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ALFRED ERICH SENN THE RUSSIAN ÉMIGRÉ PRESS: FROM HERZEN’S KOLOKOL TO LENIN’S ISKRA UDK 070(470 Se-88 Recenzentai: Prof. Egidijus Aleksandravičius, VDU, Lietuvių išeivijos institutas Doc. Kristina Juraitė, VDU, PMDF, Viešosios komunikacijos katedra Leidinys rekomenduotas publikuoti PMDI tarybos nutarimu Nr.16, 2008 05 20. © Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, 2008 ISBN 978-9955-12-470-2 © Alfred Erich Senn, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction · 5 1. The Russian Free Press · 8 2. Years of Triumph · 13 3. The Young Emigration · 18 4. Elpidin’s Challenge · 23 5. Bakunin and Narodnoe delo · 28 6. The Young Fanatic From Russia · 34 7. Answering the Call · 41 8. A House on Sand · 47 9. Lavrov in London · 54 10. The Three Musketeers · 61 11. Propaganda of the Deed · 68 12. Counterattack · 74 13. The Revolutionary Movement as History · 79 14. The Group “Liberation of Labor” · 84 15. The Agony of Lev Tikhomirov · 90 16. A New Generation · 96 17. Kravchinsky’s Friends · 102 18. The Chimera of Unification · 108 19. Epilogue: The Leninist Inheritance · 114 Additional Readings · 117 INTRODUCTION The year was 1853, the place London. The two men In the early 1850s, however, Russia lay seemingly stood looking at a galley proof lying on the desk. quiet under the heavy hand of Nicholas I. Herzen The older one picked it up, and exclaimed, “My had no proof that there were readers for his publi- God! My God! That I should have lived so long! A cations. There was no underground publishing to free Russian print shop in London! This sheet, all speak of. Nevertheless, convinced of his mission, smeared with printer’s ink, wipes so many recent, he set out on uncharted waters. He was launching evil memories from my soul!” Alexander Herzen, a a great adventure. Russian émigré, and his older Polish friend, Count His gamble succeeded. In later years, he would call Stanislaw Worcell, were examining a manifesto the founding of the print shop “the best act” of his denouncing the institution of serfdom in Russia. life. “Let the whole world know,” he declaimed, At that moment Herzen knew only too well that his venture, printing texts in Russian, could result in that in the middle of the 19th century a madman, disastrous failure. The authorities in tsarist Russia believing in Russia and loving Russia, organized a would probably never let him return; at the same print shop for Russians. time he could not be sure that his publications would ever find readers in Russia. Nevertheless, It took several years and cost great effort before he wanted to send uncensored words back to his he saw any reward, but Herzen’s print shop won a homeland. special place in Russian history, and it paved the Herzen was neither the first Russian to open a way for printing and publishing in Western Europe Cyrillic print shop in the West nor the first Russian to become an important part of the revolutionary émigré to write and publish literature critical of the movement in Russia and even in the development administration of the Russian Empire. The very ori- of Russian culture as a whole. gins of secular Russian book printing lay in Peter the When he founded the Russian Free Press, Herzen Great’s decision, at the beginning of the 18th cen- did not have in mind the publication of a periodical tury, to have Russian books printed in Amsterdam. or a newspaper, but the need for a vehicle carrying In 1849 Ivan Golovin’s had authored the first anti- up to date news and commentary soon became tsarist book in Russian, Katikhizis russkogo naroda obvious. Eventually his newspaper, Kolokol (The (Catechism of the Russian People). Bell), became the standard by which later gene- The novelty of Herzen’s venture lay in his intention rations of publications were to be judged. Herzen to provide uncensored literature for the reading essentially inspired the network of Russian émigré, public within the Russian Empire. Since the time revolutionary periodicals that at the beginning of of Peter the government had maintained a tight the twentieth century culminated in the particular control of the reading material of its citizenry. The character of Vladimir Ulianov-Lenin’s Iskra (The current Tsar, Nicholas I, had declared himself the Spark). personal censor of the noted writer Alexander Pus- The editors and publishers of émigré periodicals hkin. When Peter Chaadaev wrote an unflattering had to master, or at least do battle with, the entire comparison of Russia with Western Europe, the complex of problems in creating publications: fin- authorities declared him insane and ordered him ding financial resources, collecting and culling to submit to medical supervision. When a group of manuscripts, setting type and printing texts, and of intellectuals known as the “petrashevtsy” resorted course then distributing them in the hope of finding to printing a pocket dictionary of foreign words in readers and receiving enough money to do more. order to discuss such concepts as “republic” and Herzen could rely on his own financial resources, “democracy,” the government banned the work. but his successors had to struggle and even to Herzen believed that he could create an alternative intrigue for money. Print shops in turn became 5 to the muzzled press in his homeland. intellectual and social centers, often visited even THE RUSSIAN ÉMIGRÉ PRESS: FROM HERZEN’S KOLOKOL TO LENIN’S ISKRA by tsarist police agents. The distribution networks same name. If a periodical appeared to be well always ran the danger of exposure and arrest. Over funded, émigrés automatically suspected that tsa- all hung the continuing question of defining the rist sources lay behind it. After that there remained goals of each enterprise and finding readers. the problem of marketing or, as it concerned the readership in the Russian empire, smuggling. This For the émigrés printing and publishing became an process required money and sacrifice. The émigrés important occupation. Many of the leading figures usually had little money, and they offered self- of the revolutionary movement – Herzen, Mikhail sacrifice in its stead. Bakunin, Petr Lavrov, Sergei Kravchinsky, Georgii Plekhanov, Lev Tikhomirov, Vladimir Lenin – spent There was a reciprocal relationship between opposi- time in the emigration working for one publication tional and revolutionary activity within the Russian or another. When the first major Russian Marxist empire and émigré publishing activities abroad. organization, Osvobozhdenia truda (Liberation of When overt activity in the empire picked up in the Labor), was established in Western Switzerland, its late 1870s, publishing waned and some émigrés formal birth announcement consisted in the pur- even returned home; when the government struck chase of a print shop. back, publishing abroad intensified as new waves of émigrés came to join in the work. That the Russian Marxists made their home in Swit- zerland was no accident. While émigrés might seek At the same time, in the background of émigré haven almost anywhere in Western Europe, they publishing lay a continuing debate – sometimes quickly discovered that if they wanted to publish, open, sometimes muted – as to the role to which they basically had to choose between two coun- émigrés could aspire in the Russian revolutionary tries, England or Switzerland. France and Belgium movement. There was no consensus concerning the would not tolerate such activity, and although Rus- purposes of publishing. Some wanted to view their sian liberals found that they could place their works resources as being at the service of those silenced in Germany, until the end of the century revolu- at home; others insisted that they had a message, tionaries felt unsafe there. In the choice between a truth, to deliver. Herzen had appealed to right England and Switzerland most émigrés tended to reason; others criticized him for not offering a pro- choose Switzerland because, at least in those days, gram of revolution. Bakunin called for immediate it was less expensive to live and work in the Helvetic revolt, but the revolutionaries who went to the Republic than elsewhere in Europe. people had trouble delivering their messages. Some turned to violence, but at the same time the émigrés Emigration itself posed a variety of psychological took to studying Russian society more carefully, problems. To many émigrés, going abroad meant examining the history of the country and of the to admit defeat, to acknowledge that one could no revolutionary movement and looking for practical longer remain in Russia. This might even involve theories of revolution. feelings of guilt in having deserted comrades still in the field of battle. For those who wanted to justify By the end of the century, the émigrés were con- their actions and to influence the course of events vinced that their publications had to educate the in the homeland, publishing became an important people, and Marxism was beginning to enjoy consi- activity. Their publications focused on the home- derable popularity as an explanation of social deve- land, not on news of life abroad. They were meant lopment. Many émigré writers, including in parti- to stimulate opposition to the regime in Russia. The cular V. I. Lenin, came to doubt the revolutionary uncensored word could in fact be a more powerful readiness of the masses in Russia, and they couched weapon than a bomb. their messages as directives, claiming the right to lead revolution at home. For Lenin, the periodical, The print shops usually operated on shoestring originating in the emigration, was to become the budgets; Herzen sank a good part of his personal skeleton of the party organization that was to bring fortune into his print shop, but no one else had about revolution. such resources. Once the type had been set – per- haps only a signature, 16 pages, at a time – the In the 1880s the émigrés found new markets as wes- shop manager would probably have to send it out tern audiences wanted more and more information to a local printer, maybe not even a socialist, and about the sensational news coming out of Russia.