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april 1934 The Struggle in Spain Luis Araquistáin Volume 12 • Number 3 The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1934 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. THE STRUGGLE IN SPAIN By Luis Araquist?in TO GAIN an idea of the future of the Spanish Republic we must examine the various ideological tendencies of the now to social and political forces struggling dominate and a our we transform it. As point of departure for study shall analyze the state of these forces in November and December of 1933, because two events of extraordinary importance took place two during those months: the second general election of the to Republic and the fourth anarcho-syndicalist insurrection occur since the fall of the monarchy. on Novem Superficially, the elections (which took place, first on seem to a ber 19, and secondly December 3) would spell dis was aster for the Republic which declared under such smiling on 14, 1931. In the constituent elected auspices April assembly ? in une of that the of the J year non-republican parties ? Right etc. some the Agrarian Party, the Basque Nationalists, had 30 In the new Cortes have 200 out of a total of 473. deputies. they ? The republican parties of the Left Radical-Socialists, Acci?n Federalists and of Catalonia and Republicana,? Regionalists Galicia which counted some in the constituent 130 deputies to new assembly, returned only about 30 the parliament. Four ministers found themselves without seats. The Socialists had 70 more deputies, scarcely than half the number in the first parlia ment. Alone the Radical Party, commanded by Se?or Lerroux, even preserved and somewhat augmented its original strength. so a What is the explanation of profound change of public more opinion? The explanation is very simple: the change is ap as seen we the election parent than real, will be when analyze case results, and in any is much less than the change which pre viously occurred in the parties themselves and in their relations one some with another. First, I shall set forth preliminaries. In 1931, the old monarchist oligarchies and their cacique organ tne izations throughout the countryside, frightened by sudden acts advent of the Republic and by certain of popular violence, as to vote such the burning of convents, allowed the electorate as at it pleased the July elections, the freest and least corrupt ever held in Spain. In these elections were lacking the three voters coercive elements which traditionally affected Spanish Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Foreign Affairs ® www.jstor.org THE STRUGGLEIN SPAIN 459 votes: (especially in rural districts) and determined their the coercion of the public authorities by various devices adopted in to the days of the monarchy confuse the popular will and the results of the ballot; the moral coercion of the Church in pulpit and confessional; and the economic coercion of the landed pro The result was a tremendous for the prietors. triumph Left, because the immense majority of the Spanish people, age-long as a victims of injustice and poverty, desired, they still desire, an to policy which will put end oligarchical privilege. During the two a and half years of the Republic the classes defeated at the polls in 1931, but actually intact, have reformed and reorganized themselves. to The Republican-Socialist government wished smash caci means quismo (bossism) by of three basic laws: agrarian reform, mixed juries, and municipal districts. The agrarian reform pro to poses chiefly place in the control of the people and of the rural a unions the huge estates of Andalusia and Extremadura, with to view their collective exploitation. The passage of this law would east have given the agrarian population of the south and of Spain economic independence, without which political liberty has been a and will remain pure myth. But the agrarian reform so far has been little more than a law on paper, because the men and with its execution have shown organizations charged perhaps the lowest level of efficiency in the entire government of the Republic. or The law of mixed juries, arbitrators, between masters and workers, which already existed to deal with conflicts between capital and labor in industry and commerce, and which the was Republic extended to agriculture, aimed fundamentally at ending the system of starvation wages which has obtained for centuries in the country districts of Spain. When the Republic was of one-and-a-half and two were inaugurated, wages pesetas current a to for day's work from sunrise sunset, and that only for or five six months of the year. During the rest of the year un was employment almost absolute. Even during the first year of the republican r?gime the average agricultural daily wage rose to or at to or five six pesetas, and harvest time eight ten pesetas, and even more in certain districts, thanks to the work contracts arranged by mixed juries. was This improvement also induced in part by the law of municipal districts, perhaps the most revolutionary of all the laws 460 FOREIGNAFFAIRS at dictated by the Republic. This law strikes the old caciquismo its very heart. It simply prohibits the admission of workers from so as are other districts long there unemployed in the district one itself. Under the monarchy, the migration of workers from a locality to another was fomented, with double purpose: first, to lower wages by providing unlimited supplies of labor; second, to compel the workers in each district to vote at election time for on re those who controlled the local caciques, penalty of being new placed by strangers. The law tended to restrict the economic over and political power of the landowners the workers in each more district, by eliminating the competition of cheaper and sub missive labor. common con The denominator of the reactionary parties is trol of the land, and thereby political and economic control over the working classes. But there are different shades which now distinguish the various parties; and these I shall briefly are no explain. There four leading parties. The largest, with representatives, is the C.E.D.A. {Confederaci?n Espa?ola de a Derechas Aut?nomas), group of provincial political organiza tions which has adopted the parliamentary title of the Minor?a a Popular Agraria. It is controlled by Se?or Gil Robles, professor at the University of Salamanca, and the majority of its members are relatively young men, between the ages of thirty and forty. two are The main planks in their platform the preservation of landed property and the defence of the Catholic religion. Their to as aim is organize Catholic trade unions such existed in Italy to to prior Fascism and in Germany prior National Socialism, and such as still exist in Belgium. In accordance with the oppor tunist doctrine of the Catholic Church, their leader has declared his indifference to the actual form of government and his support as of the Republic the existing r?gime. If the Republic is consoli as a dated parliamentary system, this Catholic Party may a can become powerful force permanently, though it hardly maintain its present numerical strength. next The largest, with 36 representatives, is the Agrarian Party proper, which is also Catholic, but places its landed interests or ahead of all other considerations, political religious. Although most came of the members from the old monarchist parties, shrewd opportunism and the chance of influencing the destinies to of the Republic have caused them also regard the form of government as incidental. The future of this party is not very THE STRUGGLEIN SPAIN 461 ? clear. It is that an irreconcilable like the probable? minority C.E.D.A. minority will join the frankly monarchist party, and that the others, in the course of time, will merge with the two party led by Gil Robles. The program of these parties is to or new as simplicity itself: abrogate distort the social laws, as well those which restrict the power of the Church, particu to or larly those prohibiting the religious orders teach engage in or lucrative industrial commercial activities. In general, these a parties accept the separation of Church and State, but demand Concordat with Rome. to men Amongst these parties of the Right there remain be tioned two monarchist both of no numerical avowedly ? parties, ? Renovaci?n whose importance: Espa?ola 15 representatives to restore on aim is the Bourbon-Hapsburg dynasty, overthrown 20 April 12, 1931, and the traditionalist group? representatives ? are a who survivors from the old Carlist Party. From parlia two no mentary point of view, these parties have future; their r?le will be that of the Camelots du Roi in France, but they lack the talents of l'Action Fran?aise. Outside the national orbit of this constellation, but akin in a tendency, there is fifth group, the Basque-Navarre minority, which is likewise Catholic and ultra-conservative. But as soon as autonomy has been granted to the Basque country, as will or certainly be done by the present next Cortes, this minority concentrate on will lose interest in national politics and regional now problems. This is happening with the Catalan parties, that they have achieved local autonomy, and it also will happen to the O.R.G.A., or Galician autonomist party. To the Left of these parties of the Right is the Centre Party of the Republic, the Radicals under the leadership of Alejandro Lerroux.
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