Remarks of the Chief Justice: My Life in the Law Series

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Remarks of the Chief Justice: My Life in the Law Series REHNQUIST IN FINAL READ.DOC 07/31/03 2:14 PM Lecture REMARKS OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE: MY LIFE IN THE LAW SERIES WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST† INTRODUCTION This afternoon I shall speak about my predecessors as Chief Jus- tice, except for Chief Justice Warren Burger, with whom I served. I am the sixteenth Chief Justice, and certainly one noteworthy fact is that in the 213 years of our country’s existence, while there have been forty-three Presidents, there have been only sixteen Chief Justices. I am going to go in chronological order, starting with John Jay, who was the first Chief Justice, and ending with the fourteenth Chief Jus- tice, Earl Warren. But I shall pass quickly over the first three who held this office, because they really had little or no influence on the institution, and they sat at a time when the Supreme Court was far different from what it is today. During the first ten years of its exis- tence, the Court decided only a total of sixty cases—that is not sixty cases per year, but six cases per year. There was so little business that the Justices sat in Washington for only a few weeks during February and early March, spending the rest of their time riding circuit as trial judges. It was only with the arrival of John Marshall, the fourth Chief Justice, that the Court acquired its co-equal status—along with Con- gress and the President—in our tripartite system of federal govern- ment. Copyright © 2003 by William H. Rehnquist. † Chief Justice of the United States. This lecture was delivered at Duke University School of Law on April 13, 2002, as the first lecture in a series entitled “Great Lives in the Law.” The series is sponsored by the Duke Law School Program in Public Law. REHNQUIST IN FINAL READ.DOC 07/31/03 2:14 PM 788 DUKE LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 52:787 JOHN JAY (CHIEF JUSTICE FROM 1789–1795) Let us turn now to John Jay. He was appointed Chief Justice by George Washington in 1789. In his formal portrait that hangs in the East Conference Room at the Supreme Court, he is wearing a red robe. He is the only one of the Chief Justices who sat for his portrait so attired; the others wore the traditional black. In 1794, Washington decided that he needed a special ambassa- dor to go to the Court of St. James and negotiate with Great Britain various disputes that had come up as a result of the Treaty of Paris. He picked Jay, who sailed for England in the spring of 1794 and did not return until the summer of 1795. There is no indication that he was greatly missed in the work of the Supreme Court during this time. When Jay returned, he found that he had been elected Governor of New York in absentia and resigned the Chief Justiceship to assume what he regarded as the more important job—Governor of New York. JOHN RUTLEDGE (CHIEF JUSTICE FROM AUGUST 1795–DECEMBER 1795) We go now to John Rutledge, from South Carolina. He is surely the least known of the Chief Justices, and deservedly so, for he held the office for less than a year. Washington gave him a recess ap- pointment to succeed Jay in the summer of 1795, but in December the Senate refused to confirm him by a vote of fourteen to ten. OLIVER ELLSWORTH (CHIEF JUSTICE FROM 1796–1800) Washington now appointed his third Chief Justice—Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut. Ellsworth was dismissed from Yale College after two years for rowdyism, but he went on to graduate from Prince- ton and practice law in Hartford. Like Jay, Ellsworth was selected by the President—now John Adams—for a special mission to France. He left for France in the fall of 1799 and fell ill while there. He submitted his resignation to President John Adams in December of 1800. JOHN MARSHALL (CHIEF JUSTICE FROM 1801–1835) Now we come to John Marshall, known as “the Great Chief Jus- tice.” John Marshall served as Chief Justice for thirty-four years— from 1801 until 1835. He was born in the Blue Ridge foothills of Vir- ginia, about fifty miles west of present-day Washington. He had very REHNQUIST IN FINAL READ.DOC 07/31/03 2:14 PM 2003] REMARKS OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE 789 little formal education. But by the time he reached twenty-five years of age, he had served as a captain commanding a line company of ar- tillery in the Battles of Brandywine and Monmouth during the Revolutionary War. He had also suffered through the terrible winter at Valley Forge with George Washington and the rest of the Conti- nental troops. It was this experience which led him to remark that he looked upon the “United States as his country, and Congress as his government.” Not an unusual sentiment today, to be sure, but quite an unusual sentiment for a Virginian at that time. After mustering out of the service, he studied law very briefly, at- tending the lectures of George Wythe in Williamsburg, and was ad- mitted to the Virginia Bar. He was elected a member of Congress from Virginia, and at the time of his appointment as Chief Justice, he was serving as Adams’s Secretary of State. He was much better known as a politician than as a legal scholar. Marshall’s principal claim to fame as Chief Justice—though by no means his only one—is his authoring the Court’s opinion in the famous case of Marbury v. Madison. Decided in 1803—two years af- ter he became Chief Justice—he turned what otherwise would have been an obscure case into the fountainhead of all of our present-day constitutional law. The case arose out of a suit by William Marbury, who had been nominated and confirmed as a Justice of the Peace in the District of Columbia, against James Madison, whom Thomas Jefferson had ap- pointed as his Secretary of State. Although Marbury had been nomi- nated and confirmed, his commission had not been issued by the time of the change in administration, and James Madison refused to issue it. Marbury contended that once he had been nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate, the issuance of his commis- sion was simply a ministerial task for the Secretary of State who had no choice but to issue it. He brought an original action in the Su- preme Court, relying on a provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789 which said that the Supreme Court could issue writs of mandamus to any federal official where appropriate. Marbury said that James Madison was a public official—which no one denied—and that a writ of mandamus (a recognized judicial writ available to require public officials to perform their duty) was appropriate in his case. The opinion in Marbury v. Madison is a remarkable example of judicial statesmanship. The Court says that Marbury is entitled to his commission, and Madison is wrong to withhold it. It says that this is REHNQUIST IN FINAL READ.DOC 07/31/03 2:14 PM 790 DUKE LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 52:787 the sort of ministerial duty of a public official that can be enforced by a writ of mandamus. But the Court concludes by saying that Con- gress—in granting the Supreme Court the power to issue a writ of mandamus in a case like this—has run afoul of the original jurisdic- tion provision of the Supreme Court contained in Article III of the Constitution. Madison and Jefferson are verbally chastised, but it turns out that there is nothing that the Supreme Court can do about it because Congress tried to give the Supreme Court more authority than the Constitution would permit. The doctrine of judicial review— the authority of federal courts to declare legislative acts unconstitu- tional—is established, but in such a self-denying way that it is the Court’s authority which is cut back. During the thirty-four years he served as Chief Justice, Marshall wrote most of the important opinions that the Court decided. In Gib- bons v. Ogden, decided in 1824, he wrote the opinion adopting a broad construction of the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce under its authority contained in Article I of the Constitu- tion. In the Dartmouth College case, he gave a generous interpreta- tion to the prohibition in the Constitution against state impairment of the obligation of contract. One could name several other opinions authored by Marshall of nearly equal importance, but time does not permit. Suffice it to say that by the time of John Marshall’s death in 1835, the Supreme Court was a full partner in the federal govern- ment. What was the secret of John Marshall’s success? It was not that he was “present at the creation” because he was not; he was not the first Chief Justice, but the fourth Chief Justice. John Jay and Oliver Ellsworth were both able jurists by the standards of their time, but neither of them had the vision of constitutional government that Mar- shall did. Marshall was certainly no more “learned in the law” than his colleagues on the Court, and there were probably several of those who would have been thought more learned than he. Marshall also faced a built-in headwind against his views for the first twenty-four years of his tenure as Chief Justice. During this period the “Virginia dynasty” of Presidents—Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe—were in office, and these Presidents had quite a dif- ferent view of the relationship between the federal and state govern- ments than Marshall did.
Recommended publications
  • The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments
    A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren Paige Joyce Judson Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts In Political Science Jason P. Kelly, Chair Wayne D. Moore Karen M. Hult August 7, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Judicial Politics, Electoral Realignment, Alteration to the Supreme Court Copyright 2014, Lauren J. Judson A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren J. Judson ABSTRACT During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the “old order” in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s).
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae
    CURRICULUM VITAE JEFFREY B. MORRIS 234 Forest Road Touro College Little Neck, NY 11363 Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center (718) 428-3507 225 Eastview Drive e-mail: [email protected] Central Islip, NY 11722 (631) 761-7135 [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. in Political Science, Columbia University 1972 J.D., School of Law, Columbia University 1965 B.A., Princeton University 1962 PROFESSIONAL TEACHING EXPERIENCE Professor of Law Touro College, Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center 1995-Present Associate Professor of Law, 1990-95 Touro College, Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center Visiting Associate Professor of Law, 1988-90 Brooklyn Law School Assistant Professor of Political Science, 1981-88 University of Pennsylvania Department of Political Science, 1968-74 The City College of the City University of New York (Lecturer, 1968-70; Instructor, 1970-72; Assistant Professor, 1972-74) Lecturer in Law, Baruch College, Summer 1967 City University of New York COURSES TAUGHT ABROAD, TOURO SUMMER PROGRAMS Israel Program – Comparative „Church-State‟ Law 2011 Germany Program – Comparative Constitutional Law 2004, 2005 India Program – Comparative Supreme Courts: U.S. and India 1999 ADJUNCT TEACHING Brooklyn Law School 2002 Honors College, Adelphi University 2004 HONORS Christian R. and Mary F. Lindback Award for Distinguished 1986 Teaching [for “teaching that is intellectually demanding, unusually coherent, and permanent in its effect”] at the University of Pennsylvania Selected as one of three Judicial Fellows in the United States 1976-77 JUDICIAL COMMITTEES AND CONFERENCES Member, Second Circuit Committee on Historical and 1995-2000 Commemorative Events Member, Judicial Conference of the District of Columbia Circuit 1990-92 ADDITIONAL PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Research Associate to the Administrative Assistant 1976-81 to the Chief Justice of the United States Research and analysis for the Chief Justice of the United States, Warren E.
    [Show full text]
  • In Defence of the Court's Integrity
    In Defence of the Court’s Integrity 17 In Defence of the Court’s Integrity: The Role of Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes in the Defeat of the Court-Packing Plan of 1937 Ryan Coates Honours, Durham University ‘No greater mistake can be made than to think that our institutions are fixed or may not be changed for the worse. We are a young nation and nothing can be taken for granted. If our institutions are maintained in their integrity, and if change shall mean improvement, it will be because the intelligent and the worthy constantly generate the motive power which, distributed over a thousand lines of communication, develops that appreciation of the standards of decency and justice which we have delighted to call the common sense of the American people.’ Hughes in 1909 ‘Our institutions were not designed to bring about uniformity of opinion; if they had been, we might well abandon hope.’ Hughes in 1925 ‘While what I am about to say would ordinarily be held in confidence, I feel that I am justified in revealing it in defence of the Court’s integrity.’ Hughes in the 1940s In early 1927, ten years before his intervention against the court-packing plan, Charles Evans Hughes, former Governor of New York, former Republican presidential candidate, former Secretary of State, and most significantly, former Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, delivered a series 18 history in the making vol. 3 no. 2 of lectures at his alma mater, Columbia University, on the subject of the Supreme Court.1 These lectures were published the following year as The Supreme Court: Its Foundation, Methods and Achievements (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928).
    [Show full text]
  • Not the King's Bench Edward A
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2003 Not the King's Bench Edward A. Hartnett Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hartnett, Edward A., "Not the King's Bench" (2003). Constitutional Commentary. 303. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/303 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOT THE KING'S BENCH Edward A. Hartnett* Speaking at a public birthday party for an icon, even if the honoree is one or two hundred years old, can be a surprisingly tricky business. Short of turning the party into a roast, it seems rude to criticize the birthday boy too harshly. On the other hand, it is at least as important to avoid unwarranted and exaggerated praise.1 The difficult task, then, is to try to say something re­ motely new or interesting while navigating that strait. The conference organizers did make it easier for me in one respect: My assignment does not involve those ideas for which Marbury is invoked as an icon. It is for others to wrestle in well­ worn trenches with exalted arguments about judicial review and its overgrown descendent judicial supremacy, while trying to avoid unseemly criticism or fawning praise. I, on the other hand, am to address more technical issues involving section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and its provision granting the Supreme Court the power to issue writs of mandamus.
    [Show full text]
  • Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait Paul R
    Louisiana Law Review Volume 43 | Number 4 Symposium: Maritime Personal Injury March 1983 Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait Paul R. Baier Louisiana State University Law Center Repository Citation Paul R. Baier, Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait, 43 La. L. Rev. (1983) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol43/iss4/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. V ( TI DEDICATION OF PORTRAIT EDWARD DOUGLASS WHITE: FRAME FOR A PORTRAIT* Oration at the unveiling of the Rosenthal portrait of E. D. White, before the Louisiana Supreme Court, October 29, 1982. Paul R. Baier** Royal Street fluttered with flags, we are told, when they unveiled the statue of Edward Douglass White, in the heart of old New Orleans, in 1926. Confederate Veterans, still wearing the gray of '61, stood about the scaffolding. Above them rose Mr. Baker's great bronze statue of E. D. White, heroic in size, draped in the national flag. Somewhere in the crowd a band played old Southern airs, soft and sweet in the April sunshine. It was an impressive occasion, reported The Times-Picayune1 notable because so many venerable men and women had gathered to pay tribute to a man whose career brings honor to Louisiana and to the nation. Fifty years separate us from that occasion, sixty from White's death.
    [Show full text]
  • Adhering to Our Views: Brennan and Marshall and the Relentless Dissent to Death As a Punishment
    Florida State University Law Review Volume 22 Issue 3 Article 1 1995 Adhering to Our Views: Brennan and Marshall and the Relentless Dissent to Death as a Punishment Michael Mello [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael Mello, Adhering to Our Views: Brennan and Marshall and the Relentless Dissent to Death as a Punishment, 22 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. 591 (1995) . https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr/vol22/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida State University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW ADHERING TO OUR VIEWS: BRENNAN AND MARSHALL AND THE RELENTLESS DISSENT TO DEATH AS A PUNISHMENT Michael Mello VOLUME 22 WINTER 1995 NUMBER 3 Recommended citation: Michael Mello, Adhering to Our Views: Brennan and Marshall and the Relentless Dissent to Death as a Punishment, 22 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 591 (1995). ADHERING TO OUR VIEWS: JUSTICES BRENNAN AND MARSHALL AND THE RELENTLESS DISSENT TO DEATH AS A PUNISHMENT MICHAEL MELLO* I. INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 592 A. Capital Punishmentand the Modern Court: An Overview ..................................................... 593 B. The Evolving Law of Death: "The Supreme Court's Obstacle Course" .............................. 598 II. LEGITIMACY IN HISTORY ......................................... 606 A. The Supreme Court: "Nine Scorpions in a Bottle" .................... .................................. 606 B. Early History of Dissent ................................. 607 1. Seriatim Opinions..................................... 607 2. Early "Opinions of the Court"--andEarly Dissents ................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Marshall Court As Institution
    Herbert A. Johnson. The Chief Justiceship of John Marshall: 1801-1835. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1997. xii + 317 pp. $39.95, cloth, ISBN 978-1-57003-121-2. Reviewed by Sanford Levinson Published on H-Law (December, 1997) Herbert A. Johnson, who with the late George perhaps the general political atmosphere that L. Haskins co-authored the Holmes Devise volume helped to explain the particular appointments to Foundations of Power: John Marshall, 1801-1815 the Court that made the achievement of Mar‐ (1981), here turns his attention to Marshall's over‐ shall's political and jurisprudential goals easier or all tenure of office. Indeed, the book under review harder. is part of a series, of which Johnson is the general This is a book written for a scholarly audi‐ editor, on "Chief Justiceships of the United States ence, and I dare say that most of its readers will Supreme Court," of which four books have ap‐ already have their own views about such classic peared so far. (The others are William B. Casto on Marshall chestnuts as Marbury v. Madison, Mc‐ Marshall's predecessors Jay and Ellsworth; James Culloch v. Maryland, Gibbons v. Ogden, and the W. Ely, Jr. on Melville W. Fuller; and Melvin I. like. Although Johnson discusses these cases, as he Urofksy on Harlan Fiske Stone and Fred M. Vin‐ must, he does not spend an inordinate amount of son.) One could easily question the value of peri‐ space on them, and the great value of this book odizing the Supreme Court history through its lies in his emphasis on facets of the Court, includ‐ chief justices; but it probably makes more sense ing cases, of which many scholars (or at least I to do so in regard to the formidable Marshall than myself) may not be so aware.
    [Show full text]
  • The Honorable William H. Rehnquist 1924–2005
    (Trim Line) (Trim Line) THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST 1924–2005 [ 1 ] VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Photograph by Dane Penland, Smithsonian Institution Courtesy the Supreme Court of the United States William H. Rehnquist VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6688 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE 23500.001 (Trim Line) (Trim Line) S. DOC. 109–7 WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2006 VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing Trent Lott, Chairman VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Order for Printing Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Martin Van Buren National Historic Site
    M ARTIN VAN BUREN NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY, 1974-2006 SUZANNE JULIN NATIONAL PARK SERVICE U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR NORTHEAST REGION HISTORY PROGRAM JULY 2011 i Cover Illustration: Exterior Restoration of Lindenwald, c. 1980. Source: Martin Van Buren National Historic Site ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Illustrations vii Acknowledgements ix Introduction 1 Chapter One: Recognizing Lindenwald: The Establishment Of Martin Van Buren National Historic Site 5 Chapter Two: Toward 1982: The Race To The Van Buren Bicentennial 27 Chapter Three: Saving Lindenwald: Restoration, Preservation, Collections, and Planning, 1982-1987 55 Chapter Four: Finding Space: Facilities And Boundaries, 1982-1991 73 Chapter Five: Interpreting Martin Van Buren And Lindenwald, 1980-2000 93 Chapter Six: Finding Compromises: New Facilities And The Protection of Lindenwald, 1992-2006 111 Chapter Seven: New Possibilities: Planning, Interpretation and Boundary Expansion 2000-2006 127 Conclusion: Martin Van Buren National Historic Site Administrative History 143 Appendixes: Appendix A: Martin Van Buren National Historic Site Visitation, 1977-2005 145 Appendix B: Martin Van Buren National Historic Site Staffi ng 147 Appendix C: Martin Van Buren National Historic Site Studies, Reports, And Planning Documents 1936-2006 151 Bibliography 153 Index 159 v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1.1. Location of MAVA on Route 9H in Kinderhook, NY Figure 1.2. Portrait of the young Martin Van Buren by Henry Inman, circa 1840 Library of Congress Figure 1.3. Photograph of the elderly Martin Van Buren, between 1840 and 1862 Library of Congress Figure 1.4. James Leath and John Watson of the Columbia County Historical Society Photograph MAVA Collection Figure 2.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice Sandra Day O'connor: the World's Most Powerful Jurist?
    JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O'CONNOR: THE WORLD'S MOST POWERFUL JURIST? DIANE LOWENTHAL AND BARBARA PALMER* I. INTRODUCTION Justice Sandra Day O'Connor has been called a "major force on [the] Supreme Court,"' the "real" Chief Justice, 2 and "America's most powerful jurist."' 3 Others have referred to her as "the most 5 powerful woman in America" 4 and even of "the world.", Even compared to women like Eleanor Roosevelt and Hillary Clinton, there is no one "who has had a more profound effect on society than any other American woman... If someone else had been appointed to her position on the court, our nation might now be living under different rules for abortion, affirmative action, race, religion in school and civil rights. We might well have a different president." 6 Former Acting Solicitor General Walter Dellinger noted, "What is most striking is the assurance with which this formerly obscure state court judge effectively decides many hugely important questions for a country of 275 million people.",7 As one journalist put it, "We are all living in * Diane Lowenthal, Ph.D. in Social and Decision Sciences, Carnegie Mellon University and Barbara Palmer, Ph.D. in Political Science, University of Minnesota, are assistant professors in American University's Washington Semester Program. The authors would like to thank their undergraduate research assistants, Amy Bauman, Nick Chapman-Hushek, and Amanda White. This paper was presented at October 28, 2004 Town Hall The Sway of the Swing Vote: Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and Her Influence on Issues of Race, Religion, Gender and Class sponsored by the University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class and the Women, Leadership and Equality Program.
    [Show full text]
  • Property and the Roberts Court
    Property and the Roberts Court John G. Sprankling I. INTRODUCTION How do property owners fare before the Roberts Court? Quite well. Owners prevail in 86% of civil property-related disputes with government entities.1 But this statistic does not tell the whole story. This Article demonstrates that under the leadership of Chief Justice Roberts the Court has expanded the constitutional and statutory protections afforded to owners to a greater extent than any prior Court. It analyzes the key trends in the Court’s jurisprudence that will shape its decisions on property issues in future decades. Almost 100 years ago, Justice Holmes remarked that government regulation of property which went “too far” would be unconstitutional; yet the precise line between permissible and impermissible action has never been drawn.2 The issue has generated debate through much of American history, particularly in recent decades as the influence of conservative ideology on the Supreme Court has expanded. The Burger and Rehnquist Courts were broadly viewed as more sympathetic to private property than the Warren Court had been. However, the most controversial anti-owner decision of the modern era, Kelo v. City of New London,3 was decided in the final year of the Rehnquist Court. In Kelo, the Court held that the city was empowered to condemn owner-occupied homes and transfer them to private developers as part of an economic redevelopment project4―a ruling that ignited a firestorm of protest across the nation. In his confirmation hearings to serve as Chief Justice, John Roberts pledged to act as an “umpire” on the Court, a person with “no agenda” Distinguished Professor of Law, University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • A Supreme Court to Be Proud Of
    Ideas and Consequences A Supreme Court to Be Proud Of BY LAWRENCE W. REED n the closing months of the current U.S. Supreme he started a successful law practice in Illinois, where he Court session, pundits of every stripe will be assess- would reside until his elevation to the Supreme Court Iing the impact of recent changes in the Court’s by President Grover Cleveland in 1888. composition. If the justices themselves are interested in As a one-term Democratic legislator in Illinois’s how they measure up, there may be no better standard lower house in 1862, Fuller condemned the Lincoln than the Court’s record under Chief Justice Melville W. administration’s arbitrary arrests, suspension of habeas Fuller. corpus, and other wartime indiscretions as assaults on It’s a sad commentary that in the mainstream media, liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. He opposed courts are tagged with such confusing and superficial both secession and slavery,but didn’t believe in quashing labels as “conservative” or “liberal”—terms dissent and due process to vanquish loaded with political baggage and often them.As a Democratic activist and advis- manipulated by those with an ax to grind. er to candidates for national office, he I prefer more clarifying questions: Does a opposed protectionism as special-interest court interpret law or manufacture it? legislation that hurt consumers. He Does it apply the Constitution according decried irredeemable paper money as a to what its text says or is it willing to aban- form of theft and fraud, even voting to don it to accommodate current whims, forbid the Illinois treasury from receiving trendy ideologies, or alleged “needs” of the greenbacks as payment for state taxes.
    [Show full text]