"THE GOLD AND THE SPIRITS ARE CLOSE� Popular Religion and Social Transformation in Sukumaland, North-west Tanzania.1 Frans Wijsen Since the introduction of the free market economy and the multi party system in Tanzania economic and political changes occur day after day. These changes are reflected and transcended in changes in the cultural and the religious field, as the growing tension between Christians and Muslims (Hagamu, 1991) and the growing gap between official and popular religion (Magesa, 1994) show. In this paper it is assumed that the generative capacity of symbolic thought is one of the primary factors in cultural change. Popular religion is an appropria- te theme to discover this change. A semiotic analysis can be used to discover the transformations in society as a whole or aspects of it by way of an analysis of the transformations in the cultural symbolism. Popular religion is understood here not only as the religion of the ordinary faithful in contrast with that of the religious leaders within a certain tradition, but also as the religion of the masses in contrast with that of the elites as different groups of people within the Sukuma social structure. The aim of this paper is to explore if popular religion can be understood as a source of transformation (rather than as a hindrance as is often thought), and to indicate some consequences for the planning of a missionary policy and strategy, starting from popular religion. First we will investigate some new rituals addressing evil spirits in the gold mines in Geita District, Northwest Tanzania. We will show that the globalizati- on of the world goes together with a revival of traditional beliefs and practices. Secondly, we will try to understand the observed reality by making a semiotic analysis. It will be shown that popular religion is neither to be understood in terms of historical legacy nor as political innocence. Finally, some conclusions will be drawn for those who are involved in processes of planned change, such as development workers and missionaries. In comparison with the previous sections, this section will be short. The emphasis in this paper is on description and interpretation. 1 This article is based on a paper presented at the 1994 Summer School of the Centre for Resource Studies for Human Development at the University of Amsterdam, 20-23 September 1994. The theme of this Summer School was: Popular Culture: Beyond Historical Legacy and Political Innocence.- This study is part of a wider research project of the Department of Systematic Theology and Science of Religion, within the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic University of Nijmegen. The project is entitled "Inculturation, Popular Religiosity and Syncretism in East Africa". Gold mining in Geita District A good example of the economic and political changes in present-day Tanzania is the development of gold mining on a private basis in the Geita District. This is part of an area called Sukumaland, after its main ethnic group, the Sukuma people. In 1934 the "Geita Gold Mining Co. Ltd.," a subsidiary of the "Kentan Gold Areas Ltd.," started with gold digging on a large scale near Geita Town. Geita Gold Mine was the only European settlement in Sukumaland in that time (Maguire, 1969: 201). It employed 2.200 men. It had its own port on the lake shore, to which goods were transported from Mwanza, an aerodrome and a hospital (Moffett, 1958: 546). The Geita Gold Mine has been a leading producer until 1950. Later on, for several reasons, its financial results did not balance the costs of operating. The mine was then closed in 1965. Southwest of Geita Town the Buckreef Gold Mine is still operating. About 200 people are employed there by the National Mining Corporation. In other parts of the area gold mining takes place on private basis. Since April 1990 the gold can be sold at branches of the "Bank of Tanzania" in order to reduce black market practices and the flight of capital. This has attracted many people from other parts of the country. A whole system has developed with agents and dealers, guards and diggers. The many people moving into the area, searching for gold, create various problems. On some spots the population increased to 40 till 50 thousand people, while health and sanitary facilities remained more or less the same as the situation had been with the original population of a few thousand. Drun- kenness and prostitution, with a high risk of getting "AIDS", are the order of the day. In the mines the diggers do the most difficult and the most dangerous work. Many diggers die in the mines from collapsing shafts. The diggers get 5.400 shillings for the weight of a chapa (a cent). Business men buy the gold and sell it in Mwanza or Dar es Salaam, Kisii or Nairobi, where they get 5.900 shillings or more for the same quantity (the figures are from 1991; at the end of May 1991 the official exchange rate was 233 Tanzanian shillings to 1 American dollar). That money is invested again in consumer goods which the business men seil in their shops in Kharumwa or Bugogo. By doing so they make money with money. As the diggers have to eat, the business men buy food in the villages and bring it to the mines. Business men, many of whom are Arabs or Indians, notably not Sukuma who are mostly peasant farmers, are flourishing since the liberalization of trade in Tanzania as a result of the negotiations between the Tanzanian government and the International Monetary Fund. As they have regular income of money the business men can invest money in shops, restaurants or means of transport and accumulate money. Until recently the farmers were forced to grow cotton. But they were not paid well for the cotton by the "Tanzania Cotton Authority" .