization concern regarding the preservation of without regard for the law.7 In the expanded on the work of individual crushing black Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume black lives. Lynching then served as a post–Reconstruction era, lynching activists, particularly Ida B. Wells.11 1 5, Issue Volume 72 mechanism to control and suppress un- served as an instrument of social control Antilynching activists were highly economic spirit 73 desirable groups, including immigrants, aimed at black citizens, and others visible and prolific writers, contributing dissidents, labour activists, and political who threatened the social and racial to a rich historical record on formal and aspirations, radicals, as well as African Americans. hierarchy in the South. Between 1882 antilynching efforts. Indeed, there is an It is inconceivable that a vibrant group and 1930, there were 2,805 lynchings abundance of scholarly work available Past Tense Past and enforcing Tense Past of people would bow to subjugation. This in 10 southern states.8 Although almost detailing the efforts of black organizations raises an important question: how did 300 white people were lynched by mobs, to mobilize sentiment against lynching.12 African Americans employ informal the vast majority of lynching victims Scholars, however, have largely ignored white hegemony Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

surviving formerly enslaved people in 17 every historical document has its own were often more hesitant to discuss used to oppose slavery. George Lipsitz states. At that time, there was a renewed strengths and limitations for providing conditions in the post–Reconstruction argues that black protest flowed from interest in the life stories of enslaved an understanding of the past.20 Indeed, South. Sometimes, formerly enslaved “underground streams of resistance people, particularly regarding aspects of the slave narrative collection represents people refused to answer certain from the past.”26 The most common daily life. The project was also driven by a more heterogeneous and diverse pool questions, or they might claim to not form of resistance appearing in the Slave the reality that the enslaved population of informants than any set of slave remember certain details. This was Narrative Collection was discursive was dying off. By 1930, the number of testimonies published in the nineteenth perhaps because they were afraid to insubordination. Enslaved people were surviving formerly enslaved people had century. The informants held different speak openly with whites.22 Regardless, unafraid to express their discontent greatly diminished, and there was a jobs, lived on plantations of varying there are few overt references to through verbal confrontations. In growing concern that their experiences size, and were treated both harshly and informal resistance in the narratives, some situations, the mere threat of might not be recorded. The result was indulgently. These interviews provide an and this consequently extends to the action was enough to dissuade white the Slave Narrative Collection, which opportunity to understand how African index.23 Only by examining several slaveholders from acting against today marks one of the most noteworthy Americans viewed the Jim Crow South. subject headings was I able to build a African Americans. Delicia Patterson, achievements of the WPA.17 Between In particular, the interviews reveal how preliminary database of narratives that a formerly enslaved woman interviewed 1936 and 1938, the WPA compiled over African Americans responded to racial clearly demonstrates that blacks resisted in St. Louis, Missouri, was taken to the 2,000 interviews concerning antebellum violence, and how they personally racial violence. auction block at age 15. There she saw slavery, the responses of enslaved people understood acts of resistance. In the slave states of the antebellum Judge Miller, a wealthy and notoriously to bondage, and life after slavery.18 The Slave Narrative Collection South, racial violence was intimately cruel slaveholder. When Judge Miller Although the interviews were ostensibly is the single largest, most in-depth linked to the defense of slavery. attempted to bid on Patterson, she about slavery, those interviewed often resource which exists on slavery from Violence, or the threat of violence, was brazenly announced that she would commented on experiences afterthe perspective of the enslaved. My the standard practice for compelling cut her throat “from ear to ear” before emancipation. This makes the Slave research required an examination of deference and acceptable behaviour she would allow herself to be owned Narrative Collection an invaluable all 41 volumes of the Slave Narrative from enslaved people. Blacks, however, by such a cruel man. The threat was source for understanding how African Collection.21 The goal was to identify found ways to resist their oppressors. successful, and Judge Miller withdrew Americans responded to racial instances of informal resistance in Occasionally, collective plans to resist his bid. Patterson was then purchased violence in the postbellum and post- response to racial violence; however, slavery erupted into overt rebellions, by another slaveholder who respected Reconstruction South. The interviews the clandestine nature of such informal but these rebellions were often put her outspoken behaviour.27 From this also reveal what methods of resistance resistance made navigating the index a down harshly. Enslaved people more example, it is clear that some enslaved were viable options when confronting challenge. Overt methods of resistance commonly turned towards informal people bravely spoke out for their own white southerners. Although the Slave were dangerous, as those who attempted resistance on a daily basis. Individuals best interests. Outbursts by enslaved Narrative Collection constitutes a to assert their rights as free citizens could resist slavery in seemingly small people were often met with amusement, valuable resource, it presents a series of frequently became the targets of attack. ways, which over time were effective in as blacks were considered to be unique problems for researchers.19 As By adopting clandestine forms of weakening the power of slaveholders.24 inherently inferior, bad‑mannered, and the interviews were conducted over 70 resistance with limited risk of reprisal, The WPA interviews provide ample lazy.28 Enslaved people, however, were years after emancipation, the informants African Americans were able to thwart evidence of resistance to slavery prior to able to use this perception to their Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume were all advanced in age. This raises attempts at social control. Many whites the Civil War. The interviews reveal that advantage. Verbal confrontations 1 5, Issue Volume 74 questions about personal recollection, failed to recognize this informal enslaved people feigned illness, verbally provided a relatively safe way to resist 75 memory loss, and the distortion of facts. resistance, and the slave narrative challenged their masters, participated in oppression. It is important to take into account collection aligns with this trend. In the work slow-downs, engaged in sabotage, The threat of physical violence was the aforementioned problems, and index, there is no single subject heading and fled north to freedom.25 omnipresent in the postbellum and to understand how they can shape that is directly applicable to resistance Slave culture was dominated by a post–Reconstruction South. Lynching Past Tense Past Past Tense Past conclusions; however, as Norman directed towards racial violence. While strong current of resistance. Methods of was used to impose severe restraints Yetman notes, a wholesale indictment some informants were willing to talk resistance used in the postbellum South on ambition, and to punish perceived of the interviews is unjustified, as openly about resistance to slavery, they stemmed from methods of resistance signs of impudence, impertinence, Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

or independence. This resulted in an local African American community was their cultural, ethnic, or religious roots streets. At his funeral, McCoy’s family atmosphere of terror, and inflicted frightened, and wanted to know what to find resources for survival.36 Music refused to accept the responsibility and severe psychological trauma on African the sign meant. After asking numerous enabled blacks to circumvent the cost of burial. Voicing the bitterness of Americans. For many, the sight of law prominent officials, a professor was system of oppression installed by white countless blacks, McCoy’s aunt stated, enforcement officials or the sound called to explain the sign. The professor southerners, especially because music “As the [white] people killed him, they of bloodhounds evoked terror and confessed to the African Americans did not directly threaten the racial will have to bury him.”40 The preachers a renewed sense of vulnerability.29 that he did not recognize the words, but hierarchy. Aleck Trimble, a formerly who presided over the funerals of But many African Americans applied asserted that in general they meant that enslaved man interviewed in Texas, lynching victims were also unafraid of traditions of discursive insubordination the lynched man was “in a hell of a fix.” experienced the rise of the Ku Klux speaking in opposition to racial violence. to combat the terror of lynching. The joke was met with a hearty laugh, Klan during Reconstruction. The Klan Moving into the twentieth century, This resistance manifested primarily and the tension caused by racial violence attempted to restore the caste system there was a growing understanding as a rich catalogue of humour with dissipated.33 Such jokes demonstrate the in the South, and engaged in a reign that the savagery of white mobs stood which blacks mocked racial violence. power of humour when confronting of terror to prevent African Americans as an abomination contrasting with Laughter functioned as a compensating violent actions directed against African from exercising their newfound rights. the American ideals embodied in mechanism. African Americans relied Americans. Humour was not resigned, To help rationalize the terror inspired the Constitution. Reverend William on humour to provide a transcendent but rebellious. It allowed African by racial violence, many blacks composed Gaines, who presided over the funeral release from the tensions of living in Americans to demonstrate their own folk songs. Trimble, for example, of McCoy, sharply criticized those who the oppressive South.30 Lawrence W. superiority, and to dismiss fears of white described a song advising blacks to run had been involved in the lynching.41 Levine argues that laughter stems from authority. from the Klan: “Run nigger run de Klu Gaines suffered no apparent penalty a desire to place negative situations into Discursive insubordination was not Klux git you.”37 Maggie Right, in her for his outspoken behaviour; however, perspective and to exert some degree of limited merely to humour. Blacks could interview, also similarly described a other blacks did anger local whites with control. As a result, the need to laugh also deny the power of lynching by song advising blacks to hide from the similar behaviour. Billy Robertson, for often exists most urgently among those taunting whites. In 1894, for example, Ku Klux Klan.38 Such warnings were example, preached over the body of who are able to exert the least power Abe Smalls was accused of killing a commonplace in black music, and Amos Baxter, a black man lynched by over their immediate environment.31 white policeman. This was a common helped inform blacks how to confront the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan was angered No subject was excluded from the lynching offense, and Smalls embraced racial violence. by Robertson’s boldness, and attempted province of humour, as jokes allowed his fate. He boasted to the Savannah Resistance sometimes surfaced during to inflict violence upon him as well. black people to express their feelings on Morning News, “He don’t care when he the funeral ceremonies for lynching Robertson was never caught, and he a variety of issues. Humour, therefore, dies, just so he is not taken alive and that victims. Funerals frequently became succeeded in voicing his opposition.42 offered a means of undermining the fear he is game enough to die with his boots an outlet for African Americans to While African Americans in Virginia imposed by lynching. on .” 34 Such a bold statement denied vent their bitterness and pain. The refused to pay for the cost of burying a It was important for African the power of lynching to invoke fear in funerals for lynching victims were not lynching victim, others used the act of Americans to be able to draw on racial blacks. Smalls showed bravery in the attended by white southerners, and burial as a method of resistance. African stereotypes and racist epithets to laugh face of violence, and undermined the therefore afforded a safe place to speak Americans did not need to see a lynching at their own predicament. John Dollard, authority of white southerners. Not all in opposition to racial violence.39 It was to be terrorized by it.43 Images of Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume a witness to such humour, observed, blacks were as bold as Smalls, but taunts at funerals that blacks could lash out lynchings were used to propagate terror. 1 5, Issue Volume 76 “To take cheerfully a matter of such could take a variety of forms. at the unfairness of their treatment. In It was not uncommon for the body of a 77 terrible moment is really to turn the For many African Americans, April 1897, Joseph McCoy, a black man lynching victim to be left hanging from joke back on the white man; some fun humour was not the only comfort; accused of raping the daughters of his a tree as a warning for other blacks to is squeezed even out of his warning.”32 many also found solace in music. Black white employer, was dragged from his behave. Ben Johnson, in his interview, Dollard further related a joke about a culture has always been a stronghold cell in prison by a mob of angry white described the lynching of Cy Guy by Past Tense Past Past Tense Past lynching in Texas. After a black man for African Americans fighting against southerners. The man was lynched and the Ku Klux Klan. Guy was lynched for was lynched, a sign was attached to the oppression.35 Raymond Gavins notes left hanging from a lamppost at the insulting a white woman, and his body hanging corpse. It read, “In statu co.” The that oppressed people often turn towards intersection of two major downtown was hanged in the woods. According Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

the South was in a bad state. Most blacks worker insisted that pan-toting was not African Americans relied on humour to merely found jobs where they could.52 theft. She declared that black workers The unfair treatment Africanwere entitled to take certain goods as provide a transcendent release from the Americans experienced, exacerbated part of an oral contract, either expressed by widespread racial violence, made the or implied.56 From the point of view tensions of living in the oppressive South workplace a common site of resistance. of the worker, theft was justified as a to Johnson, a sign was attached to the Rice, interviewed in South Carolina, It was here that African Americans strategy to compensate for lost wages body that read: “He shall hang ‘tween described a similar scenario. After Alex could demonstrate their displeasure at or mistreatment. Lizzie Atkins, for de heavens an’ de yearth till he am daid, Leech was lynched by the Ku Klux the treatment they received. Because example, admitted to stealing chickens daid, daid, an’ dat any nigger what takes Klan, his family had a difficult time workplace settings frequently brought and potatoes as a way of compensating 44 African Americans into close contact for her diminished capacity in southern down de body shall be hunged too.” In recovering his body. He was left to rot 57 these situations, providing a respectful at the site of the lynching. Once the with white people, it was not uncommon society. White southerners used the burial to the body could be an act of body was recovered, his family ensured for white employers to be involved in expectation of theft to justify paying low resistance. Without the attention of that it received a proper burial.47 By the lynching of their African American wages for the inevitable loss of clothing African Americans, it is unlikely the burying lynching victims, African employees. Conducting resistance in the or food. That theft was expected from bodies of lynching victims would have Americans could restore some dignity workplace, therefore, allowed African black workers meant that few employers 45 Americans to more directly strike back saw the practice as a form of resistance; received a respectful burial. When to the individuals who were killed by 53 Johnson later witnessed the lynching oppressive whites.48 at those involved in lynch mobs. There however, it afforded African Americans was a wide array of strategies available with a relatively safe way to challenge of Bob Boylan, he ensured that the African Americans developed an 58 body was buried with care and respect. arsenal of creative resistance strategies to defiant African Americans, including oppressive white southerners. theft, slowdowns, feigning illness, leaving Traditional documents frequently A respectful burial allowed African that allowed them to seize more 54 Americans to preserve the identity of personal autonomy. After slavery, the work early, or threatening to quit. describe African Americans as unreliable, lynching victims. emancipation of thousands of blacks These individual acts often had a shiftless, and ignorant. Black people Oliver Bell, a former enslaved man resulted in widespread dislocation. collective basis, and allowed blacks to were heavily impacted by racist living in Alabama, similarly encountered Formerly enslaved people had to be work together to resist oppression. stereotypes, which portrayed them as Arguably, the most common form mentally and physically inferior to white the Ku Klux Klan under the leadership assimilated into the free workforce of the 59 of Steve Renfroe, a bandit active during South.49 Whites responded by making of workplace resistance was theft. Like people. Robin Kelley refers to the “Cult Reconstruction. Bell described how segregation, disenfranchisement, and many methods of informal resistance, of True Sambohood.” This southern, Renfroe approached Enoch and Frank peonage the common lot of most theft was originally used by enslaved racist ideology ascribed incidents of Sledge. The two black men were trading African Americans.50 While some did people to retaliate against unfair masters. theft, sabotage, absenteeism, and other in town, but Renfroe did not want them find jobs in industrial sectors, it was rare Luvenia Coleman, a formerly enslaved such acts to the belief that African woman living in Mississippi, cited theft Americans were inept and lazy.60 The challenging the economic prosperity that they received wages comparable 55 of white southerners. Consequently, to those of white workers. Sam Rawls, as a common practice. Her master “Cult of True Sambohood” was not Renfroe lynched Enoch, and the Klan a formerly enslaved man interviewed had so many hogs and cattle that the unknown to African Americans. By slaves on the plantation often stole the carefully manipulating how they were

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume pursued Frank to the river where he in South Carolina, noted that the 1 5, Issue Volume was also killed. In defiance of the Ku government never provided formerly animals for food. Notably, if the master perceived by white southerners, black 78 noticed that his animals were missing, workers could use their allegedly 79 Klux Klan, the local black community, enslaved people with the expected forty 61 including Bell, went to the river at night acres and a mule. Instead, many African he never attempted to find the thief. inferior status to their advantage. In to ensure that the bodies received a Americans were forced to serve as wage It was expected that enslaved people certain circumstances, their inefficiency proper burial. While many lynching earners or sharecroppers on the land would steal. In the post–Reconstruction and penchant for not following directions 51 era, black domestic workers continued could hinder industrial production, or Past Tense Past victims were relegated to unmarked of their former masters. Henry Ryan Tense Past graves, Enoch and Frank Sledge were noted that African Americans did not the tradition of theft by engaging in the effective running of a household. buried in Travis graveyard.46 Jesse expect anything after freedom because pan-toting (bringing home leftovers In North Carolina, tobacco workers and other foodstuffs). One domestic collaborated to control the pace of Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

work. When black female stemmers to “burn out” in half the time they denouncing lynching, the black press Planet a “safety-valve for the boiling had trouble keeping up the pace, the ought to last.65 became an important tool for asserting black protest.”72 The newspaper was black men responsible for supplying Such resistance strategies enabled the voices of African Americans in the constructed with a defiant tone. Mitchell the tobacco might pack the baskets South. African American newspapers published letters of protest, sermons 62 African Americans to maintain some more loosely. This would cost the control in the workplace where they were encouraged further progress, and by local ministers speaking against employer profit, as less tobacco could otherwise powerless. More importantly, sought to end racial violence. lynching, and any other news of national be processed on a given day. Waters it was a way for black workers to The success of the black press in organizations attempting to bring Brooks, in his interview, described how maintain a sense of self-respect as they fostering resistance can be attributed antilynching legislation into existence. African American concrete workers suffered under the constant threat of to its lack of readership among white As Fitzhugh Brundage emphasizes, the quit en masse as a way of protesting their audiences. The Weekly Defiance, for Richmond Planet effectively became 63 racial violence. As with theft, existing mistreatment. To mitigate the threat scholarly works indicate that domestic example, was read widely by the black “the conduit for the rage of readers of punishment for such behaviour, community in Atlanta, but did not come who could not remain silent in the 64 workers adopted sabotage techniques 73 blacks could feign ignorance. By more readily than industrial workers; to the attention of most white people wake of local mob violence.” Through utilizing the appropriate grins, shuffles, however, there is no question that such until 1885. The editor of the newspaper the publication of exposés, African and platitudes it was possible to calm resistance existed in industrial settings.66 used strong language to demand equal Americans compiled their own record angry southerners. In this way, African Robert Black, a black labour organizer, treatment for African Americans before of the atrocities of lynching. Mitchell Americans could rebel against social the law, and urged boycotts against those recognized the limitations of the black admitted to using sabotage as a strategy 70 control while seemingly adhering to against speed-ups.67 The machines used who treated blacks poorly. The national press. Ultimately, it was white behaviour, the racist ideology perpetuated in the black press became an important voice and not black conduct, that needed to for tobacco production were delicate, 74 South. and could be easily overloaded to the against lynching, and actively attacked change. Mitchell could do little more Sabotage offered further opportunities point of breaking. The whole machine lynching abuses leading into the 1930s. than attempt to emphasize the horrors for African Americans to rebel against would then need to be cleaned out, and It was the black press that kept the black of racial violence. oppression. There is ample evidence of the mechanics would have to repair any community informed about lynchings, The antilynching movement was domestic workers intentionally burning broken parts. Sabotage could effectively and stirred up resistance against abusive hindered by public perceptions of food, damaging kitchen utensils, or hinder work without resulting in white southerners. lynching, as lynching was accepted as breaking household appliances. This significant punishment. Although it is tempting to see the a justified punishment for criminal resistance was commonly dismissed by For most of the nineteenth century, antilynching efforts of the black press behaviour. In particular, there was a white employers as proof of the moral as part of the organized antilynching pervasive fear that African American black resistance to racial violence was 75 and intellectual inferiority of African uncoordinated. There was no organized movement, such work is also related men wanted to rape white women. Americans. A frustrated white employer program of resistance, and blacks to the tradition of informal black Within this conventional framework— remarked: relied primarily on clandestine acts of resistance against racial violence. Because popularized by mainstream media— Negro seamstresses always (except resistance with limited risk of reprisal. of the clandestine nature of informal white men became the gallant protectors a few who were reared and Beginning in the 1880s, however, with resistance, it can be difficult to identify of white women against lascivious black trained in cultivated families) the onset of the lynching epidemic, the instances in the historical record. men. There is little evidence, however, Newspapers provide strong evidence, to support the myth that African

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume perform coarse sewing, and the press began to play a more prominent 1 5, Issue Volume washerwomen … badly damage role in the campaign against racial however, and demonstrate a desire to American men raped white women. 80 the clothes they work on, iron- violence. Newspapers in the South refused overcome oppression. John L. Mitchell Ida B. Wells, the foremost antilynching 81 rusting them, tearing them, to suppress news about lynchings.68 Jr., a prominent member of the black activist, attacked the rape justification. breaking off the buttons, and Indeed, they embraced reports of press, utilized the Richmond Planet As a prominent figure in the black press, to publicize the injustices committed Wells challenged “the old threadbare lie burning them brown, and as for lynchings and provided abundant and 71 76 69 against African Americans. He called that negro men assault white women.” Past Tense Past starch!—Colored cooks, too, graphic coverage of racial violence. Tense Past generally abuse stoves, suffering While the white press lagged behind for social justice and sought to dispel She argued that before the Civil War, them to get clogged with soot, and many African American newspapers in disillusionment. Mitchell, like many no one was concerned about black men black editors, made the Richmond raping white women. It was therefore Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

absurd to suggest that black men might This meant receiving a trial without the various informal resistance tactics that harm. The women mocked the mob, and suddenly turn into sexual deviants threat of mob violence. could be used to resist racial violence. refused to submit to racial violence.88 just as they were being freed from A Red Record helped raise awareness Black women had significant power In a society that sought to suppress bondage.77 Wells insisted that the rape regarding the lynching epidemic, but it to shape resistance efforts. While Ida the rights of African Americans, it was charge was without foundation. Her was in Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in B. Wells was the most notable female black women who were best able to assertions were echoed by interviewee All Its Phases that Wells made a rousing antilynching activist, she was merely agitate for change. Robert R. Grinstead, a formerly enslaved call for informal resistance. According one of many women involved in the African Americans never limited man, who revealed that during the to Wells, African Americans had greater struggle against racial violence. Rural themselves to clandestine resistance. Civil War, male slaves were sent to the power to help themselves against black women were on the front lines When a human life was in jeopardy, bedroom of their mistress to light a fire racial violence than anyone else. On of informal, unorganized resistance. both black men and women resisted each morning. Even under such close March 9, 1892, an angry mob of white These women, working independently by whatever means necessary. In some conditions, Grinstead never heard of southerners lynched Thomas Moss, from women’s clubs, devised a range of situations, this resistance took the form a single rape incident occurring.78 By Calvin McDowell, and Will Stewart. resistance techniques that manipulated of armed self-defense. W. E. B. DuBois challenging the rape justification, Wells The three black men had owned and gender differences in power relations called for African Americans to take up brought the truth about lynching to operated the People’s Grocery Store, a to contest racial etiquette. Black “the terrible weapon of self-defense.”89 the forefront: that lynching is an act store in competition with a store owned women were able to commit acts of This meant meeting lynch mobs with of terror perpetrated against a race of and operated by a white man. After a insubordination that white southerners bricks, clubs, and guns. In the face people in order to maintain power and shootout in defense of the store resulted would not have permitted if committed of overwhelming violence, it was control. in the injury of three white men, the by black men.84 While African American important to respond in equal measure. The key to halting lynching was to business partners were arrested. That men were considered to be dangerous The call for self-defense was not new, increase public awareness regarding evening they were kidnapped from jail to white women, African American as prominent black leaders had long the true causes of racial violence. In and shot to death. Wells was a close women did not pose a significant threat. called for black people to answer racial A Red Record: Tabulated Statistics friend of Moss, and was devastated by As a result, black women could engage in violence with force. John Mitchell Jr. and Alleged Causes of Lynchings in his death. Her immediate response was blatant protest that would have resulted and Ida B. Wells both called for blacks the United States, Wells asserted that to encourage African Americans to in severe punishment if committed by to arm themselves in defense of their the first step was to “tell the world the leave Memphis because the city did not men.85 In regard to informal resistance, basic rights as citizens of the United facts.”79 The evil of lynching could not offer protection to African Americans. women were the most frequent States. Because the fear generated by be cured through silence, and it was She believed that blacks should instigators. This was partially because of lynchings was so great in the South, vital that African Americans bring the migrate to Kansas or Oklahoma.81 the belief that open resistance was more and because African Americans were problem to the attention of the general She further urged blacks to withdraw ‘m an l y.’ 86 The clandestine methods so vulnerable to racial violence, it is public. Wells wanted to use the press to their labour from the white economy. of resistance employed by the black tempting to assume that only militant recast lynching in the public eye so that She astutely acknowledged that “the working class were considered to be blacks living in the North engaged in it could no longer be perceived as an appeal to the white man’s pocket has inferior by white southerners, but there self-defense against lynch mobs. The understandable, although unpleasant ever been more effectual than all the was no stigma surrounding women Slave Narrative Collection, however, response, to heinous acts. While other appeals ever made to his conscience.”82 engaged in such resistance. In 1915, the indicates that black southerners also felt Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume activists focussed more on securing Her boldest recommendation was for Chicago Defender lamented the rarity of the need to defend themselves, as well 1 5, Issue Volume 82 federal antilynching legislation, Wells armed resistance. Wells insisted that “a black men’s forcible resistance to lynch as their communities. 83 sought to intervene broadly in public Winchester rifle should have a place of mobs.87 Because it was not safe for Self-defense and armed resistance discourse. She believed that lynching honor in every black home, and it should black men to engage in open resistance, could take on a variety of forms. The was only possible so long as it was be used for that protection which the women came forward to protect victims most conspicuous example is perhaps supported by white popular opinion. By law refuses to give.”83 Although Wells from potential lynchings. In 1916, when armed resistance undertaken by groups. Past Tense Past Past Tense Past changing the way lynching was viewed, can be more closely aligned with the a lynch mob attempted to track a boy in When lynch mobs formed, DuBois she hoped to ensure that all those organized antilynching movement, her a black neighbourhood, several women advised that African Americans should accused of crimes be given a fair trial.80 works provided African Americans with endeavoured to protect the child from unite and arm themselves.90 Joseph Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

Farley, a formerly enslaved man from committed a perceived offense, Graham did not speak with a united voice involve white people. Migration also Virginia, witnessed the power of armed barricaded his dwelling, and prepared when opposing racial violence. While did not inspire retaliation. Scott Hooper resistance to halt potential lynchings.91 to make a firm resistance. When the some believed in the power of armed was one of many African Americans After a lynch mob formed to apprehend Klansmen arrived at his home, Graham resistance, others counselled caution who decided to remain with her former an African American man, Farley rallied did not answer. Graham shot and killed in the face of violence. Many justifiably master following emancipation. She with 600 federal troops in opposition. the first intruder that attempted to feared that self-defense might engender lived with her parents on a rented piece The soldiers pursued the Klansman, enter. The defense was successful. The reprisal from white southerners. of land for seven years; however, the and successfully prevented the Klan removed the body of their dead Attempts by African Americans increased violence perpetrated by the lynching. Not all resistance, however, comrade, and departed. Graham seized to exert their authority were rarely Ku Klux Klan caused Hooper to live was successful. After most lynchings, the opportunity to escape, and fled to met with enthusiasm. Southern white in fear. She recalled that many blacks African Americans understood that Nashville where he was never again people expected blacks to be completely were afraid to go out at night, or even vigorous protest would be suppressed disturbed or arrested.93 submissive, and when this did not to sleep in their houses for fear of being brutally by white southerners. Lee The Ku Klux Klan similarly happen they often retaliated harshly. attacked. In 1872, her father decided to Anderson Pierce, in his interview, threatened H. B. Holloway. Living in Reverend W. B. Allen cited a long list of relocate the family for their own safety.98 described the formation of a black Atlanta, Georgia, Holloway worked as militia in Jefferson, Texas. The militia the foremen in a local shop. He had a was intended to keep the Ku Klux Klan successful career, which brought him Rural black women were on from terrorizing African Americans; under the scrutiny of the Ku Klux however, white southerners gathered Klan. As he was walking home one the front lines of informal, together to destroy the militia, and evening, Holloway was cornered by killed several of the militiamen.92 some men who advised him that the unorganized resistance There were more opportunities Klan would be visiting his home that for African Americans to resist racial night. He was immediately defensive offenses for which African Americans Louise Matthews and her family were violence on an individual level. It was and responded, “You might kill me, might be lynched.95 This included similarly driven to migrate from Shelby not uncommon for black individuals, but you can’t beat me.” Rather than talking back to a white person, hitting County, Texas. After two blacks were sometimes aided by family members, submit to racial violence, Holloway another black person, fussing, fighting, shot for trying to defend themselves, to take up arms in defense of their endeavoured to protect himself and making noise, lying, loitering on the Matthews’ father decided to relocate own lives. The primary goal of his family through armed resistance. job, and stealing. White southerners his family.99 Gabe Hines witnessed a armed self-defense was to ward off Holloway had three sons, between 20 expected total obedience from African lynching in Columbus, Alabama, and bloodshed. Sidney Graham, an African and 28 years old, whom he armed with Americans. When this did not happen, shortly afterwards decided to migrate to American living in Coltewah, Tennessee, a Winchester rifle, a shotgun, and a the resulting violence encouraged many Eufaula, Alabama because the city had successfully utilized armed resistance pistol. He kept an ax for himself. The black southerners to migrate from fewer incidents of racial violence.100 to ward off the Ku Klux Klan. Graham black men then positioned themselves cities and rural areas where lynchings Some African Americans believed worked in the powder mill of Peeler facing the door, and when the Ku Klux occurred regularly.96 that migration within the United Parker, a white southerner. He worked Klan arrived, Holloway knocked the Migration served as a variation on States was not sufficient to ensure Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume alongside several white men, and by first intruder over the head with his ax. self-defense, as in some situations it was the safety of black southerners from 1 5, Issue Volume 84 accident he allowed some hot water he The sons then fired their weapons as the only way for African Americans to racial violence. Joe Rollins, like many 85 was handling to splash over one of the more Klansmen attempted to enter the protect themselves.97 For those blacks African Americans, experienced the white men. The incident caused tensions house. The Klansmen were repelled, and without white protectors, either by atrocities committed by the Ku Klux in the mill, and by the end of the day fled. Notably, Holloway’s wife did not choice or circumstance, migration was Klan after emancipation. He became the white men were threatening that the support her husband’s decision to take one of the few responses to racial violence disillusioned by the spread of racial Past Tense Past Past Tense Past Ku Klux Klan would visit Graham at his a stand against the Ku Klux Klan. When that was independent of whites. The violence, and argued that Abraham home. Knowing the ferocity with which she learned of the imminent attack, she decision to flee the South, although the Lincoln had failed African Americans. the Klan pursued black people who had wanted to flee.94 African Americans result of white activity, did not actively Lincoln had died without providing a Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

home for black southerners. This left funeral, and resolutions were passed people for protection contributed to the African Americans vulnerable to racial in favour of emigration as a method The adoption balance of racial power in the South. violence, and racial oppression. Rollins of resistance against racial violence. It was impossible to ask for protection therefore believed that blacks should A 1918 lynching in Georgia, which without showing a certain degree of return to their true home in Africa.101 included the pregnant Mary Turner, of clandestine deference, which made it increasingly Rollins was not the only African prompted the immediate migration of difficult for African Americans to assert American to suggest leaving for Africa. more than 500 blacks.106 methods of their own rights. Reverend C. H. Pearce, a pioneer of the Incidents of mass migration The adoption of clandestine methods African Methodist Episcopal Church contributed to the decline of lynching. of resistance represents a tactical in Florida and a respected political In the mid-1920s, lynching began resistance choice made with an awareness of the leader, became an advocate for black to decline rapidly. Only 206 African balance of power between African emigration to Africa. He stated, “Were Americans were lynched in the 1920s, represents a Americans and white southerners. The I a young man I would not stand the compared to 799 in the 1890s.107 With South was a hostile place for many insults of the American white people; mass migration, white southerners African Americans. White southerners and above all this we have a higher experienced the rapid evaporation of tactical choice persecuted blacks mercilessly, and overt and grander object in view, namely the cheap and pliable labour force upon attempts at resistance were often met 102 the civilization of benighted Africa.” which they had built and maintained dependence. In these situations, blacks with harsh reprisals. Informal resistance, Some African Americans in Tampa, their economy. To halt the exodus, white might not engage in resistance efforts, therefore, provided a relatively safe way Florida even went as far as to charter southerners had to suppress violence, and instead relied on white guardianship for African Americans to resist racial 103 a steamer to take them to Liberia. and improve the plight of African to ensure their safety. Millie Barber, a oppression. A black man might make 108 Indeed, many African Americans felt Americans in the South. Industrial formerly enslaved woman, remained a joke about a recent lynching, or a that they would be safer if they returned jobs in the North attracted blacks in close contact with her master, Will black washerwoman might damage the to Africa; however, more still felt that from all southern states, but African Durham. When the Ku Klux Klan clothing of a customer who participated 104 the United States was their home. Americans were most likely to abandon came to her house inquiring after her in a lynch mob. The black community Migration therefore remained primarily the South if they felt threatened by the husband, she began to fear that he might might rally together to bury the body concentrated within the United States. activity of white lynch mobs. Charles become the victim of racial violence. of a lynching victim. Such methods of After 1900, the pace of African Gabriel Anderson, a formerly enslaved Barber then went to ask Durham resistance enabled African Americans American migration accelerated. Although man living in the North, emphasized for advice and protection. Although to establish a culture of opposition many blacks continued to circulate the safer conditions in the North, noting Barber did not give details regarding with limited risk of reprisal. Acts of within the rural South, many more that he was never personally bothered the outcome of the situation, she noted protest were attributed to the perceived 109 began to migrate to the North. The by the Ku Klux Klan. that Durham did resolve the conflict inferiority of African Americans, and exodus of African Americans from the To fully understand black resistance with the Klan. The next year Barber often went unnoticed by white people. South, regardless of their economic against racial violence, it is important and her husband moved to a property By acknowledging informal methods or social status, stemmed primarily to understand the limitations imposed belonging to Durham.110 In Mississippi, of resistance, it is possible to challenge from their fear of racial violence and on African Americans. In the post– the lynching of Miler Hampton also the view of African Americans as Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 105 1 5, Issue Volume lynching. In Louisiana, the lynching Reconstruction era, white southerners prompted local African Americans passive individuals who submitted to 86 of a black man by the Ku Klux Klan attempted to recreate the conditions of to ask white people for assistance racial violence. The Slave Narrative 87 prompted hundreds of blacks to migrate slavery. Lynching was an expression of in warding off the Ku Klux Klan.111 Collection reveals a hidden history from Louisiana to Kansas. In 1892, the southern determination to limit the White guardianship created a delicate of resistance, and demonstrates that the triple lynching of Thomas Moss, civil, social, and economic advancement balance. While it offered protection African Americans experimented with Calvin McDowell, and Will Stewart in of African Americans. As many formerly all manners of dissent, ranging from Past Tense Past against racial violence, it required that Tense Past Memphis, Tennessee also inspired a enslaved people remained on the land African Americans surrender further clandestine to overt resistance techniques. particularly strong response. Thousands of their former masters, they often rights. Those who turned towards white of African Americans attended the maintained close relationships of Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

Endnotes lynchings were not recorded. 9 Ibid., 18. * I would like to thank McMaster University and the Office of the Vice-President (Research) 10 Blacks were the first to examine the myths about the causes of extralegal violence by for its sponsorship of this project; the Faculty of Humanities for its support; and Karen making careful, empirical studies of lynching. See W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the Balcom for her valuable guidance and suggestions. New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880–1930 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois 2 Donald G. Nieman, Introduction to Black Freedom and White Violence, 1865–1900, ed. Press, 1993), 5. Donald G. Nieman (New York: Garland Publishing, 1994), viii. 11 Linda McMurry Edwards, To Keep the Waters Troubled: The Life of Ida B. Wells (New 3 The amendments and legislation introduced during Reconstruction made all African York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Ida B. Wells, Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Americans citizens of the United States. Black people had the legal right to enjoy all the Ida B. Wells (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970); and Jacqueline Jones Royster, same entitlements given to white citizens. This threatened to undermine the class structure Southern Horrors and Other Writings: The Antilynching Campaign of Ida B. Wells, 1892– of southern society, and prompted white southerners to turn towards violence as a method 1900 (Boston: Bedford Books, 1997), 1–41. of social control and repression. See Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: 12 Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882–1930 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988); Jonathan Markovitz, Legacies of Press, 1995), 5. Lynching: Racial Violence and Memory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004); 4 Walter T. Howard, Lynchings: Extralegal Violence in Florida during the 1930s (Selinsgrove: Charles Flint Kellogg, NAACP: A History of the National Association for the Advancement of Susquehanna University Press, 1995), 17. Colored People, 1909–1920 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1967); and Robert Zangrando, 5 On the importance of informal resistance, see Robin D. G. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, The NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 1909–1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, Politics and the Black Working Class (Toronto: Maxwell Macmillan Canada, 1994), chaps 1980). 1–3; and Robin D. G. Kelley, “‘We Are Not What We Seem’: Rethinking Black Working- 13 Kelley, “‘We Are Not What We Seem’,” 75–112. Kelley argues that by ignoring everyday Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South,” The Journal of American History80, no. 1 (1993), acts of resistance, scholars of southern race relations have wrongly concluded that African 75–112. Americans were silent in response to oppression. Lester C. Lamon, for example, portrays 6 The phrase ‘culture of opposition’ is borrowed from George Lipsitz. See George Lipsitz, A African Americans as passive individuals who adopted “the line of least resistance.” See Life of Struggle: Ivory Perry and the Culture of Opposition (Philadelphia: Temple University Lester C. Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900–1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, Press, 1988). 1977), 18. 7 Howard, Lynchings, 17. Using more specific terms, Howard defines lynching as “the 14 Leon F. Liwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: practice of a group of two or more individuals inflicting punishment upon victims without Alfred A. Knopf, 1998). See also Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political regard to law in the service of justice, tradition, or race.” There are, however, numerous Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge, Massachusetts: definitions regarding what constitutes lynching. The Dyer Bill, for example, defined lynching Belknap Press, 2003). as “three or more persons acting in concert for the purpose of depriving any person his life 15 An important exception is W. Fitzhugh Brundage, “The Roar on the Other Side of Silence: without authority of law as a punishment for or to prevent the commission of some actual Black Resistance and Racial Violence in the American South, 1880–1940,” in Under the or supposed public offense.” See “NAACP History: Anti-Lynching Bill,” NAACP, http:// Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South, ed. W. Fitzhugh Brundage (Chapel Hill: University www.naacp.org/oldest-and-boldest/naacp-history-anti-lynching-bill/. For the purposes of of North Carolina Press, 1997) this paper, I will adhere to Howard’s broad definition of lynching. This definition better 16 George P. Rawick, ed. The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport, CN: complements the limitations of the slave narratives, which often fail to detail how many Greenwood Press, 1972 and 1977). All primary sources within this paper have been taken persons were involved in attacks against African Americans. It is important to note, from this collection unless otherwise indicated. I have also used newspaper accounts to Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume however, that lynchings were not simply extralegal murders. Rather, they were incidents of supplement the slave narrative collection. For example, interviewers employed by the 1 5, Issue Volume 88 ritualized violence. WPA were not interested in uncovering instances of workplace resistance. Therefore, it is 89 8 Tolnay and Beck, A Festival of Violence, 269. Tolnay and Beck offer a detailed statistical necessary to turn towards other sources. study of lynching in 10 southern states – Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, 17 Norman R. Yetman, “The Background of the Slave Narrative Collection,” American Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee. Their work traces Quarterly 19, no. 3 (1967), 534. the composition of lynch mobs, incidents of lynching, and lynching victims. Determining 18 I have based my research on all published volumes in The American Slave: A Composite Past Tense Past Past Tense Past the exact number of lynchings is difficult, largely because the definition of lynching was Autobiography. References to these volumes will include volume number, part number, and open to contestation. Organizations such as the NAACP kept records, but inevitably some page number. Either supplemental series will be distinguished by the notation S1 or S2 in Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

front of the citation. in regards to resistance and racial violence. There are several instances of lynching, for 19 Historians have argued that the slave narratives are problematic for a variety of reasons. example, that are not referenced under the “Lynching” subject heading. I had to rely on These reasons include: the fact that personal recollection of the past is a highly subjective the indexer’s subject headings, and how they defined lynching and resistance. In order to phenomenon and susceptible to modification and distortion; that the hardships of the uncover as many instances of racial violence and resistance as possible, I extended my search Depression caused many informants to look at the past through rose-coloured glasses; that to include the following subjects: Lynching; Resistance to Slavery (Day to Day); Resistance the quality of the interviews was dependent on the skill of the individual who obtained to Slavery (General); Resistance to Slavery (Major); Runaway Slaves; Reconstruction it; that the interviewers had no consistent methodology regarding their questions; that (General); Migration (Within the United States); and Ku Klux Klan (And Other Terrorist some writers and editors revised, altered, or censored the narratives; that etiquette and Organizations). Using these subject headings for guidance, I read several hundred slave southern race relations likely affected how an informant responded, as the interviewers narratives, and categorized the applicable narratives relating to informal resistance. From were overwhelmingly white; that the interviewers may have been racist and shaped the this search, I indexed 126 applicable narratives based on the type of resistance, location, narratives; that the focus on dialect perhaps resulted in sacrifices regarding accuracy; that and gender of the informant. It is possible that there are more applicable narratives there is no discernible process by which informants were selected; that those interviewed within the records that were not uncovered because of differences of opinion regarding were overwhelmingly urban residents, despite the fact that most blacks over age 85 lived in what constitutes lynching and resistance. As more work is done with the collection, later rural areas; and that all states were not represented equally in the interviews. For a detailed historians may uncover these narratives. See Donald M. Jacobs and Steven Fershleiser, eds., examination of these problems, please see the following: John Blassingame, “Using the Index to the American Slave (Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1981). Testimony of Ex-Slaves: Approaches and Problems,” in Revisiting Blassingame’s The Slave 24 There is a vast collection of literature available regarding slave resistance. See Peter Kolchin, Community: The Scholars Respond, ed. Al-Tony Gilmore (Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard 1978), 169–188; Norman R. Yetman, “The Background of the Slave Narrative Collection,” University Press, 1987), chap. 5; Paul Finkelman, Rebellions, Resistance, and Runaways 534–553; Norman R. Yetman, “Ex-Slave Interviews and the Historiography of Slavery,” Within the Slave South (New York: Garland Publishing, 1989); Amrita Chakrabarti Myers, American Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1984), 181–210; Norman R. Yetman, “An Introduction “‘Sisters in Arms’: Slave Women’s Resistance to Slavery in the United States” Past Imperfect to the WPA Slave Narratives,” Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/collections/ 5 (1996), 141-174; G. S. Boritt, Scott Hancock and Ira Berlin, Slavery, Resistance, Freedom slave-narratives-from-the-federal-writers-project-1936-to-1938/articles-and-essays/ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Manisha Sinha, The Slave’s Cause: A History introduction-to-the-wpa-slave-narratives/; Donald M. Jacobs, “Twentieth-Century Slave of Abolition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016). Narratives as Source Materials: Slave Labor as Agricultural Labor,” Agricultural History, 57, 25 Myers, “‘Sisters in Arms,’” 142. no. 2 (1983), 223–227; and George P. Rawick, From Sunup to Sundown: The Making of the 26 Lipsitz, A Life of Struggle, 229. Slave Community, v. 1 of The American Slave, xvii–xviii. 27 11.8: 270–271. 20 Yetman, “Ex Slave Interviews and the Historiography of Slavery,” 189. 28 Delicia Patterson, for example, was described as being “‘sassy.” This was a description 21 This includes Volumes 1 through 7 in Series 1, Volumes 8 through 19 in Series 2, Volumes commonly reserved for African Americans. Patterson, however, used the racist epithet 1 through 12 in Supplement Series 1, and Volumes 1 through 10 in Supplement Series 2. to her advantage. She manipulated how she was perceived by the white slaveholders, and 22 Black interviewers were excluded from the WPA staffs in all southern states except Virginia, managed to seize control of her fate. Ibid. Louisiana, and Florida. This discrimination in employment resulted in a distortion of facts, 29 Litwack, Trouble in Mind, 12–15. as race relations impeded honest communication between African Americans and white 30 Trudier Harris, “‘Adventures in a Foreign Country’: African American Humor and the southerners. Many blacks still resided in the same area as their former masters, and were South,” Southern Cultures 1 (1995), 458. dependent on white people to help them obtain their old-age pensions. See Blassingame, 31 Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought “Using the Testimony of Ex-Slaves” 176–178. from Slavery to Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 300. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 23 Due to the size of the collection, I utilized the index organized by Donald M. Jacobs and 32 John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (New York: Doubleday, 1957), 310. 1 5, Issue Volume 90 Steven Fershleiser to identify examples of racial violence perpetrated against blacks, and 33 Ibid. 91 the methods used to resist such violence. Between 1977 and 1981, graduate students in the 34 Savannah Morning News, April 14, 1894, quoted in Edward L. Ayers, Vengeance and Northeastern University history department read thousands of pages of narrative material Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth Century American South (New York: to locate information dealing with more than 100 different subjects. The subjects identified Oxford University Press, 1984), 232. are diverse, and range from “Agricultural Practices” to “Medical Care” to “African Survivals” 35 Raymond Gavins, “North Carolina Black Folklore and Song in the Age of Segregation: Past Tense Past Past Tense Past and “Slave Humor.” When dealing with such a voluminous amount of data, errors are Toward Another Meaning of Survival,” The North Carolina Historical Review 66 (1989), 415. inevitable. In examining the index, I came across many errors by omission, particularly 36 Ibid. 37 5.4: 114. Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

38 S1-11.2: 317. 54 Ortiz, Emancipation Betrayed, 35. African Americans employed various resistance 39 Brundage, Lynching in the New South, 46. techniques to ensure that they were respected by their employers. Attempts by white 40 Alexandria Gazette, April 26, 1897, quoted in Brundage, “The Roar on the Other Side of employers to exert their influence over black employees were typically met with greater Silence,” 274. resistance. 41 For a discussion of resistance at the funeral of a later lynching victim, see Amy Louise 55 S1-7.2: 436. Wood, Lynching and Spectacle: Witnessing Racial Violence in America, 1890–1940 (Chapel 56 Kelley, Race Rebels, 19. Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 265–268; and Courtney Baker, “Emmett 57 S2- 2. 1: 101. See also 5.4: 75; 18.1: 9; and 16.2: 67. Till, Justice, and the Task of Recognition,” Journal of American Culture 29, no. 2 (2006), 58 Unfortunately, very little is known about workplace theft in the South during the 111–124. twentieth century. The most promising avenue for study is perhaps the use of company 42 3.4: 216. materials being used for personal endeavours. For example, a worker might use company 43 Wood, Lynching and Spectacle, 2. Wood argues that lynching held a singular psychological materials to make a toy for his child. See Kelley, Race Rebels, 20. force, which generated a level of fear and horror that overwhelmed all other forms of 59 The racist belief that black people were inferior is evident in the slave narratives. Although violence. The use of photographs to disseminate images of lynchings ensured that African the WPA interviews are presented as verbatim accounts, the narratives were often edited or Americans were constantly aware of the danger they faced at the hands of angry mobs. revised before they were typed and listed as official records. The WPA urged state directors 44 15.2: 10. to record dialect uniformly. In some instances, this might have resulted in dialect being 45 Brawley Gilmore, in his WPA interview, stated that the Ku Klux Klan was responsible for ascribed to former slaves who spoke English perfectly. Such changes made the former lynching hundreds of African Americans. The Klan would not allow any of their lynching slaves seem uneducated, or otherwise inferior. See Blassingame, “Using the Testimony of victims to be taken to a graveyard. Instead, they took the bodies and buried them in Ex-Slaves,” 179–181. unmarked graves. See 2.2: 120–121. 60 Kelley, Race Rebels, 21. 46 6.1: 29–30. 61 Ibid., According to Kelley, negative descriptions of black workers should be understood 47 3.4: 15. After emancipation, rumours circulated that rebel land in the South would be as racist comments stemming from the inability of whites to recognize resistance. Often the confiscated and redistributed to formerly enslaved people. The origins of these rumours, appearance of silence and accommodation was intended to deceive. Beneath this façade, according to Hahn, are unclear, as is their circulation. But Hahn presents these rumours working-class blacks engaged in a hidden history of unorganized resistance. as an attempt by African Americans to influence federal policy in the postbellum South. 62 Ibid., 18. Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet, 129–130. 63 8.1: 264. 48 For further examples of burial as a form of resistance, see 5.4: 46; and 3.4: 15–16. 64 Feigning ignorance did not always work to mitigate punishment. In some instances, rural 49 Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865–1890 (Urbana: University African Americans accused of stealing livestock were lynched. See Table 2–6 in Tolnay and of Illinois Press, 1980), 3. Beck, A Festival of Violence, 48. 50 Howard, Lynchings, 26. See also Paul Ortiz, Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of 65 Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family Black Organizing and Racial Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 131. of 1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005); and Eric Foner, Forever Free: The 66 Kelley, Race Rebels, 21–22. There has been very little written regarding workplace Story of Emancipation and Reconstruction (New York: Knopf, 2005). Newly emancipated sabotage in the urban South. As Kelley notes, the lack of such clandestine activities among African Americans believed that access to inexpensive farmland, the right to bargain with black industrial workers in the historical record is surprising, as sabotage was a common employers, free public schools, and the elective franchise were the keys to liberty. The practice among slaves and rural African Americans in the postbellum period. Kelly believes government, however, failed to provide for African Americans. that this oversight is the result of labour historians attempting to redeem the black working Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 51 3.4: 7. class from racist stereotypes. With their attempts to correct the “Cult of Sambohood,” 1 5, Issue Volume 92 52 3.4: 74. historians have remade the black working class into the thriftiest and most efficient labour 93 53 Brundage, Lynching in the New South, 67. It is difficult to link resistance in the workplace force in the South. to lynching; however, Brundage identifies the workplace as a common site of frustration 67 Ibid. and suspicion. Clashes between white employers and black workers had implications that 68 Richard M. Perloff, “The Press and Lynchings of African Americans,” Journal of Black extended beyond mere economic considerations. Brundage argues that challenges to white Studies 30, no. 3 (2000), 318. Because lynchings were viewed as a way of maintaining social Past Tense Past Past Tense Past authority were never far beneath workplace disputes. Therefore, it is important to consider control over blacks, they were considered a necessary and inevitable occurrence. Reporting the workplace as a potential site of resistance against lynching, and racial violence more on lynchings was akin to reporting on natural disasters. The mainstream press did not have broadly. any reason to suppress news about lynchings, and actually embraced reports on incidents Rejecting Notions of Passivity Sarah Whitwell

of racial violence. 90 Ibid. 69 The southern press made a concerted effort to provide moral justification for the actions 91 18.1: 123. of lynch mobs. White editors often used sympathetic language when describing lynch 92 5.3: 186–187. See also S1-6.1: 17–19. mobs, while simultaneously damning the lynch victims. See Tolnay and Beck, A Festival of 93 S2-1.7: 283. Violence, 261. 94 9.3: 298–300. 70 Rabinowitz, Race Relations, 232–233. 95 S1-3.1: 21. 71 Fitzhugh Brundage, “‘To Howl Loudly’: John Mitchell Jr. and His Campaign Against 96 There is a vast collection of literature available regarding African American migration Lynching in Virginia,” Canadian Review of American Studies 22, no. 3 (Winter 1991), 326. within the United States. See Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas After 72 Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979); Alferdteen Harrison, ed., Black Exodus: (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), 910. The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 73 Ibid., 328. 1991); and Kenneth L. Kusmer, The Great Migration and After, 1917–1930 (New York: 74 Brundage, Lynching in the New South, 165. Garland Publishing, 1991). 75 Patricia A. Schechter, “Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How 97 Brundage, Lynching in the New South, 229. Antilynching Got Its Gender,” in Under the Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South, ed. 98 4. 2: 158. W. Fitzhugh Brundage (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 292. The 99 S2-7.6: 2608. archetypal lynching scenario reported in mainstream newspapers justified lynching as 100 6.1: 180. a punishment for alleged assaults perpetrated by African American men against white 101 S1-9.4: 1900. For additional examples of migration as a method of resistance, see 14.1: women. 90; 8.7: 155; 6.1: 421; and S1-3.1: 117. 76 Ida B. Wells, “A Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynchings in the 102 “African Emigration,” Christian Recorder, July 25, 1878. United States,” in Southern Horrors and Other Writings: The Anti-Lynching Campaign of Ida 103 Ortiz, Emancipation Betrayed, 73. B. Wells, 1892–1900, ed. Jacqueline Jones Royster (Boston: Bedford Books, 1997), 79. 104 The colonization movement was highly controversial in the United States. See Claude 77 Ibid. A. Clegg, The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia (Chapel Hill: 78 7.1: 126. University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Kwando M. Kinshasa, Emigration vs. Assimilation: 79 Wells, “A Red Record,” 157. The Debate in the African American Press, 1827–1861 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1988); and 80 Royster, Southern Horrors and Other Writings, 40. Ousmane K. Power-Greene, Against Wind and Tide: The African American Struggle Against 81 Royster, Southern Horrors and Other Writings, 4. the Colonization Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2014). 82 Ida B. Wells, “Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases,” in Southern Horrors and 105 Tolnay and Beck, A Festival of Violence, 218–219. Other Writings: The Anti-Lynching Campaign of Ida B. Wells, 1892–1900, ed. Jacqueline 106 Walter White, “The Work of a Mob,” Crisis 16, no. 5 (September 1918), 221. Jones Royster (Boston: Bedford Books, 1997), 69. 107 Tolnay and Beck, A Festival of Violence, 202. 83 Ibid., 70. 108 Ibid., 220. 84 Brundage, “The Roar on the Other Side of Silence,” 280. 109 11.8: 22. 85 There are instances where black women suffered severe consequences for their 110 2. 1: 40–41. insubordination. After the Darien Insurrection, five women were among those arrested for 111 7.1: 104. engaging in armed resistance. There are also several examples of women being lynched alongside men. For example, the murder of Hampton Smith, a white farmer, resulted in the lynching of six black persons for complicity. When Smith was found shot, rumours indicated a conspiracy and several African Americans were implicated, including Mary Turner. She was eight months pregnant when she was lynched. See Mary Jane Brown, Sarah Whitwell is a first-year PhD student at McMaster University in the History

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Eradicating This Evil: Women in the American Anti-Lynching Movement,1892–1940 (New Department, where she also completed her undergraduate degree. She has been researching 1 5, Issue Volume York: Garland Publishing, 2000), 113. For a detailed discussion of the Darien Insurrection, U.S. race relations in the post–Reconstruction era for three years, and has previously 94 see W. Fitzhugh Brundage, “The Darien ‘Insurrection’ of 1899: Black Protest During the presented her work on the antilynching movement as an undergraduate student. Sarah is 95 Nadir of Race Relations,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 74, no. 2 (Summer 1990), 234– continuing her research for her dissertation, focusing on the efforts of African American 253. 86 Kelley, Race Rebels, 24. women to resist racial violence. 87 Chicago Defender, September 4, 1915, quoted in Schechter, “Unsettled Business,” 308. Past Tense Past 88 “Mob Dispersed by Women,” Chicago Defender, December 2, 1916, quoted in Schechter, Tense Past “Unsettled Business,” 308. 89 W. E. B. DuBois, “Opinion,” Crisis 18, no. 5 (September 1919), 231. Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

hen describing the Holy have pointed to issues regarding power Family, medieval devotion- within the medieval household.2 The al sources used idyllic lan- Corpus Christi dramas offer an avenue to Research Article guageW to shape them as a model family, analyze social relationships as depicted one in which the marriage of the Virgin in a performative setting. I argue that Mary and Joseph was emblematic of the depictions of Mary speaking within matrimonial harmony. Medieval theo- the plays served as a mouthpiece to logians and writers of conduct literature encourage proper domestic roles in the Managing Marital Expectations: often touted Mary as the ideal wife and medieval household. mother. With that in mind, it is jarring to The examples in this articles Marian Speech Practices and the consider the couple using argumentat- highlight the development of Mary’s ive language such as “young wench” and voice as she transitioned into her role Domestic Sphere in the Corpus “diseased” against one another during a as a married but chaste woman. The quarrel over Mary’s seemingly inexplic- pageants include “Marriage of Mary Christi Cycles able pregnancy. Analyzing these insults and Joseph,” “Joseph’s Troubles of and other examples of heated dialogue Mary,” “The Trial of Joseph and Mary,” and “Christ and the Doctors.” These within the English Corpus Christi cycles represent some of the most prominent shows a strong Mary using speech as examples where Marian legends were weapon; such analysis also serves as enhanced and portrayed creatively. Vanessa R. Corcoran commentary on gendered issues within Examining these pageants provides The Catholic University of America marriage in the late Middle Ages. These an opportunity to reflect on issues vernacular liturgical dramas performed concerning the regulation of women’s in late medieval England on the feast speech and behavior in medieval day of Corpus Christi—which celebrates society, particularly in late medieval the real presence of the body and blood urban England. Furthermore, this study Although the Virgin Mary only spoke on four occasions in the New Testament (Luke of Jesus in the Eucharist—provide a demonstrates that women were not 1:26–38, 1:46–56, 2:41–52, and John 2:1–11), medieval devotional and dramatic commentary on gendered relationships constrained to one particular role— sources imagined the Mother of God to speak eloquently and powerfully. This in the later Middle Ages (c.1200–1450). there were opportunities for them article explores examples of Mary in conflicted dialogue with her husband Joseph. Although Mary only spoke in the Bible to subvert patriarchal authority. Was Analysis of their manufactured dialogues demonstrates how their discussions four times (Luke 1:26–38, 1:46–56, Mary’s voice in these dramas meant reflected concerns within the medieval household. The Corpus Christi plays, a 2:41–52, and John 2:1–11), mediev- to subvert the desire for control over form of English liturgical dramas, reflected prevailing thoughts on women’s speech al dramatic sources fashioned a much women that pervaded medieval society? within the domestic sphere. This article argues that the depictions of Mary within more powerful and authoritative voice Or, was it to provide an example of the Corpus Christi dramas served as a mouthpiece to encourage proper behavior in for Mary. By challenging her husband, proper speech in contrast to the women Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume the household. Mary upset traditional gender expecta- whose garrulous tongues sometimes 1 5, Issue Volume 96 The pageants “Marriage of Mary and Joseph,” “Joseph’s Troubles of Mary,” and “The tions and occupied the dominant role in landed them in municipal court?3 97 Trial of Joseph and Mary,” supply examples where Marian legends were creatively the household.1 Examining the dramas offers a means portrayed in these public performances. The ways in which Mary’s voice was This article examines pertinent to understand the depiction of Mary’s manipulated reflects key issues concerning women’s speech in medieval society. examples of Mary’s voice in dialogue voice as an instrument of her power and This article grounds pageant analysis in medieval writings on marital expectations, with Joseph. Analysis of their crafted provide a very public reimagining of the Past Tense Past Past Tense Past illuminating a complex socio-religious tradition. Evaluating these sources in dialogues will provide a clearer sense familial dynamics of Mary and Joseph.4 tandem also illustrates how the wife’s speech was a central concern throughout of significant domestic relationships, I ground my examination of the these sources, and how Mary’s voice provided a suitable model for imitation. as well as how their dialogues may pageants in medieval writings on Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

marital expectations. I propose that define their union in the absence of any how the husband regulated his wife’s speech was represented in popular integrating theological commentary, traditional conjugal behavior.8 Besides behavior and speech.14 Written in 1393, literature, not just civic or ecclesiastical conduct literature, and mystery plays defining the parameters of marriage, the husband-narrator allegedly wrote regulations.18 Wives were expected to together in analysis illuminates a socio- theologians also advised husbands on this guide to ensure the salvation of speak deferentially to their husbands. religious tradition rife with complex how to manage their wives, specific- his young wife’s soul, and focused on To do otherwise was sinful behavior. 5 expectations. Evaluating these sources ally in terms of speech practices. For attributes of humility, obedience, and Accordingly, the husband-narrator together also illustrates how the wife’s example, Thomas Chobham, an Eng- succinctly eloquent speech, as estimable addressed concerns about religious speech was a central concern throughout lish thirteenth-century theologian and qualities: implications from a woman’s verbal these sources, and how Mary’s voice subdean at Salisbury, advised husbands I urge and advise you (his wife), whether transgressions, known as sins of the provided a suitable model for imitation, how to properly address their wives: “If in society or at table, to restrain yourself mouth: “The other part of the sin of the to the extent that her speech often she is foolish, moderately and decently from too much conversation. For if one mouth consists of speaking wantonly adheres to the expectations delineated correct her, and if necessary castigate speaks freely, it is not possible to avoid in many ways: idle words, boasts, in the conduct manuals. Before h e r.” 9 The expansion of clerical outreach some ill-chosen terms, and sometimes flattery, perjury, quarrels, grumbling, examining the Corpus Christi plays, I to the laity from the thirteenth century one speaks spirited words in jest, which rebellion, and accusations. No word address the socio-cultural concerns of is so insignificant that you are not onward also meant vast discussions on afterward are taken and remembered out women’s speech, particularly within accountable for it before God.”19 Wives religious expectations for moral behavi- of context, to the derision and mockery of the domestic context, as expressed 15 were viewed as particularly susceptible or, particularly within the home.10 the speaker. in conduct literature in late medieval to these verbal transgressions. Wives The concern for regulating female England. These views signal widespread The narrator encouraged women to were expected to demonstrate restraint speech permeated many aspects of unease about women’s speech, which avoid gossip, so as not to damage their with their words to avoid sin. medieval society. In one civic effort to was viewed as a threat to the stability of husbands’ reputations, adding: “Be Not all manuals adopted the male limit female speech, two fourteenth- medieval society.6 Such prolific writing silent or at least to speak sparingly persona as the narrator: others featured century English towns even attempted to on speech management makes the and wisely to protect and conceal your a mother in the role of the guide. In the regulate female silence, one stating that 16 eloquence of Mary’s vocal role in the husband’s secrets.” Husbands carefully fourteenth-century poem How the Good “all the women of the township control cycles all the more substantial. sought to regulate their wives’ speech Wife Taught Her Daughter, women their tongues,” and the other “enjoined both in private and in public. Conduct were instructed to be moderate in their upon all the women in the township that Defining Normative Behavior in literature largely focused on regulating speech, especially in church: they should restrain their tongues and women to prevent social transgressions Medieval Marriage 11 not scold nor curse any man.” Beyond that would disgrace the family. It is When you are in the church, my child, clerical and civic attempts to regulate Seek that you be both meek and mild, he Christian institution of worth noting that these sources were how wives spoke, popular conduct read by literate urban populations, and Do not laugh or scorn at those old nor young; Tmarriage inherited by the Middle manuals also underscored the need for Be of good bearing and of good tongue.20 Ages was shaped by the remnants of urban wives had different experiences husbands to correct and manage their than either peasant or noble women. The mother warns against any behavior early expectations and debates con- 12 wives’ speech. Wives were advised to weigh their that would lead the community to tained in a host of theological tracts. Medieval conduct literature sought Medieval theologians and canonists words carefully and to show complete call her daughter a strumpet or a Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume to articulate prescriptions for women deference to their husbands: “Do not fool. Moreover, young women were 1 5, Issue Volume sought to define this practice carefully, on how to speak and behave. The be arrogant or answer back to your encouraged to be meek and mild like 98 which was rife with complexities and 99 author often took on the persona of future husband or to his words and do the Virgin Mary.21 Although the mother conflicting views on the precise defini- the husband, who was responsible for not contradict him, especially in front continues to give advice on other moral tion of marriage.7 The marriage of Mary his wife’s actions and had to account of others.”17 Not only was obedience the concerns, infused throughout the guide and Joseph—which to some represen- 13 for any illicit behavior. For example, virtuous path, but disobedience also for young women was the emphasis on Past Tense Past ted marriage in its perfect form—did Tense Past Le Ménagier de Paris (The Good threatened to destroy the stability of proper speech management. not fit neatly into traditional theological Wife’s Guide), was a popular medieval marriage. This manual also establishes The fact that the regulation of definitions and theologians struggled to conduct manual and largely focused on that the matter of regulating women’s women’s speech was a popular theme Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

within conduct literature demonstrates miniature cycle indicates an intentional allow her to live in the service of God. that the late medieval period was an “era interest in promoting Mary’s story.26 Marriage would In response, Ysakar praises Mary for obsessed with codified and externalized I conduct my inquiry by evaluating her “wise words,” and understanding behaviors” in both the religious and the manner in which Mary’s voice not allow her of her vow, and emphasized that in this temporal spheres.22 These themes changes during her life cycle as marriage, she would be able to remain resonated in other sources, including evidenced in several distinct pageants.27 to live in the a virgin: the Corpus Christi dramas. Conduct The N-Town cycle merits heightened Her wit is great and that is seen. literature needs to be considered scrutiny because it includes the largest service of God In cleanness to live in God’s service, more closely alongside analysis of the number of Marian pageants, the widest No man blames her, none here will English religious dramas, as there is range of Mary’s voice, and features 33 cycles.30 The “Marriage of Mary and disdain. a performative aspect to both sets of Mary in dialogue with many male Joseph” mixes apocryphal legend with sources. The conduct literature was interlocutors. This version gives her the Ysakar praises Mary’s carefully medieval marital ceremonial practices. intended to help wives “perform” as greatest agency, both in her behavior articulated defense of her vow of Examining this scene connects this better spouses and the plays were public and her voice. According to Emma chastity. As the patriarchal authority, early Christian legend with the medieval performances that offered a dynamic Solberg—whose work is part of a recent he recognizes Mary’s concern and sacrament of marriage and functions commentary on an integral social upsurge in scholarship centered on the then articulates the possibility for as a commentary on medieval marital practice. N-Town persona of Mary—“the extent Mary to enter into marriage without expectations. to which its drama domesticates the breaking her previous vow. Her unique In analyzing this pageant in light of Performing Prescribed Roles: The marriage of Mary and Joseph has not capacity as a chaste wife muddled the the theological debates on the medieval Structure of the Corpus Christi been fully appreciated.”28 I view my demarcations that theologians tried to definition of marriage, it is important Dramas work together with scholars who call for place on definitions of marriage. to consider Mary’s hesitation to enter a consideration of this cycle alongside Mary is not the only one marriage. Recalling the vow she made he Corpus Christi drama socio-cultural sources to observe uncomfortable with this arrangement. as a child, Mary asserts: Trepresented a rich expression of changes in Mary’s persona. Joseph openly expresses his hesitation lay piety in response to the relatively Against the law will I never be, for taking on a wife. He cites his old age, new feast day celebrating the Eucharist Defining and Defying Marital But man’s fellowship shall never follow me; and that it looks strange for an old man (i.e. Corpus Christi).23 Each cycle Expectations in “The Marriage of I will live ever in chastity to marry a young maiden. Furthermore, contained a series of distinct pageants Mary and Joseph” By the grace of God’s will.31 Joseph vocalizes his concern about how to manage Mary, just like the that illuminated the stories of salvation Mary’s hesitancy to marry Joseph conduct literature that emphasized the history that were reshaped to suit a n the Gospel of Luke, we learn may reflect medieval concern about 24 importance of control over one’s wife: medieval audience. Of course, it is Iof Mary’s life in medias res (she a woman’s consent and general worth noting that male clerics often is betrothed to Joseph as a young understanding of the terms within Should I now in age begin to dote? wrote these texts, and their views were virgin when Gabriel appears in marriage and a trope in hagiography If I her chide she would clout my coat, not always compatible with those of the Annunciation). However, early about female saints. Blur my vision and chide about a trifle, the audience during Corpus Christi Christian apocryphal works such as In this pageant, Mary tries to And thus oftentimes it is seen.34 Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume celebrations. There are four extant the second-century Protoevangelium 1 5, Issue Volume demonstrate how her pledge of virginity Joseph is afraid to scold her, fearing that cycles, each varying in its degree of of James sketch out some of the early 100 ought to supersede any marriage vow. she will beat him. He is torn between 101 Marian-centric pageants: York, Chester, details of the Virgin Mary’s life that Mary recounts her upbringing at length, his obedience to God’s will and both Wakefield, and N-Town. I primarily ultimately shaped and defined Marian including her time in the temple, and her the personal and social repercussions examine the N-Town cycle. The “N” tradition throughout the Christian firm obedience to her vow of “cleanness he could face, as he speaks throughout stood for nomen, and signified that world.29 In an effort to incorporate 32 Past Tense Past and chastity.” She eloquently argues this pageant about his fear of public Tense Past the place of the performance could be Mary’s complete story into the narrative with Ysakar, who presides over the defamation and humiliation. The filled in. The N-Town cycle contained of salvation history, her life story became ceremony, that marriage would not N-Town compiler transformed Joseph an independent Mary play.25 This fused into some of the Corpus Christi Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

into a medieval man who would have drives away temptations of sin. Ysakar Joseph asks Mary to make sure the home. The Gospel of Matthew (1:18–25) been familiar with conduct literature and her parents reiterate that obedience maidens will behave chastely. He is stated that Joseph feared that scandal and understood the “omnipresent is instrumental to Mary’s success as a afraid they might not do so and gossip would inevitably emerge following the danger of handsome youths and wife. He also warns them that their age will ensue. As Mary and Joseph leave evidence of Mary’s pregnancy: “not their fine words.”35 Joseph ultimately discrepancy may cause speculation in the temple, they depart in mutual willing publicly to expose her, [Joseph] concedes, promising to be her “warden their community: affection, and Mary vows once again was minded to put her away privately.” 36 44 and keeper.” Still, Joseph expresses his As we read in old adage to remain perpetually chaste. There is He only changed his mind when an anxiety about his old age and haggard Many a man is slippery of tongue mixed joy and concern as they separate. angel appeared to him to assure him that appearance in comparison to Mary’s Therefore evil language for to assuage The warnings loom over the end of the this was a miraculous conception. The youth, but Ysakar assures him that That your good fame may last long.41 pageant, with the use of proper speech elaborate glosses of this scene within the Mary is “the holiest virgin that you shall as a central area of concern to both plays provide a compelling lens into the m ar r y.” 37 Subsequently, Mary repeats In addressing malicious speech, the the story and audience. This example male response to this scandal, referred her dedication to living a chaste life and bishop hints at the concerns Joseph bridges the apocryphal story with the to frequently as Joseph’s “troubles” begs Joseph to respect her vow. will have concerning Mary’s pregnancy, medieval husband’s concerns about a or “doubts” of Mary’s miraculous Beyond revealing the concerns of and possibly speaking to the medieval wife’s potentially promiscuous behavior pregnancy. The “Joseph’s Troubles” the bride and groom, the pageant also audience about the dangers of slander damaging his reputation in the public pageants offer insight into the medieval highlights the rituals of the marriage and salacious gossip, especially that of sphere. depiction of verbal conflict within what ceremony. In this social context, these women. Within “The Marriage of Mary was supposed to be the model marriage. performative utterances were carefully At this time, Mary also seeks prayers and Joseph,” the other characters’ Scholars have already examined constructed.38 In the public ceremony, from her parents. Anne, who served as concerns about Mary’s speech and these pageants to illuminate medieval as Mary and Joseph take their respective one of Mary’s first teachers, delineates behavior mirror the medieval concerns theological concerns about sacramental vows, in response, Ysakar praises the the role Mary must take as a wife. Before for regulating women’s speech and its marriage, as well as ecclesiastical court marriage as “the holiest matrimony in leaving the ceremony, Anne reminds possible ill effects. Joseph continued proceedings on marriage.46 Examining the world.”39 Ysakar, as the High Priest, Mary of the characteristics she must to express his doubts about becoming the heated debates between Mary and framed the marriage ceremony with embody as a wife: completely submissive. While the Joseph regarding her pregnancy also clear instructions to prepare them. He I pray thee, Mary, my sweet child ceremonial pageant foreshadows sheds light on representations of the delineates the necessary requirements Be lowly and obedient, meek and mild, potential conflict between Mary and differing gendered roles between the for this marriage, and what the Sad and sober and nothing wild, Joseph, the conflict would later erupt couple during a dispute. couple needed to do (and avoid) to be And God’s blessing thou have.42 in a dispute that mirrored a very real Some versions indicate that Joseph successful, in the public eye and the familial argument. had already been informed that Mary Mary must be submissive, and eyes of God. While both Mary and was with child. In other cycles, Joseph according Anne, obedience will yield Joseph express uncertainty, they receive Marital Troubles: The Doubts of discovers it when he sees Mary’s body in her God’s favor. This directive to curb guidance from respected members of Mary’s Virginity the latter stages of her pregnancy. Joseph’s any subversive speaking or behavior the community, both in domestic and complaint often includes a general harkens back to the sentiments of How religious matters. he Gospels only provide statement about the untrustworthiness

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume the Good Wife Taught Her Daughter. 1 5, Issue Volume Mary identifies herself as the scattered references to the Holy of women, which served as a warning As the ceremony concludes, Joseph T “simplest creature” in an expression of Family as a unit. Even so, late medieval to the audience of women’s misuse of 102 prepares for his imminent departure: he 103 humility. Mary assures Joseph of her art depicted the Holy Family as the speech, potentially false speech, as well will live abroad during her pregnancy. obedience and chides him for worrying model for the medieval family.45 But the as issues of promiscuity.47 The focus of Before he leaves, Joseph advises her: about any potential transgressions.40 She Corpus Christi pageants demonstrate Joseph’s outcry is centered on harmful also states that she will use her psalter Keep thee clean, my gentle spouse, that the Holy Family was believed to speech, particularly around Mary’s Past Tense Past Past Tense Past as a prayer book to increase her piety. And all thy maidens in thy house, be not without problems and perhaps alleged lies. Joseph not only expresses Similarly, she notes that daily prayer That evil rumors come not out, even faced some of the same domestic his anger and embarrassment with this helps one lead a virtuous, moral life and For his love that all has wrought.43 challenges prevalent within the medieval perplexing situation, but also repeatedly Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

tries to silence Mary. Joseph fears the supervision. often viewed their wives’ speech as but at the physical evidence. In N-Town, label of a cuckold and addresses his old In the York version, Joseph exclaims contested and subversive. It is only Joseph’s doubts can be classified as the age as cause for mockery.48 This episode that his grief is so great that it has almost after Gabriel visits Joseph in a dream most “misogynistically garrulous” of all represents a dynamic conflict that killed him. This play shows Mary in that he recognizes that he is the one at the cycles.58 Joseph takes a moment to challenges the idea that the medieval a disputatio role, as Joseph, fearing fault. Mary’s words were not enough to speak to all the old men in the audience wife acts in complete obedience to the cuckoldry, questions Mary about the persuade him to change his mind. As and advises them never to marry a husband. paternity of her unborn child. Here, part of his apology, Joseph says he would young woman. Joseph accuses Mary The York version of “Joseph’s Mary’s voice functions as a chief source bow to her in humiliation if he was not of sinning, “blaming” an angel for this Troubles about Mary” addresses several of conflict. This new representation of so old, and then asks for forgiveness. deed. The angel must appear to calm concerns regarding the regulation of Mary is more vocal and powerful—a Mary acquiesces, “Forgiveness, sir? Let Joseph and assure him that Mary upheld women in the private sphere. Joseph wife engaged in intense dialogue with be, for shame—Such words should all her solemn vow. initiates the pageant with a 75-line her husband. Joseph is quick to suppress good women lack,” commenting on The repetition of Joseph and lament full of “great mourning” over Mary’s speech; her repeated defenses of an aspect of marriage that would have Mary’s debate is reminiscent of any his inexplicably pregnant wife.49 Among her innocence (“Sir, it is yours, and God’s resonated with the audience by referring couple’s argument—they repeat other issues, Joseph “bitterly bemoans” own will”) are punctuated by Joseph’s to the fluctuating dynamic between themselves (Joseph asks about the and curses the contract that they made long accusations.52 In this instance, husband and wife.57 paternity nine times). Joseph’s stunned in the temple; he worries about the Mary stands her ground. She insists I contend that the eventual resolution reaction becomes normalized when public disgrace that will befall him as a that she is a virgin and uses her voice and reconciliation between the couple one considers that Mary’s pregnant cuckolded husband. In the York version, to assert her innocence to Joseph. There after the debate offers a formula for body violates many norms because the maidens who have been living is a shift in power: Joseph expresses resolution of marital conflict. There is of her professed vow of virginity. Her with Mary and caring for her are also his weakness and helplessness in this the admittance of wrongdoing, a sincere insistence of innocence only angers present. They function as her advocates, situation, while Mary uses controlled apology, and eventually the husband Joseph even more. There is a clear assuring Joseph that she has been sitting speech. She assures him that she has shows his wife deference after the juxtaposition between Mary’s body in prayer while he has been away. Here, only been sitting and reading since his argument. Ultimately, the York version and her claim to virginal status. The Mary is presented as a model for single departure. He lambasts her, but Mary of Joseph’s troubles reveals more about audience would have felt this tension, women, who were often viewed in the remains steadfast in maintaining her Joseph’s concern about public gossip viewing a visibly pregnant who pledged Middle Ages as the most potentially innocence, and her maidens support and the possible slander that would to be a virgin.59 In the N-Town version, subversive, as they lived neither under this. Joseph calls her pregnancy a “foul arise. Mary quietly maintains that she Joseph also says his name is “shent” and the control of a father nor a husband.50 trick,” demonstrating his fear of being is in the right, instead of providing an that he will now be a cuckold for such Joseph does not believe the maidens labeled a cuckold.53 extensive vocal defense. Although her a scandal. Mary assures him that this is when they assure him that the angel It is possible that Joseph also brevity is frustrating to Joseph, she is all part of the will of God: “Surely, sir, Gabriel was the only male visitor, and views Mary’s short answers to be quick to forgive his accusations. be not dismayed, Right after the will exhorts them to tell him the truth about “exasperating,” thus causing further The N-Town cycle also features this of God’s ordinance.”60 Joseph refers to Mary’s pregnancy: fury.54 Yet, Mary explains that Joseph marital dispute, but divides it into two Mary’s pregnant glow as “evil,” along 61 Therefore, you need no words so wild is the one who has been tricked. When parts. The first, “Joseph’s Doubt,” is a with her growing belly. Like the York Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 1 5, Issue Volume To carp at me deceivingly! repeatedly attempting to assure Joseph similar iteration to York: Joseph returns cycle, Joseph goes so far as to call her 104 Why, why lie to me so that her pregnancy was not out of home after “sore labor” to provide for “a young wench.” Multiple times Mary 105 And feign such fantasy? wedlock, he tells her that she “speaks the household. When he sees Mary tries to assuage him, ordering him to 55 62 Alas, I am full woe! against nature.” As he grows frustrated pregnant, he does not know that the “amend his moan.” Yet, Joseph lashes For sorrow, why might I not die? 51 with Mary’s insistence of her innocence, Incarnation has occurred and grows out repeatedly; Mary’s words do not he utters, “Ah Mary, draw thy hand”—a visibly upset as he demands to know provide any comfort. Past Tense Past Past Tense Past Joseph’s fear of rumor points to the plea for her to stop talking.56 Joseph the paternity of the child. He is not Recognizing the limitation of her medieval concern of women gathering invalidates her testimony, pointing to the just alarmed at the prospect of Mary’s voice in this argument, Mary asks for in any forum to talk without male broader issue that medieval husbands infidelity and broken vow of virginity, God’s help to comfort Joseph, knowing Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

that her words fail to mitigate his the speech of wives. Moreover, this role from two detractors called Back Biter to question Mary’s virginity, they are concerns. She calls Joseph “diseased” reversal frames Mary as the one whose and Raise Slander.69 These are male unified against the detractors of the for lack of knowledge and his inability speech is both measured and effective, slanderers, demonstrating that it was law, who are so vulgar that they refer to to understand the nature of Jesus’ whereas Joseph is uncontrollable and not only women who fell into the her as a “bold bitch.”77 Such slanderous conception: often ineffective. Nonetheless, this temptations of gossip and engaged in language underscores the severity of the 78 For lack of knowledge he is diseased, dispute is resolved within the domestic public defamation of character. In their accusations levied against Mary. And therefore, help, that he were eased.63 sphere. But, perhaps signaling the power lengthy accusations, the accusers stated, Reputation was often more of rumor and slander, this problem “He ceased not till he had her laid!” and important than one’s actions, specifically Mary ultimately convinces God to does not stay private, as indicated in the “Even worse she has him paid!”70 Bishop for women, whose status was shaped by send the angel Gabriel to Joseph. Once subsequent pageant “The Trial of Mary Abizachar intervenes at this point, public knowledge of sexual behavior.79 Gabriel enlightens Joseph about her and Joseph.” saying that they should be “cursed” for Rumors and gossip were often tied pregnancy, Joseph begs for forgiveness. their defamation and to speak of such a to medieval couples that professed a He also wishes to kiss her feet as part of Speech on Trial: Speech on Defense in pure woman with “such villainy.”71 But vow of marital chastity, as neighbors the apology, but Mary suggests that he “The Trial of Mary and Joseph” even with the intervention of a clerical spied on and harassed them.80 The 64 kiss her on the mouth instead. This is authority, the jest continues. The disorderly behavior and rough language an important moment concerning the his second segment of the detractors turn this into a farce, poking from the slanderers reflects the issue of authority and the shifting power TMary Play in N-Town regarding fun at Mary and Joseph individually, as medieval communities that wrongfully dynamic between them. He promises Mary’s pregnancy is different, because others join in. The summoner refers to persecuted deviant women. Despite “to serve thee at foot and hand” and asks unlike “Joseph’s Return”—in which the Joseph as an “old shrew.”72 They imagine the calmness in Mary’s voice, it is only for her to describe the holy conception: audience has a window into a private Mary taking on younger lovers, tricking a final verdict from the bishop that will And therefore, tell me with halting none, conversation within their home—“The Joseph and acting in lewd and adulterous calm the crowd, perhaps an allusion to The holy matter of your conception.65 Trial of Mary and Joseph” is staged in ways. The crude language ridicules both the importance of episcopal authority. a public setting. Given the N-Town Mary and Joseph, as they are called a Mary chooses to be silent and He recognizes that it was his words that scribe-compiler’s employment of “wench” (three times) and “cuckold,” obedient during segments of their trial. were foolish: the pageant concludes compilatio, the blending of theological respectively.73 The detractors also mock Just like in her initial silence at the with reconciliation. Joseph admits issues and socio-political commentary, the story of the Annunciation, sneering Annunciation, she still demonstrates his wrongdoing and ultimately dotes the author can connect and augment and saying that not the Holy Spirit, but a agency in her selective speech. Mary also upon Mary. He is grateful to have her the religious concerns about marriage snowflake, crept into Mary’s mouth and maintains a sense of dignity through as a wife, and this reconciliation shows with the very real social worries about impregnated her.74 Even the concept her calm presence. She is neither shrill that marriage, despite the conflicts, is a gendered spousal roles.67 This story of marital chastity provoked unease nor spontaneous in her defense. Cindy loving practice. has its origins in the Pseudo-Matthew and suspicion in the medieval world: Carlson sees Mary’s humility during Joseph’s outbursts reflect the Gospel, when rumors of Mary’s couples often hid their vows to avoid this trial as an enabling force allowing concerns about women’s speech in pregnancy led to a public hearing before public slander and derision.75 her to triumph over those who abuse the late Middle Ages—his words are the High Priest Abizachar.68 The purpose We should also look at the “Trial their power, in this case, their vocal unfounded, slanderous accusations. of this trial was to test whether Joseph of Mary and Joseph” to see how the power.81 The foul detractors regard her

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume He requires an authority figure to 1 5, Issue Volume broke his vow and if Mary committed couple operates as a marital unit—they voice as illegitimate testimony. They chastise him. Joseph is feminized for adultery. This pageant has not received defended their innocence together. insist that the only sound evidence will 106 his reaction—the angel refers to his 107 extensive scrutiny. As such, it offers an Joseph, now understanding his wife’s come from trial by ordeal via the use of weeping as “shrill,” a distinctly feminine opportunity to consider the reception pregnancy, defends her honor, asserting a truth serum. Although the quest to quality.66 Joseph is wrong not to listen to of Mary’s voice in a public legal forum, that “She is, for me, a true clean maid.”76 establish the truth includes Mary and her voice; peace is obtained only when showing how the couple operated as a Even though Joseph is also brought to Joseph’s statements, it is ultimately the Past Tense Past the angel speaks. This gendered reversal Tense Past marital unit. trial, his testimony is not treated with the drinking of a truth potion, called here of roles runs counter to the medieval Joseph and Mary are united, same ridicule and spectacle that Mary “a bottle of vengeance” that validates conduct literature that sought to regulate joinltly facing slanderous accusations faced. Instead of Joseph continuing Mary’s insistence on her innocence.82 Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

As she prepares to take the potion, Mary Mary’s voice functions as a stabilizing The “Trial of Mary and Joseph” maintains her innocence yet again: force: she restores the disorder of the reflects both the value of the power of Reputation was often I trespassed never with earthly wight public scandal back to equilibrium. Mary’s voice and raises the question of Thereof I hope through God’s bond The restoration of Mary and Joseph’s its legitimacy. While she insists on the more important Here to be purged before your sight reputations demonstrates the power of truth, the physical evidence suggests From all sin clean, just as my husband. the spoken word in medieval society. It otherwise. Mary’s testimony is not than one’s actions... Give me the bottle out of your hand. enables them to restore their names and accepted as truthful evidence. The reputation in a public forum. Mary also public reaction to her speech points Here shall I drink before your face. for women, whose About this altar I shall pace round refers to the slanderers’ lies as a sickness to the weakness of women’s words and 83 (just like she earlier referred to Joseph’s oaths in a medieval court of law, as Seven times to go by God’s grace. status was shaped accusation as diseased), suggesting that it was only after the truth serum was She then ingests the potion and walks like a contagious illness, it has spread administered that Mary’s word was around the altar. The belief was that if and corrupted the community. Another viewed as credible.88 The trial shows the by public knowledge the person who drank the potion were sign of Mary’s dominance over the severity of slander and the community’s lying, the defendant’s face would change accusers is their silence—they fall silent concern with regulating improper of sexual behavior color. Mary prays for God to provide a because of Mary’s truthful words.85 This speech. Despite her exemplary status, sign to demonstrate to the detractors is a compelling gender reversal: Mary’s Mary’s voice was met with the same concern from Mary’s pregnancy earlier that the conception of Christ was pure: statement results in male silence. Cursed scrutiny that medieval women faced in in the cycle. This episode represents an inversion of gender roles: Mary’s God, as I never knew man’s ministration, language and rumor are connected here court proceedings. assertiveness dominates over Joseph’s But ever have lived in true virginity, as two grievous sins, and it is Mary’s ineffective and submissive behavior.90 Send me this day thy holy consolation voice that has the power to forgive such The Persistence of Marital Conflict Joseph quashes Mary’s voice as it That all these fair people my cleanness may see. wicked speech: After the Birth of Christ grows in alarm and concern over their O gracious God as thou didst choose me Now God forgive you all your trespass lost child. Joseph does not reassure her, To be thy mother, of me to be born, And also forgive you all defamation he birth of Jesus and his auspicious childhood did not but tries to silence her. He views Mary’s Save thy tabernacle that is kept clean for thee That you have said both more and less T 84 voice as over-reacting, and tries to limit That now is put to reproof and scorn. To my hindrance and accusation.86 signify an end to conflict between Mary and Joseph.89 Parenting Jesus through her participation. Realizing that their Mary reaffirms her vow of chastity Mary’s departing words remind both adolescence would engender strife once son is missing, Mary seeks Joseph’s and maintains her purity. Moreover, the accusers and the medieval audience more between Mary and Joseph. “Christ advice and encourages them to search her prayer to God shows that she was of her ability to forgive transgression, and the Doctors” depicts Mary and together. She even tries to encourage selected to bear the Son of God—she and that defamation was one of the Joseph yet again in marital strife when it Joseph to take the dominant role as did not actively seek this out. most egregious. The bishop instructs re-imagines Mary and Joseph searching head of the household, The court only views Mary’s the detractors and other characters to in Jerusalem to find their lost son, only Go forth, Joseph, upon your way testimony as legitimate after the truth “lowly incline” (bow) in deference to to discover him in the Temple with the and fetch our son—and let us go.91 serum validates her initial statement. her, as part of their apology for such a Doctors. This expansion upon Luke 87 She simply implores him to take an Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume At the sight of Mary’s unchanging 1 5, Issue Volume grievous accusation. The accusers are 2:41–52 is a key example of Mary using color, the detractors have a change of active role, and does so without any properly rebuked for their slander and her voice to demonstrate agency, at times 108 heart, verbalizing their apologies and hint of humiliating him. Due to Joseph’s 109 the couple returns home in anticipation exhibiting a more masculine, dominant lamenting their slanderous words. One reluctance, Mary must take control of of the birth of Christ. She is not personality in comparison to Joseph’s. of the detractors falls down, clutching his the search operation. She does so while relegated to being a topic of discussion The dialogue that emerges between skull in pain, which is a punishment for speaking of his “blabbering.” Joseph among others, but brought into the them depicts a struggle for authority as Past Tense Past his slander. This sends a clear message continues to reveal insecurities about Tense Past foreground as an active subject in the they search for their lost 12-year old. about defamation of character and its his status as a cuckold. Despite her debate surrounding her virginity and Particularly in the York cycle, Joseph connection to general transgressions. pleas, Mary is unable to convince Joseph pregnancy. fears the label of a cuckold, a recurring Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

to take an active role in looking for Jesus in the temple amidst the doctors. Jesus. Joseph protests and is ashamed to There are limited opportunities for Mary’s vocal performance converse with the Doctors: mobility within the patriarchal family, With men of might I cannot speak, yet Mary’s character offers an example of that sit so gay in fine furs.92 women gaining power in the domestic normalized the problems sphere. Mary did not intentionally seek Joseph is embarrassed by his age and to subvert her husband’s authority or appearance, for it only slows down his destabilize the familial power structure. of a marriage ability to search. Not only is he self- She did so only because Joseph failed assert whether Mary as a vocal woman She sometimes submitted to the will of conscious of his age, he also fears he will to take the initiative in searching for helps liberate women from restrictive the male patriarchy, and other times not be eloquent when speaking to them. their son. Medieval women could learn gender constructions, or whether overcame it. Similarly, medieval wives Joseph asks Mary, “What shall I say?” from this episode by explaining how her voice reinforces the constrictive were not solely confined to a secondary hoping that Mary can instruct him how their increased role in the domestic to speak in front of such esteemed and system implemented in a patriarchal role and faced varying expectations in sphere benefitted the family, in this 97 99 93 society. Medieval authors of social and the private and public sphere. Still, wealthy men. Instead of the husband case, finding a lost child. It is another dramatic texts manipulated the subject they held a restricted role in their advising the wife on proper speech, akin illustration of Mary using her voice of marriage to emphasize gendered community, living according to societal to medieval conduct literature, Joseph to demonstrate agency, and at times expectations of spouses. To some expectations and regulations. requires guidance from Mary. exhibiting a more dominant personality extent, this manufactured voice of Mary Part of the reason we can see the Joseph puts Mary in charge; she than Joseph. The dialogue that emerges follows the prescribed advice of the dramas as having created a template proceeds first and speaks on their between Mary and Joseph depicts a conduct literature. In other cases, her for marriage is that they were public behalf. She subverts his authority, struggle for authority. This episode speech supplies an alternative way to texts, performed widely while literally which contradicts the advice of conduct highlights another instance where Mary challenge male authority. The analysis of animating the conversations between manuals that prohibited wives from and Joseph are in heated debate; Mary a constructed voice of Mary, as depicted Mary and Joseph. These cultural opposing their husbands. Joseph’s fear subverts his authority and inverts the in a set of religious dramas may seem scripts illuminated domestic issues of appearing foolish, old, weak, even gendered roles. more like an exercise in attempting to and literally scripted marital dialogue. feminized, resonates throughout the Throughout the cycles, Mary’s recover the voices of dramatic personae Mary’s vocal performance normalized pageant. Neither Joseph nor Mary is speech is a source of aggravation to than offering insight into reality of the problems of a marriage, even via firmly planted in a gendered role. Mary Joseph and a threat to his position as medieval wives.98 There is not a concrete a voice and persona widely viewed as is able to subvert and occupy a leading the head of the household. Joseph does way to measure the impact of these obedient and taciturn. Mary’s speech role, but as a dominant woman, she not consistently have effective control sources on women’s actual speech, offers subtle methods of subversion and feminizes Joseph and causes him to over Mary. This realistic depiction 94 particularly through the voice of Mary. her voice serves to stabilize and provide fear public shame and ridicule. Joseph of their marriage ran counter to However, working through layers of resolution after episodes of conflict. is more comfortable in a secondary, Marina Warner’s claim that “in that mediated voices, while vexing, shows In these medieval dramatic episodes, auxiliary role than the position of the very celebration of the perfect human the widespread attempt to manipulate Mary’s voice functions as a pivot of social central, dominant parent. Scholars woman, both humanity and women

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume and regulate a woman’s voice in a diverse and religious practices and provides a 1 5, Issue Volume have yet to consider these subversive were subtly denigrated.”95 But, perhaps body of sources. window into medieval domestic roles. and gender-bending aspects of the the performed conflicts in the cycles 110 Marriage was a medieval institution Ultimately, the resonance of Mary’s 111 English pageants. They have failed to created a connection to the audience, that blended social and theological voice should not be ignored as we appreciate the unique ways that Mary by not portraying the marriage of Mary expectations. There was not a singular attempt to understand communication was positioned to function as a wife and Joseph as perfect, and without definition of this institution, nor did in medieval society. The sources are a who sometimes acted outside the strife.96 Past Tense Past bounds of what was deemed acceptable Mary not fulfill one singular role. As prism representing not only medieval Tense Past evidenced in the dramas, Mary’s voice reality, but a glimpse into constructed subservient behavior. t any given time in the history could be either dominant or submissive. societal expectations of a wife. After lengthy searching, they find Aof Christianity, it is difficult to Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

Endnotes marriage, see Dyan Elliott, The Bride of Christ Goes to Hell, Chapters 4 and 5. 8 Marriage was first officially declared a sacrament in 1184 at the Council of Verona as 1 I would like to thank my three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments, as well part of the condemnation of the Cathars. Ruth Mazo Karras, “The Christianization of as my dissertation advisor, Katherine Jansen, for her supervision of this project. Support for Medieval Marriage,” in Christianity and Culture in the Middle Ages: Essays to Honor John this project came from the Cosmos Scholars Grant Program, the Professor Henri Hyvernat Van Engen, eds. David C. Mengel, and Lisa Wolverton (Notre Dame, IN: University of Doctoral Scholarship at The Catholic University of America, and the National Organization Notre Dame Press, 2014), 3–24. Penny S. Gold, “The Marriage of Mary and Joseph in the for Italian-American Women Scholarship. This article is excerpted from my soon-to-be- Twelfth-century Ideology of Marriage,” in Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church, eds. defended dissertation, “The Voice of Mary: Later Medieval Representations of Marian Vern L. Bullough and James Brundage (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1982), 102–117; Irven Communication,” written at The Catholic University of America. M. Resnick, “Marriage in Medieval Culture: Consent Theory and the Case of Joseph and 2 Joan W. Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” The American Historical Mar y,” Church History 69.2 (Jun., 2000): 350–371. Review, 91.5 (Dec., 1986): 1053–75; Joan W. Scott, “Millennial Fantasies: The Future 9 Thomas Chobham, Summa Confessorum, 375. See also Carla Casagrande, “The Protected of “Gender” in the 21st Century,” in Gender: Die Tücken einer Kategorie. Joan W. Scott, Woman,” trans. Clarissa Botsford, in A History of Women in the West II: Silences of the Geschichte und Politik—Beiträge zum Symposion anlässlich der Verleihung des Hans-Sigrist- Middle Ages, ed. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard Preises 1999 der Universität Bern an Joan W. Scott, ed. Claudia Honegger and Caroline Arni University Press, 1992), 70–104. (Zurich: Chronos Verlag, 2001), 39–64. 10 One example of a clerical source that offered such guidelines was Robert of Brunne’s 3 Sandy Bardsley, “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval England,” in Fama: The “Handlying Synne,” ed. Frederick J. Furnivall, part 1, EETS, o.s. 119 (London: Oxford Politics of Talk and Reputation in Medieval Europe, eds. Thelma Fenster and Daniel Lord University Press, 1901), 58. Derek Neal views medieval speech and gender as mutually Smail (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 145–164; Sandy Bardsley, Venomous essential to understanding each other, and that the gendering of speech was a pervasive Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia: University of element of late medieval England. Derek Neal, “Husbands and Priests: Masculinity, Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Sara M. Butler, The Language of Abuse: Marital Violence in Later Sexuality, and Defamation in Late Medieval England,” in The Hands of the Tongue, ed. Medieval England (Boston: Brill Press, 2007). In examining the relationship between speech Edwin D. Craun (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2007), 185–208. Edwin and gender in the Middle Ages Bardsley argues “views of female speech mattered because Craun addresses clerical efforts to manage speech. See Edwin D. Craun, Lies, Slander those whose speech was disparaged lost social and cultural power as a result.” Bardsley, and Obscenity in Medieval English Literature: Pastoral Rhetoric and the Deviant Speaker Venomous Tongues, 2. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Richard Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in 4 Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” 1069. Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974); L.R. Poos, “The Heavy- 5 For the more information on social components of marriage and the civic regulations Handed Marriage Counsellor: Regulating Marriage in Some Later-Medieval English Local regarding the practice, see David d’Avray, Medieval Marriage: Symbolism and Society Ecclesiastical-Court Jurisdiction,” American Journal of Legal History 39 (1995): 291–309. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Charles Donahue, Jr. Law, Marriage and Society 11 G.G. Coulton, The Medieval Scene: An Informal Introduction to the Middle Ages in the later Middle Ages: Arguments about Marriage in Five Courts (Cambridge: Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), 35–36. University Press, 2007); Frederick Pederson, Marriage Disputes in Medieval England 12 Butler, The Language of Abuse, 259. (London: A&C Black, 2000); Shannon McSheffrey, Marriage, Sex, and Civic Culture in Late 13 The fourteenth-century Book of the Knight of the Tower also provided similar advice, Medieval London (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011). and expressed concerns for women’s behavior in the home and expressions of vanity. The 6 Margaret Hallissey, Clean Maids, True Wives, Steadfast Widows: Chaucer’s Women and author, Geoffroy de la Tour Landry IV (1320–1391), was a widow and authored the manual Medieval Codes of Conduct (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1993). for his daughters. This moral treatise was in part to provide the advice that would have 7 For extensive analysis of the various medieval theological debates on the sacrament of come from his late wife, as well as to register his own concerns about his daughters’ welfare Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume marriage, see Seamus P. Heaney, The Development of the Sacramentality of Marriage from and appearance in French society when receiving suitors. See Rebecca Barnhouse, The 1 5, Issue Volume 112 Anselm of Laon to Thomas Aquinas (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, Book of the Knight of the Tower: Manners for Young Medieval Women (New York: Palgrave 113 1963). For an indispensable reference regarding canon law and Christian society, see James Macmillan, 2006). A. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of 14 Some of the most popular examples of French conduct literature, including The Good Chicago Press, 1988). For a series of case studies on how courts applied the medieval canon Wife of Paris, made their way to England in the late fifteenth century, when the prolific law of marriage, see Charles Donahue Jr., Law, Marriage, and Society in the later Middle printer William Caxton made these texts more accessible to a larger audience. Therefore, Past Tense Past Past Tense Past Ages: Arguments about Marriage in Five Courts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, we can also anticipate more overlap from those who read conduct literature and saw the 2007). For a discussion on twelfth-century legal and religious changes in the definition of Corpus Christi cycles: Gina L. Greco and Christine M. Rose, Good Wife’s Guide (Le Ménagier de Paris): A Medieval Household Book (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), 45. Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

15 Ibid., 142. 30 Sherry Reames, “Legends of St. Anne, Mother of the Virgin Mary: Introduction,” in 16 The Good Wife’s Guide, 142. Middle English Legends of Women Saints (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 17 The Good Wife’s Guide, 104. 2003), 249. 18 Felicity Riddy, “Mother Knows Best: Reading Social Change in a Courtesy Text,” Speculum 31 “Agens the lawe wyl I nevyr be, 71 (1996): 66–86. But mannys felachep shal nevyr folwe me! 19 The Good Wife’s Guide, 77. On medieval punishments for different speech violations I wyl levyn evyr in chastyté see Bettina Lindorfer, “Peccatum Linguae and the Punishment of Speech Violations in Be the grace of Goddys wylle!” the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times,” in Speaking in the Medieval World, ed. Jean E. N-Town, “The Marriage of Mary and Joseph,” lines 36–39. N-Town translation comes from Godsall-Myers (Boston: Brill, 2003), 23–42. Alexandra F. Johnston, “N-Town: A Modernization,” accessed May 30, 2016, http://homes. 20 How the Good Wife Taught Her Daughter, in The Babees Book: Medieval Manners for the chass.utoronto.ca/~ajohnsto/frntmt.html. Young Now First Done into Modern English from the Texts of Dr. F. J. Furnivall, ed. Edith 32 “Clennesse and chastyté myn hert owth.” Ibid., line 70. Rickert (London: Chatto and Windus, 1923), 31–42; Christine M. Rose, “What Every 33 “Her wytt is grett, and that is sene Goodwoman Wants: The Parameters of Desire in Le Menagier de Paris/The Goodman of In clennes to levyn in Godys servise. Paris,” Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: an International Review of English Studies 38 (2002): No man her blame non her tene.” 393–410. Ibid., lines 82–84. 21 Bardsley, “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval England,” 146. 34 “Shuld I now in age begynne to dote? 22 Kathleen Ashley, “Medieval Courtesy Literature and Dramatic Mirrors of Conduct,” If I her chyde, she wolde clowte my cote, in The Ideology of Culture, eds. Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse (New York: Blere myn ey and pyke out a mote. Methuen, 1987), 25. And thus oftyntymes, it is sene.” 23 In 1264, Pope Urban IV sanctioned Corpus Christi as a post-Pentecost feast in the papal Ibid., lines 281–284. bull Transiturus de hoc mundo. The papal bull was reaffirmed at the Council of Vienne in 35 Ashley, “Medieval Courtesy Literature,” 27. 1311 by Pope Clement V. For more on the development of this feast day and its cultural 36 “Her wardeyn and kepere wyl I evyr be.” N-Town, “The Marriage of Mary and Joseph,” implications, see Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture line 290. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 37 “This holyest virgyn shalt thu maryn now.” N-Town, “The Marriage of Mary and Joseph,” 24 Clerics assisted the scribe-compilers, but they did not explicitly author the texts. Andrea line 298. Buboc, “Lay Performances of Work and Salvation in the York Cycle,” Comparative Drama 38 Emma Lipton, Affections of the Mind: The Politics of Sacramental Marriage in Late 43.2 (Summer 2009): 247–271. Kate Normington addresses the “exclusive male hierarchy” Medieval English Literature, (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 116. who authorized and produced the plays, as well as the impact of understanding medieval 39 “Here is the holyest matremony that evyr was in this werd!” N-Town, “The Marriage of women in light of this in “Giving Voice to Women: Teaching Feminist Approaches to the Mary and Joseph,” line 331. Mystery Plays,” College Literature 28.2 (Spring, 2001): 130–154. For more on the production 40 “Lete me levyn as a clene mayd. and staging of the plays, see Meg Twycross, “The theatricality of medieval English plays,” in I shal be trewe, be not dysmayd, The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Theatre, Second Edition,eds. Richard Beadle Both terme, tyme, and tyde.” and Alan J. Fletcher (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 26–74. Ibid., lines 328–330. 25 This moveable cycle was most likely rooted in East Anglia, near the popular shrine of Our 41 “And as we redyn in old sage Lady of Walsingham. Peter Meredith, “Introduction,” in The Mary Play: from the N. Town Many man is sclepyr of tonge. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Manuscript, ed. Peter Meredith (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1997); The N-Town Therfore evyl langage for to swage, 1 5, Issue Volume 114 Plays, ed. Douglas Sugano (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2007). That youre good fame may lest longe.” 115 26 Penny Granger, The N-Town Play: Drama and Liturgy in Medieval East Anglia (Cambridge: Ibid., lines 346–349. D.S. Brewer, 2009), 30. 42 “I pray thee, Mary, my swete chylde: 27 Hallissey, Clean Maids, 3. Be lowe and buxhum, meke and mylde, 28 Solberg, “Madonna, Whore,” 203. Sad and sobyr and nothyng wylde, Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 29 The Protoevangelium of James sections 4, 7, 8–9, 15, in The Apocryphal New Testament: And Goddys blyssyng thu have.” A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, ed. and trans. J.K. Ibid., lines 392–395. Elliott (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 58–63. 43 “Kepe thee clene, my jentyl spowse Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

And all thin maydenys in thin howse, of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), 73. That evyl langage I here not rowse, 59 William Fitzhenry, “The N-Town Plays and the Politics of Metatheater,” Studies in For hese love that all hath wrought.” Philology 100.1 (2003): 33. Ibid., lines 470–474. 60 “Sekyr, sere, beth nowth dysmayde, 44 “Gracyous God, my maydenhed save, Ryth aftyr the wyl of Goddys sonde.” Evyr clene in chastyté.” N-Town, “Joseph’s Doubt,” lines 23–24. Ibid., lines 485–486. 61 “That semyth evyl, I am afrayd.” N-Town, “Joseph’s Doubt,” line 25. 45 Cynthia Hahn, “‘Joseph Will Perfect, Mary Enlighten And Jesus Save Thee’: The Holy 62 Ibid., line 41. Family as Marriage Model in the Médrode Triptych,” The Art Bulletin 68.1 (Mar., 1986): 54– 63 Ibid., line 130–131. 66; Barbara Newman, “Intimate Pieties: Holy Trinity and Holy Family in the Late Middle 64 Joseph says to Mary, “Youre swete fete, now lete me kys!” Mary responsds: Ages,” Religion & Literature, 31.1 (Spring, 1999): 77–101. “Nay, lett be my fete, not tho ye take! 46 Lipton, Affections of the Mind, 118–128. My mowthe, ye may kys, iwys, 47 Rosemary Woolf, The English Mystery Plays(Berkeley and Los Angeles: The University of And welcom onto me!” California Press, 1972), 171. Ibid., lines 186–188. It is possible that this gesture represents the kiss of peace, the 48 This is a trope in the French fabliaux tradition. Joseph L. Baird and Lorrayne Y. Baird, performative gesture that had become ritualized and widely utilized in both religious and “Fabliau Form and the Hegge ‘Joseph’s Return,’” The Chaucer Review 8.2 (1973): 159–169; legal customs during the high and late Middle Ages. Kiril Petkov, The kiss of peace: Ritual, John DuVal and Raymond Eichmann, Cuckolds, Clerics, & Countrymen: Medieval French self, and society in the high and late medieval west (Boston: Brill, 2003); Katherine L. Jansen, Fabliaux (Fayetteville, AK: University of Arkansas Press, 1982); Katherine Adams Brown, “Pro bono pacis. Crime and Dispute Resolution in Late Medieval Florence: the Evidence of Boccaccio’s Fabliaux: Medieval Short Stories and the Function of Reversal (Gainesville, FL: Notarial Peace Contracts,” Speculum 88.2 (April 2013): 427–456. University Press of Florida, 2014). 65 “Wherfore I pray yow, amende youre mon 49 “Of grete mornyng may I me mene.” York, “Joseph’s Troubles about Mary,” line 1. All … translations of the York Cycle are my own. For unknowlage, he is desesyd. 50 Sandy Bardsley, Women’s Roles in the Middle Ages (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, That he myght knowe thee ful perfyght.” 2007), 100–102. N-Town, “Joseph’s Return,” lines 208, 211–212. 51 “Forthy nedes noght swilke wordis wilde 66 In Middle English, the angel chastises Joseph, “Joseph, Joseph, thu wepyst shyrle!” At carpe to me dissayvandly. N-Town, “Joseph’s Return,” line 147. Bardsley’s “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval We, why gab ye me swa England,” points to both ecclesiastical and secular texts in the thirteenth and fourteenth And feynes swilk fantassy? centuries that reflect increasing concern about the power of speech, drawing attention to Allas, me is full wa, gendered terms like “shrill” and “scold.” For dule why ne myght I dy?” 67 Fitzhenry, “Politics of Metatheater,” 27. York, “Joseph’s Troubles about Mary,” lines 140–144. 68 Cindy K. Carlson, “Like a Virgin: Mary and Her Doubters in the N-Town Cycle,” in 52 “Sir, it is youres and Goddis will..” Ibid., line 168. Constructions of Widowhood and Virginity in the Middle Ages, eds. Cindy L. Carlson and 53 “With somkyn gawde has hir beguiled.” Ibid., line 137. Angela Jane Weisl (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 199–217; Alison M. Hunt, “Maculating 54 Tom Flanigan, “Everyman or Saint? Doubting Joseph in the Corpus Christi Cycles,” Mary: The Detractors of the N-Town Cycle’s ‘Trial of Joseph and Mary.’” Philological Medieval and Renaissance Drama in England, Vol.8 (Madison, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson Quarterly 73.1 (1994): 11–29. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume University Press, 1996), 33. 69 The term “backbiter” materialized in the thirteenth century to describe those who 1 5, Issue Volume 116 55 “Nay, thou spekis now agayne kynde.” York, “Joseph’s Troubles about Mary,” line 209. circulated false or cruel rumors. Bardsley, “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval 117 56 “Yha, Marie, drawe thyn hande.” Ibid., line 223. England,” 149. 57 “Forgiffnesse, sir, late be for shame; 70 “He sesyd nat tyll he had her asayd! Slike wordis suld all gud women lakke.” A, nay, nay, wel wers she hath hym payd!” Ibid., lines 296–297. N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” lines 52–53. Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 58 Theresa Coletti, “Purity and Danger: The Paradox of Mary’s Body and the En-gendering 71 “Ye be acursyd, so hir for to defame! of the Infancy Narrative in the English Mystery Cycles,” in Feminist Approaches to the Body … in Medieval Literature, eds. Linda Lomperis and Sarah Stanbury (Philadelphia: University Of hir to speke suche velany/” Managing Marital Expectations Vanessa R. Corcoran

Ibid., lines 75, 77. From all synne clene, lyke as myn husbonde. 72 “Ya, that old shrewe Joseph.” Take me the botel out of youre honde. Ibid., line 225. Here shal I drynke beforn youre face 73 Mary is referred to as a “wench” in lines 99, 103, 127. Joseph is called a “cokolde” in line Abowth this awtere than shal I fonde, 98 and then a “kokewolde” in line 105 (alternative spellings). N-Town, “The Trial of Mary Sefne tymes to go, by Godys grace!” and Joseph.” N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” lines 257–264. 74 “In feyth, I suppose that this woman slepte 84 “God, as I nevyr knew of mannys maculacyon Withowtyn all coverte whyll that it ded snowe But evyr have lyved in trew virginité, And a flake therof into hyr mowthe crepte, Send me this day thin holy consolacyon And therof the chylde in hyr wombe doth growe!” That all this fayr peple my clennes may se! N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” lines 273–276. The French fabliaux, L’Enfant qui O gracyous God, as thu hast chose me fu remis au soleil, tells a familiar story of a woman who became impregnated by a snowflake, For to be thi modyr of me to be born, and was also retold in Middle English. See Nicole Nolan Sidhu, Indecent Exposure: Gender, Save thi tabernacle that clene is kepte for thee, Politics, and Obscene Comedy in Middle English Literature (Philadelphia: University of Which now am put at repref and skorn.” Pennsylvania Press, 2016). Ibid., lines 301–308. 75 Dyan Elliott, Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (Princeton: 85 Carlson, “Like a Virgin,” 213. Princeton University Press, 1993, 272. 86 “Now God forgeve yow all yowre trespace 76 “Sche is, for me, a trewe clene mayde.” N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” line 226. And also forgeve yow all defamacyon 77 “Se, this bolde bysmare wolde presume.” N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” line That ye have sayd, both more and lesse, 265. To myn hynderawnce and maculacyon.” 78 Greg Walker, “The Cultural Work of Early Drama,” inThe Cambridge Companion to N-Town, “The Trial of Mary and Joseph,” lines 341–344. Medieval English Theatre, Second Edition, eds. Richard Beadle and Alan J. Fletcher 87 “We all to yow lowly incline.” Ibid., line 355. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 81. 88 Carlson, “Mary’s obedience and power in the Trial of Mary and Joseph,” 348. 79 McSheffrey, Marriage, Sex, and Civic Culture in Late Medieval London, 175. 89 While the pageants featured the marriage of Mary and Joseph as one sometimes steeped 80 The communal behavior in the pageant is like a medieval charivari, a ritual defined by “its in conflict, it should be noted that the Corpus Christi dramas did highlight elements of boisterous mixture of playfulness and cruelty,” where communal social pressure is inflicted love and compassion between Mary and Joseph, particularly in the pageants surrounding on a chaste household. Elliott, Spiritual Marriage, 60, 272–273; Natalie Zemon Davis, the birth of Christ, such as “The Nativity,” and “The Flight into Egypt.” Old issues of “Charivari, Honor, and Community in Seventeenth-Century Lyon and Geneva,” in Rite, contention are pushed to the side, and love is the predominant emotion expressed. Clarissa Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, ed. John J. W. Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages(Ithaca, NY: MacAloon (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1984), 42; Natalie Zemon Cornell University Press, 1991), 101–143. Davis, “The Rites of Violence,” in Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: 90 Coletti, “Purity and Danger,” 65–95. Stanford University Press, 1975), 152–187, Natalie Zemon Davis, “The Reason of Misrule,” 91 Chester, “Christ and the Doctors,” lines 307–308. in Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 92 Ibid., lines 313–314. 97–123; Richard J. Moll, “Staging Disorder: Charivari in the N-Town Cycle,” Comparative 93 “Christ and the Doctors,” in The Wakefield Pageants in the Towneley cycle, ed. Arthur C. Drama 35.2 (Summer 2001): 145–161. Cawley (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1958), line 289. Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume 81 Carlson, “Mary’s obedience and power in the Trial of Mary and Joseph,” 351. 94 Natalie Zemon Davis, “Women On Top,” in Society and Culture in Early Modern 1 5, Issue Volume 118 82 The Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 eliminated the necessity of this form of trial. Canon France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 124–151. 119 18: “Neither shall anyone in judicial tests or ordeals by hot or cold water or hot iron bestow 95 Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New any blessing; the earlier prohibitions in regard to dueling remain in force.” From H. J. York: Knopf, 1976), xxi. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation and Commentary, 96 Early modern images and devotional materials on the Holy Family emphasized Joseph (St. Louis: B. Herder, 1937), 250. and Mary’s companionship, part of the broader early modern trend of highlighting increased Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 83 “I trespacyd nevyr with erthely wyght; emphasis on the family. See Lawrence Stone, Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500– Therof I hope thurowe Goddys sonde 1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977); Steven Ozment, When Fathers Ruled: Family Life in Here to be purgyd before youre syght, Reformation Europe (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983). Managing Marital Expectations Book Reviews

97 Elliott, Spiritual Marriage, 165. 98 Kim Phillips, Medieval Maidens: Young Women and Gender in England, 1270–1540 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 196. 99 Such opportunities for economic power and occupational leadership were present in some economic situations, see Judith Bennett, Ale, Beer and Brewsters in England: Women’s Work in a Changing World, 1300–1600 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); P.J.P. Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life Cycle in a Medieval Economy: Women in York and Yorkshire c.1300– 1520 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). Book Reviews

Vanessa Corcoran is a Ph.D. candidate in medieval history at the Catholic University of America, where she also earned her master’s degree. Her dissertation, “The Voice of Joanna Bourke. The Story of Pain: a recurring phenomenon made public Mary: Later Medieval Representations of Marian Communication,” is directed by Dr. From Prayer to Painkillers. Oxford: Ox- through language or gesture and shaped Katherine Jansen. Vanessa was the conference and program coordinator for the 2015 ford University Press, 2014. by social conditions. One can only be in National Museum of Women in the Arts exhibit “Picturing Mary.” Vanessa has taught at pain through the process of articulation the University of Maryland, the Catholic University of America, and Mount St. Mary’s We all think we know what pain is, but and naming. Class, gender, race, age, University. Her dissertation has earned the Cosmos Club Scholarship, the Professor Henri has humanity continually experienced and other factors besides, fracture these Hyvernat Doctoral Scholarship, and the National Organization for Italian-American it in the same way? Joanna Bourke ad- pain events and their responses. Women Scholarship. dresses this question in The Story of Though synthesising her approach Pain (2014), revealing the diverse and with the history of the body and broader changing manner in which sufferers social, medical, and scientific trends, have articulated, recorded, and felt pain Bourke is indebted to the methodology within the Anglophone world since the of linguistic analysis. The initial three eighteenth century. Building on Elaine chapters focus on the language of pain, Scarry’s The Body in Pain (1985), Bourke showing how devices such as metaphor distinguishes herself by considering how and simile circumvent difficulties in to define pain as a category of analysis.1 description. Whereas historical actors Whereas Scarry’s approach portrayed draw on a large spectrum of expressions historical actors as in pain when they for love or pleasure, talking about pain, claimed as much themselves, Bourke as Virginia Woolf and others lamented, suggests this older framework reified proved much harder. Bourke details the “Pain” with a problematic ontological dominant metaphors used to address presence (4). Rather than seeing pain this problem, including portraying pain

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume as an independent agent—something as a “weapon” or a “temperature” (65), 1 5, Issue Volume 120 that is “done to” the individual—the showing how they changed over time in 121 book calls for a perception of pain as a relation to shifting conceptualisations of “type of event” (5). For Bourke, pain is the body. If the sick often spoke in terms of “ebbs and flows” when articulating pain in the eighteenth century, reflecting Past Tense Past Past Tense Past 1 Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making the dominant humoral physiological and Unmaking of the World (Oxford: Oxford model, these descriptions were replaced University Press, 1985). as the nineteenth century progressed. Book Reviews Book Reviews

The frequency of war, for example, pre-modern age physicians and surgeons forecaster of China’s eventual place in the crisscrossed the Atlantic, from Guinea to encouraged steps towards conflict enjoyed comparative immunity from world economy. Reflecting on his 1959 Gary, Indiana to London.2 Frazier shifts metaphors such as the “fight” against accusations of lacking sympathy, these visit, the African American intellectual the black radical horizon across the cancer, and positive accounts of pain claims supposedly only appearing once suggested that China’s mass of workers Pacific, examining African American similarly diminished in use. bedside medicine became overtaken and its will to rapidly modernize experiences in and cultural productions The fourth chapter, on religion, is one by hospital-based “scientific” practice. would soon place it at the competitive about China during the years from the of the more widely applicable sections Bourke reveals how doctors always forefront of manufacturing thanks to Communist Party’s victory in 1949 of The Story of Pain. Littered with a wide faced these allegations and in response cheap production costs—undermining to Mao’s death in 1976. Central to the range of individual testimony, Bourke stressed their sympathetic qualities a key sector of the U.S. economy (46). themes and events examined in The examines how religious language, ritual, as “men of feeling” (240). Chapter 9 Du Bois and his wife, Shirley Graham, East is Black is “Third Worldism,” which and practice provided meaning for those questions the “pain revolution” after were nonetheless shortsighted about advocated racial camaraderie and in pain, often signifying punishment the 1840s when ether and chloroform China’s immediate reality. Believing mutual assistance among the nonwhite or an apparent test from God. Much became more widely used. Rather China’s revolution to be a beacon for peoples of the world. According to this of this reflected Christian instruction, than an end point in the history of the worldwide struggle against racism formulation, African Americans were believers following teaching on how pain, Bourke explores the paradoxes of and capitalism, the Du Boises did the natural allies of peoples elsewhere they should perceive and respond to why these technologies never became not question the restrained character oppressed by western imperialism and pain. Religion often determined how universal, citing fears over the apparent of their state-supervised travels, or white dominance. Struggles in rural the sick felt pain—welcoming or fearing risks in their use, religious opposition, consider government repression already Mississippi and mountainous Jiangxi it, and fortifying or surrendering their and income inequality that continues to well instanced by such recent events as province against white supremacy bodies, as appropriate. Bourke advances limit the relief of pain today. the Hundred Flowers Campaign and the or regimes sponsored by western a secularisation thesis with regards to Though The Story of Pain is largely Tibetan rebellion. Instead, in observing governments thus shared a certain pain, even if she does caveat this by confined to the Anglo-American the construction of the people’s affinity. saying secularisation never achieved world, without sustained comparison infrastructure amidst the first Five Year The East is Black is structured completion. While Harriet Martineau, elsewhere, and engages little with Plan, they saw a more hopeful Third around two sections that each evaluate for instance, once invoked God in psychological suffering, the book offers World-spearheaded future beyond the the travels, writings, and other works understanding her own pain, this a valuable framework for the historical U.S. Cold War narrative. “Turn from of the Du Boises and other intellectuals changed when she aged and deployed study of pain. It will also prove a valuable the West,” Du Bois advised African including William Worthy, Vicki secular metaphors instead. Bourke resource for scholars considering patient leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Garvin, and Mabel and Robert Williams asserts that, as the nineteenth-century experience in ethnography, sociology, “and face the rising sun” (47). Du Bois in China during the 1950s and 1960s. progressed, seemingly out-dated and the medical humanities more died in Ghanan exile just four years These sections are each preceded by religious views, were “at last giving way generally. For something so troubling after his visit to China, one of his final contextual summaries connecting to science” (124). However, science to define, Bourke provides a clear and roles having been to parrot the Chinese modern Chinese history and the black does not fully explain the “secular persuasive account of an inevitable facet Communist Party’s project of domestic backlash.” Though medical advances of human existence. and international propaganda. in anaesthetics are important, Bourke Andrew Seaton With The East is Black: Cold War 2 Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume places them alongside philosophers New York University China in the Black Radical Imagination, Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of 1 5, Issue Volume 122 challenging Christian arguments Robeson Taj Frazier has made a Black Power in America (New York: Holt, 123 regarding the need to tolerate suffering. significant contribution to a rapidly 2006); Marc Matera, Black London: The Chapters 8 and 9, on “Sympathy” Robeson Taj Frazier. The East is globalizing historiography of post- Imperial Metropolis and Decolonization in the Twentieth Century (Oakland, CA: and “Pain Relief” respectively, will prove Black: Cold War China in the Black Second World War black radicalism. In University of California Press, 2015); beneficial to those interested in the Radical Imagination. Durham: Duke recent years, scholars such as Brenda Past Tense Past Brenda Gayle Plummer, In Search of Tense Past professional status of doctors and the University Press, 2015. Gayle Plummer, Peniel E. Joseph, Power: African Americans in the Era of onset of nineteenth century anaesthetics. and Marc Matera have addressed the Decolonization, 1956–1974 (New York: The first challenges the view that in the W.E.B. Du Bois proved an astute international black political milieu as it Cambridge University Press, 2013). Book Reviews Book Reviews

political tradition. A final section book, and certainly succeeds at program, each of which included Jacobs wanted to believe that traces the decline of African American illustrating the inventiveness, folly, indigenous child removal, are central most white women, who celebrated political engagement with China in and hope fomented at the junction of to Jacobs’ book. “What was it exactly motherhood, challenged these colonial the 1970s. Incorporating media and two powerful strands of mid-twentieth that reformers and officials hoped to paradigms and sympathized with gender studies, historical and visual century radical thought and culture. change about indigenous children indigenous women, but her findings analysis, and cultural and diaspora From the perspective of the mid-2010s, by taking them from their families?” paradoxically showed a different theory, Frazier delineates the ironies, the mingling of radical intellectuals Jacobs asks (xxx). The fundamental reality. In their own quest for agency, negotiations, and complexities that with revolutionary movements and goal of these reformers and officials was equality and public authority, many defined black representations of early governments elsewhere in the world to consolidate control and complete white women reformers “undermined communist China as well as Chinese seems like a dated phenomenon— the colonization of the American West Indian and Aboriginal women through communist deployments and support of perhaps one which could only and Australia as two growing settler their support for the removal of the African American freedom struggle. occur during the era in which the nations from the 1880s until well into indigenous children” (433). Inspired He argues that depictions on both sides contemporary, integrated, largely the twentieth century. by the maternalist movement of the relied upon romanticized notions market-driven world order was taking In the U.S., Jacobs argues, the goal era, white women, she says, “hitched of anti-imperial struggle and racial shape. was “cultural” assimilation. In Australia, their maternalist wagons to the train essentialism. Furthermore, in their John S. Miller the goal was biological assimilation, or of the settler colonial state” (148). For championing of the Chinese Revolution, University of British Columbia “breeding out the color.” As a result, example, in chapter three, “The Great African American intellectuals helped the “Aborigines were doomed by their White Mother,” Jacobs cites the case the People’s Republic of China gain own genetic inheritance” (67–69). of one social reformer, Estelle Reel, worldwide influence while obscuring its Margaret Jacobs. White Mother Deeming native mothers as hopelessly who worked as a superintendent of repressive nature (16–19). to a Dark Race: Settler Colonialism, inadequate, many male authorities Indian education between 1898 and Frazier’s largely biographical history Maternalism, and the Removal of considered it “necessary” to invade the 1910. Reel, in a number of published is both insightful and a pleasure to Indigenous Children in the American most intimate spaces of indigenous articles, showed a self-congratulating read. Relatively short segments of the West and Australia, 1880–1940. Lincoln: homes and families. By taking on the attitude while making concerted efforts book that discuss African American University of Nebraska Press, 2009. mission of relieving the patriarchal to pass a compulsory education law and Chinese intellectual depictions plight of women in the colonies, white to remove most indigenous children of gender, however, resemble an Settler colonialism is a winner-take-all women acted as enlightened agents, from their families and place them in addendum, and would be better suited project, where the colonizer comes to not only to assert their own political boarding schools. Reel considered the for a stand-alone article. As well, stay, occupies the land permanently, and rights and agency, but also, as surrogate removal of indigenous children her scholars of the Black Panther Party may accepts nothing less than the removal mothers, “to break the children’s moral duty to save them from a “savage” be disappointed to find that an event of indigenous nations. Australia and sensory connections to kin and background and grant them a “civilized” that has thus far received little focused the United States are two salient cases homeland” (280). Jacobs focuses on the environment (135–136). scholarly attention—Panther leader of settler colonies that became settler role white women played in “rescuing,” This policy of alienation and Huey P. Newton’s 1971 visit to China— nations, where settlers used various “educating,” and “civilizing” indigenous dispossession of indigenous communities is only mentioned once in passing in tactics to dispossess indigenous peoples children. Through these practices, they echoed a desire to build homogenized Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume this book, even though it took place of their land. One of these brutal enabled and implemented colonial nations founded on racialized, 1 5, Issue Volume 124 well within the author’s stated time methods of colonization, according policies.3 evolutionary paradigms—whiteness, 125 period. The Panthers’ engagement with to Margaret Jacobs’ White Mother Christianity, and modernity—while the Chinese Communist Party, not to to a Dark Race, was the removal of indigenous families were conceptualized 3 Unlike Kipling’s illustration of the “white mention the North Korean and North indigenous children from their families man’s burden,” which treats other cultures as a “pesky impediment to settlement,” Vietnamese Communists, continues to and the breaking of the affective bonds Past Tense Past as “childlike” and “demonic,” mainstream Tense Past demand a more substantial treatment. that tied indigenous peoples together. theories and studies on gender reflect the These fairly minor criticisms aside, Australia’s “protection” policies and “white woman’s burden,” which offered a mission included politicians, missionaries, Frazier has written a highly worthwhile the U.S. government’s “assimilation” sense of mission in settler nations. This social reformers and, indeed, academics. Book Reviews Book Reviews

and nation-building in Australia and the Band-Aids, remove the blindfolds, and of faces. Largely focusing on French new insight into veteran disability United States (5). As moral guardians squarely confront our past” (433). By veterans who formed the Union des and identity. The story that the author of the intimate realm of indigenous exposing the “microphysics of imperial Blessés de la Face, she also addresses the portrays is one of veterans facing communities and families, white women rule,” to use Ann Stoler’s term, Jacobs, social and cultural implications of facial themselves and society after their were seen as the appropriate agents like the so-called “New Western reconstruction. wounds. At the beginning of this to carry out child-removal policies historians,” has unearthed the wounds Gehrhardt’s book is both important process they engage in hospitals as what to colonize, “civilize” the untamed of the American and Australian past and timely. The centenary remembrance Gehrhardt terms “transitional spaces” wilderness, and build new settler and laid the groundwork for further ceremonies of the First World War or stepping stones from active service to nations. Not all white women, however, efforts at historical decolonization and allow for the re-examination of little civilian life (33–34). Here, soldiers were as Jacobs suggests, showed support steps toward reconciliation. known histories like the gueules cassées. “rebuilt” in the literal sense as well as for these colonial scripts, as many Jacobs’ compelling book is based The Men with Broken Faces fits within the metaphorical sense. In these spaces white women developed individual on government documents, national a growing scholarship on the history and in later reintegration processes, relationships with indigenous peoples. and state archives, personal papers, of veteran disability more generally, society “invested them with a positive In Australia, white women’s benevolent written memoirs, and oral histories of and Great War disability history more message not only of survival, but also endeavors did not dovetail in large part white women reformers and indigenous specifically. Gehrhardt’s work joins of the symbolic triumph of science and with colonial authorities. In the United children. These materials, interspersed more recent historians of U.S. veteran progress over the destructive forces of States, they worked together with like- with Jacobs’ personal voice, buttress her care, such as Beth Linker and John M. modern war,” despite soldiers’ visual minded male colonial agents. These arguments in a beautifully illustrated Kinder, and follows touchstone pieces injuries (27). concerted efforts were “produced and manner. Aside from being too long, like David Gerber’s edited volume, One of the more compelling performed” in small theaters like the Jacobs’ Bancroft Prize winning book Disabled Veterans in History (2012), arguments that Gehrhardt proposes is homes and on the bodies of indigenous brings an original approach to women’s, and Deborah Cohen’s The War Come the importance of veteran organizations peoples, breaking the affective bonds gender, and settler colonial studies, Home: Disabled Veterans in Britain and in the shaping of a collective identity. that tied indigenous peoples together and deserves wide readership across Germany, 1914–1939 (2001).4 While a Facially wounded veterans in France (xxxi). disciplines. welcome supplement to the historical formed the Union des Blessés de la Face Jacobs’ personal voice from her Baligh Ben Taleb profession, Gehrhardt’s book is also an as a community and society that could own childhood, coupled with her University of Nebraska-Lincoln important addition to the growing and help the men in transition and in facing striking case studies, challenges readers important multi-disciplinary work of their fellow citizens. The author sees who might not be familiar with the disability studies because she brings organizations like these as extensions “scars of our settler colonial histories.” Marjorie Gehrhardt. The Men with new information to the table. Other of the family. The veterans saw a Her engaging narrative reconstructs Broken Faces: Gueules Cassées of the First scholars have focused primarily on benefit in fraternizing with those who indigenous peoples’ own understanding World War. Bern: Peter Lang, 2015. veterans who lost limbs in the war or experienced similar wounds. Gehrhardt of their childhoods, spaces, and shell shock victims; Gehrhardt analyzes writes, “The reasons motivating them relationships with adult women in settler The history of facially-wounded in detail the treatment of facial wounds. were sometimes political and economic, colonial nations. It is indeed a very veterans of the First World War is Marjorie Gehrhardt’s book, while sometimes social, as an implicit powerful technique as it forces readers multifaceted and rich, yet still growing. fitting well within the established understanding between ex-servicemen Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume to think about these wounds of the Marjorie Gehrhardt’s well-researched and growing historiography, provides could arise from a shared war 1 5, Issue Volume 126 past and the “horrendous abuse at the book, The Men with Broken Faces: experience” (128). The men connected 127

hands of boarding school authorities” Gueules Cassées of the First World War, 4 in a way that was not available to them (432). Jacobs concludes that “such adds to this growing literature on war John Kinder, Paying with Their Bod- through relationships with the wider ies: American War and the Problem of the wounds cannot heal by covering them and disability. Gehrhardt looks at the Disabled Veteran (Chicago: University of society. with happy-face Band-Aids or, worse experience of the facially-wounded to As important as communal identity Past Tense Past Chicago Press, 2015); Beth Linker, War’s Tense Past yet, refusing to recognize the injustice show how surgeons and professional Waste: Rehabilitation in World War I was the outward performance of that was done. History has had enough artists sought to mask the destruction America (Chicago: University of Chicago identity to society. Gehrhardt analyzes concealments. It’s time to discard the of the war through the reconstruction Press, 2011). this phenomenon through visual arts Book Reviews

and literature. She shows that wounded emotion and personal stories who veterans were both reluctant objects engaged with society. of this negotiation of identity, as well The men with broken faces, Gehrhardt as producers of identity. Artists and concludes, “became symbolically loaded Editorial Board doctors portrayed the men as objects figures in all three countries, but different through their photographs of the men aspects were emphasized depending in the process of facial reconstruction. upon national context” (281). Marjorie More specifically, French and British Gehrhardt’s book proves how disabled paintings, like Hodgson Lobley’s The veterans of the First World War actively Editors Commercial Class, represent not the engaged with how they were perceived individual case but groups of men in by society and how they crafted their Katie Davis social and physical rehabilitation after own identity in community spaces like Laurie Drake the wounds. Gehrhardt explains, “The the Union des Blessés de la Face. The choice to depict injured soldiers as Men with Broken Faces is a seminal men in professional training, rather work in disability studies and First Associate Editors than as patients, indicated the positive World War history, and provides both discourse that authorities sought a blueprint and opportunity for further Susan Colbourn to promote through these images” comparative scholarship on wounded Erica Toffoli (218–219). Indeed, she shows how the and disabled veterans of all wars. portrayal of veterans changed from objective, or impersonal byproducts Evan P. Sullivan Layout Designer of war, to subjective, or veterans with University at Albany, SUNY Eriks Bredovskis

The Editorial Board would like to thank the following for their contributions to the production of this issue of Past Tense Graduate Review of History:

Chris Baldwin Amie Lalonde Lauren Catterson Benjamin Lukas Cathleen Clark Kimberly Main Ebony Davitt Christina Matzen Joel Dickau Alison MacAulay Marc-André Dufour Adrian Mitter

Volume 5, Issue 1 5, Issue Volume Sandra Fildes Eric Pecile 1 5, Issue Volume 128 Bethan Fisk Francesca Silano 129 David Helps Joseph Stollenwerk Sarah Keeshan Alexandra Sundarsingh Émilie LaFlèche Spirit Waite Shayan Lallani Gavin Wiens Past Tense Past Past Tense Past