DOCSLIB.ORG

SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Vol 2, No 2 (No 6)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Vol 2, No 2 (No 6) SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Vol 2, No 2 (No 6) A Marxist Journal of South African Studies Editorial Third Worldism: The Albatross of Socialism 1 The Killing Fields of Southern Mrica Editors The Killing Fields of Southern Africa 9 PTrewhela A Death in South Africa: The Killing of Sipho Phungulwa 11 BHirson Dragons Teeth in South Africa 25 BOswin W elverdiend Spells Death: A Story of Overkill 38 P Trewhela The KissingerNorster/Kaunda Detente: Genesis of the Swapo 'Spy-Drama', Part II 42 Obituary The Dualism ofl B Tabata 59 Archive Frank Glass The Commune of Bulhoek 64 MWade The Passing of a Friend 67 P Tt'(.'Witela The AFL-CIO and the Trade Unions in South Africa 69 Letter The ANC Conference: From Kabwe to the Johannesburg Conference 91 Olver Picture: Picasso, Guernica SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Editorial Published Quarterly THIRD WORLDISM: THE ALBATROSS OF Address: BCM 7646, London WClN 3XX SOCIALISM ISSN: 0954-3384 Editors: Baruch Hirson, Paul Trewhela, Hillel Ticktin, Rose Phahle, Brian MacLellan. Once Again On The Colonial Question One issue separates Searchlight South Africa from most other socialist journals Annual Subscriptions focused on South Africa: the editors do not support the nationalist or 'populist' movements. This journal does not acclaim their 'armed struggle', rejects their programmes (whether couched in reformist or radical phrases) and argues Individual £12 Institutions £24 - Special student offer £9 the need for a movement which will rally that class in a struggle for socialism. Against the ideologues who proclaim the end of Marxism, and all the Abroad: add £4 p&p or $US/Canadian equivalent. Stalinists who use the word communism to mislead, it is still necessary to state Why finance the banks: Send dollar notes. that a more human world society will be achieved through socialism. What then of the nationalist movements in South Africa? While defending their right to exist and protecting them against the attacks of the government ~here can_ be ~o support for ~eir political philosophy and no support for theU: mtervention m the trade uruons or any other working class movement. Any Notes to Contributors: such attempt by these populist leaders can only lead to a betrayal of the workers. This conclusion is buttressed by the article on the AFL-CIO by Paul Articles and reviews, accompanied by mM ASCII flies on disk-if pos­ Trewhela in this issue. For Mr Mandela in New York to call upon an sible-should be submitted to the editors, typed or printed out, in one-and­ organization that was CIA funded, to assist in building a trade union movement a-half, or double spacing. Articles should be between 4,000 and 7,000 in Sou!h. Africa is unacceptable. For the vice president of Sactu, Chris words, but the editors will be flexible and will consider longer pieces. Short Dhlarmm, to echo that request would be inexplicable if it were not that he is one of the leaders of the Communist Party. ~tides (other than letters) will only be accepted if they are of exceptional mterest. Pseudonyms may be used but we need to know the author's iden- From this it must follow that defence of those movements does not and tity. - cannot, imply support for their aims, their tactics or their strategy. To do so If substantial alterations would improve an article or review, the editors would m~an the end of an indepe!ldent soci~t movement, the betrayal of will communicate with the author before proceeding with publication. The the working class and the repudiation ofManasm.lt also means that it is not editors reserve the right to alter grammar, spelling, punctuation or obvious possible to accept any proposal that socialist groups immerse themselves in errors in the text. Where possible, references should be included in the text, 1he populist stream. with sources listed at the end of the article, giving author, title, publisher Elsewhere in this issue there is an obituary to LB. Tabata, one of the founders and date. and leaders of the Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) since 1943. We regret the lateness of issue after issue. But we will try to meet our Tabata's first commitment to the political struggle came when he joined the publication dates and early submissions will ensure early inclusion. Letters W ork~rs. Party of ~outh A[rica ~ 1935. In priv~te he always claimed allegiance commenting on recent articles in Searchlight South Africa, or relating to cur­ I o soctahsm and mternationalism and there IS no reason to believe that he rent events in South Africa, will be printed as soon as possible. These con­ meant otherwise. However, by placing himself at the head of the NEUM or tributions should not exceed 1,500 words and may be shortened to fit its main_secti~m, the All African Convention, Tabata always appeared publicly available space. Reviews of books will be by invitation and must be ready as a nationalist. No matter how often he denied that he was a nationalist or for the following issue of the journal. that his politics had not moved away from socialism, he remained in the gr~ve of 'liberation politics'. Yet Tabata's association with the WP was well known and the NEUM was always described as a Trotskyist movement. A REQUEST TO RI:lADERS If readers have documents of contemporaty or historic interest that would bear Fo~ nearly fifty years the South African Trotskyists were enmeshed in this republication, we would be pleased to receive them. They will be returned immediately. dualism: a movement devoted ostensibly to internationalism and the working class that played nationalist politics, and nationalist politicians who were 2 Searchlight South Africa, Vo/2, No 2, January 1991 Third Worldism: The Albatross of Socialism 3 condemned as Trotskyists. It was an albatross that hung around the neck of n~tionalist cause. Readers of this journal can draw up a list, starting perhaps the anti-Stalinist left in South Africa. Tabata was not alone in pursuing his ~t~ .c L R James, George Padmore, Frantz Fanon, or less well known mythical socialism through a nationalist movement. Several of his co-leaders m?ivtduals such 3!' ~e Tr<;>tskyist spokesman Pablo (Michel Raptis). They had the same philosophy and conducted the same dualist politics. Goolam mtght kn.ow organtzations like the Lanka Sarna Samaja in Sri Lanka, the FLN Goo~ Ben Kies, Janub Goo~ to mention only a few, came from the Workers of Algena, the CPP of Ghana, or .the S~dinistas in Nicaragua. This would Party. Other smaller Trotskyist groups affiliated with the NEUM, explaining make a good pru:Iour g~e .but ~t divtde the players by generation. The their move in entryist terms. The Labour Party was rejected as segregationist; heroes of the ~es and stxbes now lie forgotten, the victors of the seventies consequently they would work inside the national movement and there fmd are no longer With us; and those who survive are all too often an embarrass­ their way to a mass audience. Leading Trotskyists in Cape Town, like Hosea ment. Yet new ?-ames keep appearing, and socialists keep raising the flag aloft Jaffe of the Fourth International Organisation of South Africa (FIOSA), was for new champtons. elected to the executive of the NEUM. The movement with the longest popular support in the west is probably the Except for one group in the Transva~ there is no evidence that before the ANC. Endless energy, and even more money, has gone into bolstering it. late 1970s any Trotskyists worked inside the trade union movement or tried Support for the ANC has been ~~~ up by Stalinists and Trotskyists; by specifically to organize a working class movement. Thus far had they moved US Senators, Commomyeal~ Pnme Mrmsters; churches, sports associations, from Marxism. Only those who broke from the nationalist politics of the and s? on. But the ANC lS umque. Most such love-stories are usually of shorter NEUM, but retained some of the Marxism they had first encountered (all so duratmn. !here is ~ttle purpose in listing all those ephemeral attachments but secretly) in that body, worked in the unions. But they did not have a Marxist a few remmders might help. There were few socialists in the west who did not movement behind them and when the time was obviously ripe for the emer­ support at some ~tage: Nkrumah or Ben Bella; Neguib or Nasser; Nehru or gence of a workers' movement, they were unable to offer a lead. Mahatma Gandhi; Sukamo; Ho Chi Minh or even Pol Pot in south east Asia. This criticism ofTabata is not meant to belittle the man. He devoted his life Those who championed one or other of these 'Third World' leaders always for the movement he helped create and he did not waver in his beliefs. The had a catalogue of reasons: these men and their movements had to be same must be said of others who believed (and some who still believe) in the s~pport~d ~use: they were anti-imperialist, they fought colonial oppres­ correctness of their policy. Perhaps the historian will look back benignly on smn, therr vtctorr would weaken western capitalism. There were also always them and say that in failing there was some merit. Success would have bound cscape-c~a~es: tt was granted t~at these people might not be socialists, or at all their adherents to that nationalist brand of petty bourgeois politics. least soetalist~ as understood m the west, and when trade unions were suppressed this was overlooked or justified because of the weakness of the However, where members of the WP and FIOSA failed, the Stalinists When stories of oppression were publicised, these were rejected as succeeded.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Baruch Hirson
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Baruch Hirson Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Sidelines, notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Baruch Hirson Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): R. Mettler ; K. Shanker Date and place of birth: December 19, 1921, Doomfontein (South Africa) Date and place of death: October 3, 1999, London (Great Britain) Nationality: South African, British Occupations, careers: Historian, editor, physicist, lecturer, political activist Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1944 - 1999 (lifelong Trotskyist) Biographical sketch Note: This short biographical sketch is based upon the obituaries and appraisals listed under Selective biblio- graphy: Books and articles about Hirson, below. Additionally, Hirson's autobiographical work Revolutions in my life (1995) has been consulted. Baruch Hirson was born on December 191, 1921 at Doomfontein near Johannesburg in the Transvaal province (South Africa) as a son of Joseph Hirson, an electrician, and his wife Lily (b. Clingman). The parents were Jews who had immigrated to South Africa from Latvia, which then formed part of the Czarist Empire. The boy was named after his recently deceased grandfather, but in conformity with at- tempts of better integrating into the new society was often called Bertram or Bertie for short. In 1946 Hirson married Yael Sherman (1926-?) who later became a paediatrician. The couple got two sons and one daughter: Denis, Allen and Zoe. Hirson grew up in a lower middle-class white Jewish community, was sent to the Talmud Torah (a Hebrew school) at the age of four, and attended primary school and high school from 1927 to 1938 and then earned his living by various jobs.
    [Show full text]
  • SPARK and the 'RED NUN' Baruch Hirson
    SPARK AND THE 'RED NUN' Baruch Hirson Spark — A Revolutionary Journal From June 1935, through August 1939, the journal Spark was sold in the streets of Cape Town. This mimeographed paper, directed to workers and intellectuals, was the most advanced left-wing publication of the time in South Africa. It carried a mix of international surveys from the pen of Leon Trotsky and his followers, and discussion of events in South Africa. Informed by readings of Marx and Engels, local events were subjected to critical analysis. There were appraisals of the state of the economy, the nature of the working class, the calling of the All African Convention to meet the threat of Cape African disenfranchisement, and the Indian and Coloured organizations of Natal and the Cape. Spark was edited and produced by the Workers Party of South Africa (WPSA) and although the existence of that organization and its paper are barely remembered today, they had an impact at the time that transcended the boundaries of the small group in Cape Town. Some of its adherents emerged later inside the Non-European Unity Movement, but by that time they had moved far from the original programme of this pioneer Trotskyist movement. Copies of Spark are not easily available today, and we reprint two articles in this issue. It is possible to reproduce articles from Spark, but retrieving information about the members of the Workers Party is more difficult. Their names are forgotten by most, and even where they are known, they remain shadowy figures. Some came from eastern Europe and brought with them the traditions of Marxism, others were South Africans who rebelled against the accepted values of an oppressive society.
    [Show full text]
  • Searchlight South Africa: a Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Vol
    Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 Alternative title Searchlight South Africa Author/Creator Hirson, Baruch; Trewhela, Paul; Ticktin, Hillel; MacLellan, Brian Date 1991-07 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Ethiopia, Iraq, Namibia, South Africa Coverage (temporal)
    [Show full text]
  • Black South African Women's Fight Against Patriarchy and Apartheid
    W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 4-2010 The Revolution Will Be Recognized: Black South African Women's Fight Against Patriarchy and Apartheid Candace Lillie Bond College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Bond, Candace Lillie, "The Revolution Will Be Recognized: Black South African Women's Fight Against Patriarchy and Apartheid" (2010). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 652. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/652 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Revolution Will Be Recognized: Black South African Women’s Fight Against Patriarchy and Apartheid A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelors of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies from The College of William and Mary By Candace Lillie Bond Accepted for ___________________________________ (Honors, High Honors, Highest Honors) Leisa D. Meyer________________________________ Director Robert Vinson ________________________________ James D. La Fleur_______________________________ Williamsburg, VA April 22, 2010 Table of Contents Preface……………………………………………………………………………………….....iii Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….…….1 Section I. Indigenous
    [Show full text]
  • Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
    Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare.
    [Show full text]
  • RUTH SCHECHTER: FRIEND to OLIVE SCHREINER Baruch Hirson
    RUTH SCHECHTER: FRIEND TO OLIVE SCHREINER Baruch Hirson The Intellectual as Socialist In tracing the history of socialism in South Africa, historians have previously searched through the records of political group's, trade union organisations and the lives of leading left-wing politicians. The works based on these re­ searches (or reminiscences) provide the bare bones of the history of the left in South Africa. What is missing is the study of the socialist intellectuals and their ideas in this political current, both for their contributions and for the problems introduced by an intelligentsia who saw so clearly the evils of colour discrimination but conceived only dimly its relation to class exploitation. It is not always obvious where this study should begin or which subjects this in­ vestigation should cover. There seems to be no obvious thinker to whom the re­ searcher can turn: few if any people equal in calibre to the leading socialist thinkers in Europe or the USA in the late 19th or early 20th century. Yet such men and women must have been present for the movement to have come into existence, gained ground and continued for almost a century. What appears in the histories, and this is at least partly correct, is that some of the ideas translated into socialist programmes came from immigrants at the turn of this century, bringing their ideas from eastern Europe or Britain. These were tested against local conditions and adjusted to meet perceived needs. Other ideas, fed into the socialist movement by persons with no political affilia­ tion, get bare mention or are overlooked.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising
    Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern University Honors Program Theses 2019 Genocide Masquerading: The olitP ics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising Jessica P. Forsee Georgia Southern University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses Part of the Africana Studies Commons, African History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, International Relations Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Forsee, Jessica P., "Genocide Masquerading: The oP litics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising" (2019). University Honors Program Theses. 415. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses/415 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Program Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Genocide Masquerading: The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in History. By Jessica Forsee Under the mentorship of Dr. Cathy Skidmore-Hess ABSTRACT Apartheid South Africa represented a paradox as a US ally and human rights pariah. “Genocide Masquerading” uncovers the implications of US foreign policy on the rise and decline of apartheid, looking specifically at the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre and the 1976 Soweto Uprising. By comparing Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford, and Carter foreign policy responses, this thesis creates a comparative analysis of how effective, or ineffective, the United States was during pivotal moments in apartheid history. This thesis will not only expand on the developing South African literature but add to the conversation of international aid, diplomacy practices, and North-South relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • Searchlight South Africa
    SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA No 12 June1995 £3.50 The Election of a Government South Africa : The State of a Nation State Informers in the ANC London Office A History of the Non-European Unity Movement SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA VOL 3, NO 4, (NO 12) A Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Baruch Hirson Searchlight South Africa : The End of a Series, p 1 The Election of a Government, p 6 Apartheid Laws & Regulations, p 14 South Africa The State of a Nation Vigilance and the need for a Critique, p 16 Amnesty and the Truth Commission, p 20 The Civil Service, p 23 The International Monetary Fund, p 24 The Land and the People, p 25 The eatification of Joe Slovo : 1926-1995, p 27 Exeunt Winnie Mandela, p 32 The Workers on Strike.', p 34 The new Labour ill, p 36 The Armed Forces, p 37 Advertisement : The Delegate for Africa, p 40 Paul Trewhela State Espionage and the ANC London Office, p 42 Joe Rassool Letter On the general strike of 1922, p 52 aruch Hirson ook review: Youth in Crisis, p 60 A short history of the Non-European Unity Movement: An insider's view, p 64 Index to Vol 3,p 94 Cover picture : Detail from The Garden of Earthly Delights by Hieronymus osch, SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Addresses: 13 Talbot Av, London N2 OLS, Great ritain PO ox 66314, roadway, Johannesburg 2020 ISSN : 0954-3384 Editor of this issue : aruch Hirson. Printed and ound in Great ritain by UTL, London . ack copies are still available - except for Nos 1 & 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Cosmopolitans in Close Quarters: Everyday Life in the Ranks of Umkhonto We Sizwe (1961-Present)
    COSMOPOLITANS IN CLOSE QUARTERS: EVERYDAY LIFE IN THE RANKS OF UMKHONTO WE SIZWE (1961-PRESENT) By STEPHEN DAVIS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010 1 © 2010 Stephen R. Davis 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Acknowledgements most often begin with some sort of statement about how a dissertation is a collaborative effort. In my experience this is true, but not all acknowledged pull the same load of weight. In terms of fairness and honesty, I am acknowledging people in the rough order of the amount of weight they pulled. My brother preserved my ability to think like a human being. He also encouraged me to keep drawing if things got too tough. I thank him for both his ability to preserve my own innate senses and for his encouragement. I thank Duduzile for reasons only we know. If my ideas carry any weight by themselves, I have Luise White to thank. I once made the mistake of thanking her for training me as a historian. I received the appropriate response for thinking that I had been trained. I now acknowledge Luise for giving me the courage to think laterally about history and life, and to have the wisdom to call out some of the linear thinking within both of these worlds. She also taught me how to accept a complement and to preserve my sense of humor about things that are beyond my control or comprehension. I owe her my sincerest gratitude for these things and more.
    [Show full text]
  • Baruch Hirson. Yours for the Union. Class and Community Struggles In
    462 BOOK REVIEWS politics in Venezuela and Mexico with other Latin American countries, such as Chile, where the left was able to mobilize the working class, or Japan, where industrialization was achieved without strong left-wing influences among the work- ing class. Finally, the book does not prepare the reader for the strong performance of the left in the 1988 Mexican election. The history of labour and the left in the two countries was not discussed. In Mexico, the Revolution of 1910 initially empowered both labour and the peasant class, thereby undercutting the position of the left with both groups. However, political elites quickly captured both groups for their own ends, and when left-wing parties emerged, they were subservient to foreign ideologies and disunited. In Venezuela, the immense wealth of the oil fields generated rapid economic growth and expectations of higher incomes for all workers, again undermining the appeal of the left. For all of their faults, the economic policies of these two countries produced substantial improvements for most workers in a climate of political stability during the adult lives of most workers surveyed. Other research has shown that Latin American unions frequently have objectives limited to economic gains in the workplace, findings which this study reinforces but does not acknowledge. In light of developments in Europe in 1989-1990, perhaps Latin American workers were more astute than foreign scholars thought. This really is a book for specialists. The political systems of the two countries are not discussed. "Concientizacion" is not defined. There is only a brief explanation of the corporatist control mechanisms for labour and little background on the notion of strategic industries.
    [Show full text]
  • SOUTHERN Rhodesia Becomes a RICA Zimbabwe $1.25 February 1980
    Volume XiIl Number 2 SOUTHERN Rhodesia Becomes A RICA Zimbabwe $1.25 February 1980 Tanzania AR-bh R~% nml-. CONTENTS SOUTHERN SPECIAL REPORT 3 Tactics for Change in Southern Africa A View from Mississippi Af RICA 5 Censored: A Nuclear Volume X111 Number 2 Conspiracy February 1980 ZIMBABWE 6 A Delicate Peace 7 Tragic Death of Guerrilla Leader 10 Refugees Preparing for Home 12 Diary of a Missionary Report From Inside Rhodesia ..... A'. UNITED STATES 14 American Legion Urges Friendly Policy 14 Carnegie Poll Findings I AU 14 Sectarian Group Spies for Pretoria ENECA IE r 15 Space Research p ,., JR. CE..NTRA' . Building South Africa's & TIATTI ) 10I Armaments Industry RTRf tAN110 C AST -11E .....ARIN....CI iC'JER.EUwa ATES NAMIBIA 16 Pretoria Digging In SOUTH AFRICA CRR111-1-11S 17 Township and Shopfloor A. L _AI Resisters Unite 18 Boss Defector Talks SI . R O NOI 19 Politicos Escape From Jail 19 Nuclear Bomb Test 19 South African Immigration Drops DEPARTMENTS 1 Overview 2 Update 13 Washington Notes 22 Culture: Front Cover: Zimbabwe, guerrillas The Artist Protects Humanity return home to a delicate peace 23 Resources 24 Action News and Notes Subscriptions: Individual (domestic)IS10.00; instltutlonall$18.00; Individual (forelgn)l $13.00; Institutionalt$21-00; Airmail: Africa, Asia, Europe/$22.50; South and Central 25 Briefs Americal$19.50. Members of the Southern Africa collective who contributed to the production of this Southern Africa is available on microfilm through University Microfilm Zerox Company, Craig Ann Arbor, Mich 68206, and is listed in the Alternative Press Index.
    [Show full text]
  • Review a Review of Sadie Forman and Andre Odendaal (Eds) (1992
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Review A review of Sadie Forman and Andre Odendaal (eds) (1992) A Trumpet from the Housetops: The Selected Writings of Lionel Forman. London: Zed Books; Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press; Cape Town: David Philip. James T. Campbell One of the welcome side-effects of the collapse of apartheid has been an explosion of writing by and about South African white socialists. Characters as diverse in experience and temperament as Baruch Hirson and Ronnie Kasrils, Pauline Podbrey and the late Joe Slovo have recounted their years in 'the struggle', revealing worlds long cloaked in secrecy or hidden behind prison walls and banning orders.1 These autobiographies have been accompanied by a series of biographies and commentaries assaying the lives and legacies of such radicals as David Ivon Jones, S.P. Bunting, Hyman Basner and Bram Fischer, as well as by two major collections of interviews with white (in one case, specifically Jewish) activists.2 For the first time, scholars are in a position to write the history of one of South Africa's most mythologized communities. Under any circumstances, these books would command our attention, but they have a special interest now, for the questions they raise have a distinctly
    [Show full text]