DOCSLIB.ORG

Luis Araquistáin

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Luis Araquistáin april 1934 The Struggle in Spain Luis Araquistáin Volume 12 • Number 3 The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1934 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. THE STRUGGLE IN SPAIN By Luis Araquist?in TO GAIN an idea of the future of the Spanish Republic we must examine the various ideological tendencies of the now to social and political forces struggling dominate and a our we transform it. As point of departure for study shall analyze the state of these forces in November and December of 1933, because two events of extraordinary importance took place two during those months: the second general election of the to Republic and the fourth anarcho-syndicalist insurrection occur since the fall of the monarchy. on Novem Superficially, the elections (which took place, first on seem to a ber 19, and secondly December 3) would spell dis was aster for the Republic which declared under such smiling on 14, 1931. In the constituent elected auspices April assembly ? in une of that the of the J year non-republican parties ? Right etc. some the Agrarian Party, the Basque Nationalists, had 30 In the new Cortes have 200 out of a total of 473. deputies. they ? The republican parties of the Left Radical-Socialists, Acci?n Federalists and of Catalonia and Republicana,? Regionalists Galicia which counted some in the constituent 130 deputies to new assembly, returned only about 30 the parliament. Four ministers found themselves without seats. The Socialists had 70 more deputies, scarcely than half the number in the first parlia ment. Alone the Radical Party, commanded by Se?or Lerroux, even preserved and somewhat augmented its original strength. so a What is the explanation of profound change of public more opinion? The explanation is very simple: the change is ap as seen we the election parent than real, will be when analyze case results, and in any is much less than the change which pre viously occurred in the parties themselves and in their relations one some with another. First, I shall set forth preliminaries. In 1931, the old monarchist oligarchies and their cacique organ tne izations throughout the countryside, frightened by sudden acts advent of the Republic and by certain of popular violence, as to vote such the burning of convents, allowed the electorate as at it pleased the July elections, the freest and least corrupt ever held in Spain. In these elections were lacking the three voters coercive elements which traditionally affected Spanish Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Foreign Affairs ® www.jstor.org THE STRUGGLEIN SPAIN 459 votes: (especially in rural districts) and determined their the coercion of the public authorities by various devices adopted in to the days of the monarchy confuse the popular will and the results of the ballot; the moral coercion of the Church in pulpit and confessional; and the economic coercion of the landed pro The result was a tremendous for the prietors. triumph Left, because the immense majority of the Spanish people, age-long as a victims of injustice and poverty, desired, they still desire, an to policy which will put end oligarchical privilege. During the two a and half years of the Republic the classes defeated at the polls in 1931, but actually intact, have reformed and reorganized themselves. to The Republican-Socialist government wished smash caci means quismo (bossism) by of three basic laws: agrarian reform, mixed juries, and municipal districts. The agrarian reform pro to poses chiefly place in the control of the people and of the rural a unions the huge estates of Andalusia and Extremadura, with to view their collective exploitation. The passage of this law would east have given the agrarian population of the south and of Spain economic independence, without which political liberty has been a and will remain pure myth. But the agrarian reform so far has been little more than a law on paper, because the men and with its execution have shown organizations charged perhaps the lowest level of efficiency in the entire government of the Republic. or The law of mixed juries, arbitrators, between masters and workers, which already existed to deal with conflicts between capital and labor in industry and commerce, and which the was Republic extended to agriculture, aimed fundamentally at ending the system of starvation wages which has obtained for centuries in the country districts of Spain. When the Republic was of one-and-a-half and two were inaugurated, wages pesetas current a to for day's work from sunrise sunset, and that only for or five six months of the year. During the rest of the year un was employment almost absolute. Even during the first year of the republican r?gime the average agricultural daily wage rose to or at to or five six pesetas, and harvest time eight ten pesetas, and even more in certain districts, thanks to the work contracts arranged by mixed juries. was This improvement also induced in part by the law of municipal districts, perhaps the most revolutionary of all the laws 460 FOREIGNAFFAIRS at dictated by the Republic. This law strikes the old caciquismo its very heart. It simply prohibits the admission of workers from so as are other districts long there unemployed in the district one itself. Under the monarchy, the migration of workers from a locality to another was fomented, with double purpose: first, to lower wages by providing unlimited supplies of labor; second, to compel the workers in each district to vote at election time for on re those who controlled the local caciques, penalty of being new placed by strangers. The law tended to restrict the economic over and political power of the landowners the workers in each more district, by eliminating the competition of cheaper and sub missive labor. common con The denominator of the reactionary parties is trol of the land, and thereby political and economic control over the working classes. But there are different shades which now distinguish the various parties; and these I shall briefly are no explain. There four leading parties. The largest, with representatives, is the C.E.D.A. {Confederaci?n Espa?ola de a Derechas Aut?nomas), group of provincial political organiza tions which has adopted the parliamentary title of the Minor?a a Popular Agraria. It is controlled by Se?or Gil Robles, professor at the University of Salamanca, and the majority of its members are relatively young men, between the ages of thirty and forty. two are The main planks in their platform the preservation of landed property and the defence of the Catholic religion. Their to as aim is organize Catholic trade unions such existed in Italy to to prior Fascism and in Germany prior National Socialism, and such as still exist in Belgium. In accordance with the oppor tunist doctrine of the Catholic Church, their leader has declared his indifference to the actual form of government and his support as of the Republic the existing r?gime. If the Republic is consoli as a dated parliamentary system, this Catholic Party may a can become powerful force permanently, though it hardly maintain its present numerical strength. next The largest, with 36 representatives, is the Agrarian Party proper, which is also Catholic, but places its landed interests or ahead of all other considerations, political religious. Although most came of the members from the old monarchist parties, shrewd opportunism and the chance of influencing the destinies to of the Republic have caused them also regard the form of government as incidental. The future of this party is not very THE STRUGGLEIN SPAIN 461 ? clear. It is that an irreconcilable like the probable? minority C.E.D.A. minority will join the frankly monarchist party, and that the others, in the course of time, will merge with the two party led by Gil Robles. The program of these parties is to or new as simplicity itself: abrogate distort the social laws, as well those which restrict the power of the Church, particu to or larly those prohibiting the religious orders teach engage in or lucrative industrial commercial activities. In general, these a parties accept the separation of Church and State, but demand Concordat with Rome. to men Amongst these parties of the Right there remain be tioned two monarchist both of no numerical avowedly ? parties, ? Renovaci?n whose importance: Espa?ola 15 representatives to restore on aim is the Bourbon-Hapsburg dynasty, overthrown 20 April 12, 1931, and the traditionalist group? representatives ? are a who survivors from the old Carlist Party. From parlia two no mentary point of view, these parties have future; their r?le will be that of the Camelots du Roi in France, but they lack the talents of l'Action Fran?aise. Outside the national orbit of this constellation, but akin in a tendency, there is fifth group, the Basque-Navarre minority, which is likewise Catholic and ultra-conservative. But as soon as autonomy has been granted to the Basque country, as will or certainly be done by the present next Cortes, this minority concentrate on will lose interest in national politics and regional now problems. This is happening with the Catalan parties, that they have achieved local autonomy, and it also will happen to the O.R.G.A., or Galician autonomist party. To the Left of these parties of the Right is the Centre Party of the Republic, the Radicals under the leadership of Alejandro Lerroux.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 'The Italians and the IWMA'
    Levy, Carl. 2018. ’The Italians and the IWMA’. In: , ed. ”Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth”. The First International in Global Perspective. 29 The Hague: Brill, pp. 207-220. ISBN 978-900-4335-455 [Book Section] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/23423/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] chapter �3 The Italians and the iwma Carl Levy Introduction Italians played a significant and multi-dimensional role in the birth, evolution and death of the First International, and indeed in its multifarious afterlives: the International Working Men's Association (iwma) has also served as a milestone or foundation event for histories of Italian anarchism, syndicalism, socialism and communism.1 The Italian presence was felt simultaneously at the national, international and transnational levels from 1864 onwards. In this chapter I will first present a brief synoptic overview of the history of the iwma (in its varied forms) in Italy and abroad from 1864 to 1881. I will then exam- ine interpretations of aspects of Italian Internationalism: Mazzinian Repub- licanism and the origins of anarchism, the Italians, Bakunin and interactions with Marx and his ideas, the theory and practice of propaganda by the deed and the rise of a third-way socialism neither fully reformist nor revolutionary, neither Marxist nor anarchist.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939
    The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939 Sam Dolgoff (editor) 1974 Contents Preface 7 Acknowledgements 8 Introductory Essay by Murray Bookchin 9 Part One: Background 28 Chapter 1: The Spanish Revolution 30 The Two Revolutions by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 30 The Bolshevik Revolution vs The Russian Social Revolution . 35 The Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 36 Chapter 2: The Libertarian Tradition 41 Introduction ............................................ 41 The Rural Collectivist Tradition by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 41 The Anarchist Influence by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 44 The Political and Economic Organization of Society by Isaac Puente ....................................... 46 Chapter 3: Historical Notes 52 The Prologue to Revolution by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 52 On Anarchist Communism ................................. 55 On Anarcho-Syndicalism .................................. 55 The Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 56 Chapter 4: The Limitations of the Revolution 63 Introduction ............................................ 63 2 The Limitations of the Revolution by Gaston Leval ....................................... 63 Part Two: The Social Revolution 72 Chapter 5: The Economics of Revolution 74 Introduction ...........................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Italians and the Iwma
    chapter �3 The Italians and the iwma Carl Levy Introduction Italians played a significant and multi-dimensional role in the birth, evolution and death of the First International, and indeed in its multifarious afterlives: the International Working Men's Association (iwma) has also served as a milestone or foundation event for histories of Italian anarchism, syndicalism, socialism and communism.1 The Italian presence was felt simultaneously at the national, international and transnational levels from 1864 onwards. In this chapter I will first present a brief synoptic overview of the history of the iwma (in its varied forms) in Italy and abroad from 1864 to 1881. I will then exam- ine interpretations of aspects of Italian Internationalism: Mazzinian Repub- licanism and the origins of anarchism, the Italians, Bakunin and interactions with Marx and his ideas, the theory and practice of propaganda by the deed and the rise of a third-way socialism neither fully reformist nor revolutionary, neither Marxist nor anarchist. This chapter will also include some brief words on the sociology and geography of Italian Internationalism and a discussion of newer approaches that transcend the rather stale polemics between parti- sans of a Marxist or anarchist reading of Italian Internationalism and incorpo- rates themes that have enlivened the study of the Risorgimento, namely, State responses to the International, the role of transnationalism, romanticism, 1 The best overviews of the iwma in Italy are: Pier Carlo Masini, La Federazione Italiana dell’Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori. Atti ufficiali 1871–1880 (atti congressuali; indirizzi, proclaim, manifesti) (Milan, 1966); Pier Carlo Masini, Storia degli Anarchici Ital- iani da Bakunin a Malatesta, (Milan, (1969) 1974); Nunzio Pernicone, Italian Anarchism 1864–1892 (Princeton, 1993); Renato Zangheri, Storia del socialismo italiano.
    [Show full text]
  • SAR M. Le Mouvement Anarchiste En Espagne. Pouvoir Et RÉ
    502 Book reviews Lorenzo, Ce´sar M. Le mouvement anarchiste en Espagne. Pouvoir et re´volution sociale. Les E´ ditions Libertaires, S.l. 2006. 559 pp. A 35.00. DOI: S0020859007023267 This is a revised, updated, and considerably expanded edition of a study which first appeared in 1969. The bulk of it is divided into four parts, which provide a more or less chronological account. Part 1 covers the rise of a libertarian workers’ movement, analysing its ideological foundations, and tracing its development from the September Revolution of 1868 to the CNT’s Saragossa conference of May 1936. Part 2 provides a ‘‘panorama’’ of the revolution of July 1936, each chapter analysing the revolutionary political structures thrown up in different parts of the country, and the role played within them by the CNT. Part 3 concentrates on ‘‘the civil war within the civil war’’, from the autumn of 1936 through the counter-revolution of May 1937 to the CNT’s relations with the Negrin government; it also examines the strengths and weaknesses of the collectivizations (still a seriously under-researched area). The shorter Part 4 analyses what the author calls the ‘‘period of decadence and retreat’’ from the defeat of 1939 through to the experience of exile and the divisions of the post-Franco era. In a thirty-seven-page ‘‘appendix’’, Lorenzo addresses critically the various more or less dubious attempts to explain why there has been, as the French anarchist Louis Lecoin once put it, ‘‘no other country where Anarchism has put down such deep roots as in Spain’’.1 Whilst rejecting what he bluntly dismisses as ‘‘racist’’ attempts at explanation and praising the work of some Marxist historians (Pierre Vilar, notably), Lorenzo goes on to analyse Spanish culture and the set of values and attitudes which, he argues, left their mark on what would become a distinctively Spanish anarchism.
    [Show full text]
  • ^ CTEP WRITINGS Edited and Introduced Bv ARTHUR LEHNING
    IGHAEL ^■ CTEP WRITINGS Edited and Introduced bv ARTHUR LEHNING ^ EVERGREEN E-629 $4.95 WRITINGS OF THE LEFT SERIES WRITINGS OF THE LEFT General Editor: ralph miliband Professor o f Politics at Leeds University MICHAEL BAKUNIN SELECTED WRITINGS MICHAEL BAKUNIN SELECTED WRITINGS Edited and Introduced by ARTHUR LEHNING Editor Archives Bakounine, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam Translations from the French by STEVEN cox Translations from the Russian by OLIVE STEVENS JONATHAN CAPE THIRTY BEDFORD SQUARE LONDON THIS COMPILATION FIRST PUBLISHED 1973 INTRODUCTION AND COMPILATION © 1973 BY ARTHUR LEHNING TRANSLATIONS BY STEVEN COX AND OLIVE STEVENS © 1973 BY JONATHAN CAPE LTD JONATHAN CAPE LTD, 30 BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON WCI Hardback edition isb n o 224 00893 5 Paperback edition isb n o 224 00898 6 Condition o f Sale This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out, or otherwise circulated with­ out the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition in­ cluding this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY EBENEZER BAYLIS AND SON LTD THE TRINITY PRESS, WORCESTER AND LONDON GENERAL EDITOR’S PREFACE It is often claimed nowadays that terms like Left and Right have ceased to mean very much. This is not true: the distinc­ tion endures, in as sharp a form as ever, between those who, on the one hand, accept as given the framework, if not all the features, of capitalist society; and those who, on the other, are concerned with and work for the establishment of a socialist alternative to the here and now.
    [Show full text]
  • Alberto Corsín Jiménez
    CHAPTER FOUR AUTONOMIA ETHNOGRAPHICA Liberal Designs, Designs for Liberation, and the Liberation of Design Alberto Corsín Jiménez This chapter develops an argument about the relation between autonomy and ethnography—in particular, about autonomy as an experimental design in political and anthropological praxis. I am interested in what I call autonomia ethnographica: the pressures and challenges confronting the mise-en-scénes of anthropological fieldwork today and the sometimes troubled, sometimes conflictive, yet ultimately liberating arrangements in complicity and complexity through which anthropologists construct the conditions for ethnographic practice and description. The concept of autonomy I am summoning here needs a little unpacking. In some respects, autonomy is undergoing somewhat of a comeback in social and political theory (Nelson and Braun 2017; Luisetti et al. 2015). Most famously deployed by the Italian operaist (workers) movement in the 1950s in the context of accelerating and exploitative labor conditions in the automobile industry, “autonomia” was invoked at the time to describe a revolutionary impulse for the ontological self-determination of workers’ power—the power, as it was referred to at the time, to “refuse to work” (Virno 1996) and in this capacity to disengage from, and invent novel imaginative alternatives to, the spatial and temporal matrices of the state-capital nexus (Aureli 2008). Throughout the 1970s, however, “autonomia” gradually lost its attachment to workers’ power, leaving the factory floor for the street protests of students, feminists, and environmental activists. Thus, a second generation of “diffuse autonomy” was born, a new wave of insurrectional and intersectional politics (Cuninghame 2013), which, in the wake of the alter- globalization movement in the late 1990s, entered also the Anglophone academy under the 1 liberation aesthetics of networked-mediated multitudes and commons (Hardt and Negri 2005; 2009).
    [Show full text]
  • Also Inside This Issue
    PricePrice £3.00 £3.00 IssueIssue 232 229 Mid 2010/11 2009 Union sellouts? Unison’s militant exiling, CWU’s Royal Mail fiasco, Unite and Gate Gourmet, abandoned Mitie staff, NUT and St Paul’s Way, the Belfast Airport farce... what’s wrong with the big TUC unions? Figurehead: TUC general secretary Brendan Barber lambasts “bad bosses,” but do the member unions of his organisation really stand up when it matters? Page 7 Exposed: In focus: A Plus: Pirates, Also inside Scandal of defence of the past, the our vicious Proudhon’s future, reviews this issue... visa system importance and more... Editorial Welcome to issue 232 of Black Flag, which coincides once again with the annual London Anarchist Bookfair, the largest and longest-running event of its kind in the world. Now that this issue is the 7th published by the “new” collective we can safely drop the “new” bit! We believe that we have come a long way with Black Flag. As a very small collective we have managed to publish and sustain a consistent and high-quality, twice yearly, class- struggle anarchist publication on a shoe-string budget and limited personnel. Before proceeding further, we would like to make our usual appeal for more people to get involved with the editorial group. The more people who get involved, the more Black Flag will grow with increased frequency and wider distribution etc. This issue includes our usual eclectic mix of libertarian-left theory, history, debate, analysis and reportage. Additionally, this issue is again somewhat of an anniversary issue, which acknowledges two significant events.
    [Show full text]
  • Karl Marx and the Iwma Revisited 299 Jürgen Herres
    “Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” <UN> Studies in Global Social History Editor Marcel van der Linden (International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, The Netherlands) Editorial Board Sven Beckert (Harvard University, Cambridge, ma, usa) Dirk Hoerder (University of Arizona, Phoenix, ar, usa) Chitra Joshi (Indraprastha College, Delhi University, India) Amarjit Kaur (University of New England, Armidale, Australia) Barbara Weinstein (New York University, New York, ny, usa) volume 29 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sgsh <UN> “Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” The First International in a Global Perspective Edited by Fabrice Bensimon Quentin Deluermoz Jeanne Moisand leiden | boston <UN> This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. Cover illustration: Bannière de la Solidarité de Fayt (cover and back). Sources: Cornet Fidèle and Massart Théophile entries in Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier en Belgique en ligne : maitron-en -ligne.univ-paris1.fr. Copyright : Bibliothèque et Archives de l’IEV – Brussels. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bensimon, Fabrice, editor. | Deluermoz, Quentin, editor. | Moisand, Jeanne, 1978- editor. Title: “Arise ye wretched of the earth” : the First International in a global perspective / edited by Fabrice Bensimon, Quentin Deluermoz, Jeanne Moisand. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2018] | Series: Studies in global social history, issn 1874-6705 ; volume 29 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018002194 (print) | LCCN 2018004158 (ebook) | isbn 9789004335462 (E-book) | isbn 9789004335455 (hardback : alk.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine, L9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: a Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe
    Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Fall 2020 Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe Daniel A. Collins Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Daniel A., "Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe" (2020). Honors Theses. 553. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/553 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine, 1918-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe by Daniel A. Collins An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Honors Council For Honors in History 12/7/2020 Approved by: Adviser:_____________________________ David Del Testa Second Evaluator: _____________________ Mehmet Dosemeci iii Acknowledgements Above all others I want to thank Professor David Del Testa. From my first oddly specific question about the Austro-Hungarians on the Italian front in my first week of undergraduate, to here, three and a half years later, Professor Del Testa has been involved in all of the work I am proud of. From lectures in Coleman Hall to the Somme battlefield, Professor Del Testa has guided me on my journey to explore World War I and the Interwar Period, which rapidly became my topics of choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchism : a History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements
    Anarchism : A History Of Libertarian Ideas And Movements GEORGE WOODCOCK Meridian Books The World Publishing Company Cleveland and New York -3- AN ORIGINAL MERIDIAN BOOK Published by The World Publishing Company 2231 West 110th Street, Cleveland 2, Ohio First printing March 1962 CP362 Copyright © 1962 by The World Publishing Company All rights reserved Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 62-12355 Printed in the United States of America -4- AN ORIGINAL MERIDIAN BOOK Published by The World Publishing Company 2231 West 110th Street, Cleveland 2, Ohio First printing March 1962 CP362 Copyright © 1962 by The World Publishing Company All rights reserved Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 62-12355 Printed in the United States of America -4- Contents 1. PROLOGUE 9 I. The Idea 2. THE FAMILY TREE 37 3. THE MAN OF REASON 60 4. THE EGOIST 94 5. THE MAN OF PARADOX 106 6. THE DESTRUCTIVE URGE 145 7. THE EXPLORER 184 8. THE PROPHET 222 II. The Movement 9. INTERNATIONAL ENDEAVORS 239 10. ANARCHISM IN FRANCE 275 11. ANARCHISM IN ITALY 327 12. ANARCHISM IN SPAIN 356 -5- 13. ANARCHISM IN RUSSIA 399 14. VARIOUS TRADITIONS: ANARCHISM IN LATIN AMERICA, NORTHERN EUROPE, BRITAIN, AND THE UNITED STATES 425 15. EPILOGUE 468 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 479 INDEX 491 -6- Anarchism A HISTORY OF LIBERTARIAN IDEAS AND MOVEMENTS -7- [This page intentionally left blank.] -8- I. Prologue "Whoever denies authority and fights against it is an anarchist," said Sébastien Faure. The definition is tempting in its simplicity, but simplicity is the first thing to guard against in writing a history of anarchism.
    [Show full text]
  • Italian Anarchists in London (1870-1914)
    1 ITALIAN ANARCHISTS IN LONDON (1870-1914) Submitted for the Degree of PhD Pietro Dipaola Department of Politics Goldsmiths College University of London April 2004 2 Abstract This thesis is a study of the colony of Italian anarchists who found refuge in London in the years between the Paris Commune and the outbreak of the First World War. The first chapter is an introduction to the sources and to the main problems analysed. The second chapter reconstructs the settlement of the Italian anarchists in London and their relationship with the colony of Italian emigrants. Chapter three deals with the activities that the Italian anarchists organised in London, such as demonstrations, conferences, and meetings. It likewise examines the ideological differences that characterised the two main groups in which the anarchists were divided: organisationalists and anti-organisationalists. Italian authorities were extremely concerned about the danger represented by the anarchists. The fourth chapter of the thesis provides a detailed investigation of the surveillance of the anarchists that the Italian embassy and the Italian Minster of Interior organised in London by using spies and informers. At the same time, it describes the contradictory attitude held by British police forces toward political refugees. The following two chapters are dedicated to the analysis of the main instruments of propaganda used by the Italian anarchists: chapter five reviews the newspapers they published in those years, and chapter six reconstructs social and political activities that were organised in their clubs. Chapter seven examines the impact that the outbreak of First World Word had on the anarchist movement, particularly in dividing it between interventionists and anti- interventionists; a split that destroyed the network of international solidarity that had been hitherto the core of the experience of political exile.
    [Show full text]
  • Passage to Mode ... France Italy and Spain.Pdf
    Working Paper — Comments Welcome PASSAGE TO MODERNITY: THINKING THEORETICALLY ABOUT THE EXPERIENCE OF FRANCE, ITALY AND SPAIN Filippo Sabetti McGill University [email protected] It is hard to imagine many countries so similar and dissimilar - at times amici/nemici all at once - as France, Italy and Spain. In addition to physical proximity and characteristics, they share common linguistic and cultural roots, have for the most part genuflected at the same altar, and assimilated, emulated and, at times, sought to avoid each another's customs, institutions and ways of life. The movement of ideas, people and goods between them, seldom severed for long, proceeded over the centuries through mutual consent, rivalry, imitation, alliance, dynastic or territorial aggrandizement and force. The network of relations became more fixed, but no less complex to understand, with the Enlightenment, the French Revolution and their respective reverberations. Just consider. A Neapolitan Bourbon monarch and Neapolitan advisers in the eighteenth century helped to make Spain a nation state, but it was Napoleon's brother who was truly the first king of Spain. Before becoming king of France in 1830, Louis Philippe sat as a peer in the Sicilian parliament. The Spaniards fought against the Napoleonic state being created in France and Italy but undertook to create a more centralized and more egalitarian constitutional arrangement of their own in 1812, in the process giving the world the term "liberal" and setting a precedent for modern military intervention in constitutional and institutional reforms (the so called pronunciamientos) that was to afflict Spanish public life until the Franco regime.
    [Show full text]