Voluntary Firm Practices on Paths to Regulation
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Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in FRANCE 10Th and 17Th June 2012
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN FRANCE 10th and 17th June 2012 European Elections monitor Will the French give a parliamentary majority to François Hollande during the general elections on Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy 10th and 17th June? Five weeks after having elected the President of the Republic, 46 million French citizens are being Analysis called again on 10th and 17th June to renew the National Assembly, the lower chamber of Parlia- 1 month before ment. the poll The parliamentary election includes several new elements. Firstly, it is the first to take place after the electoral re-organisation of January 2010 that involves 285 constituencies. Moreover, French citizens living abroad will elect their MPs for the very first time: 11 constituencies have been espe- cially created for them. Since it was revised on 23rd July 2008, the French Constitution stipulates that there cannot be more than 577 MPs. Candidates must have registered between 14th and 18th May (between 7th and 11th May for the French living abroad). The latter will vote on 3rd June next in the first round, some territories abroad will be called to ballot on 9th and 16th June due to a time difference with the mainland. The official campaign will start on 21st May next. The French Political System sembly at present: - the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), the party of The Parliament is bicameral, comprising the National former President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy, posi- Assembly, the Lower Chamber, with 577 MPs elected tioned on the right of the political scale has 313 seats; by direct universal suffrage for 5 years and the Senate, – the Socialist Party (PS) the party of the new Head the Upper Chamber, 348 members of whom are ap- of State, François Hollande, positioned on the left has pointed for 6 six years by indirect universal suffrage. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi
Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi To cite this version: Gilles Ivaldi. Populism in France. Daniel Stockemer. Populism Around the World. A Comparative Perspective, Springer, pp.27-48, 2018, 978-3-319-96757-8. 10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5_3. halshs- 01889832 HAL Id: halshs-01889832 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01889832 Submitted on 3 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Pre-print Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi, URMIS, CNRS-University of Nice [email protected] This is a pre-print version of: Ivaldi, Gilles, “Populism in France”, which has appeared as a book chapter in: Daniel Stockemer (ed.) Populism around the world: A Comparative Perspective, Cham: Springer, pp.27-48 (https://www.springer.com/us/book/9783319967578) Abstract This chapter examines the supply and demand sides of populism in France. It looks at the two main populist actors i.e. the Front National (FN) and La France Insoumise (LFI). The FN exemplifies the typical radical right populist organiZation, primarily mobiliZing grievances over immigration, while LFI shows a left-wing egalitarian and socially inclusive profile. Electoral support for populism in France is fuelled by economic instability and voter distrust of mainstream politics and of the EU. -
Foreign Investment in France Annual Report
Annual Report 2018 Foreign investment in France 2018 Contents 2 Foreign investment in France in 2018 6-7 FOREWORD 28 8-9 PROJECTS EDITORIAL AND JOBS 10-11 32 2018 SUMMARY SOURCE COUNTRIES 37 BUSINESS ACTIVITIES 47 BUSINESS SECTORS 1 53 INVESTMENT Introduction TYPES 10 56 INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL CONTEXT INVESTMENTS 4 Country overviews 86 FOREIGN INVESTMENT OVERVIEWS 3 Investment attractiveness of France’s regions 5 in 2018 Appendices 64 156 REGIONAL ANALYSIS JOB-CREATING PHYSICAL INVESTMENT SELECTION CRITERIA 76 THE CONTRIBUTION OF FOREIGN SUBSIDIARIES 160 TO FRANCE’S REGIONAL ECONOMIES BUSINESS FRANCE 2018 RE PORT - BUSINESS FRANCE FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN FRANCE France has no fewer than 28,000 foreign companies, employing two million people Pascal Cagni Chairman of the Board, Business France, and Ambassador for International Investment 6 FOREWORD France’s attractiveness improved further If there is one thing from this journey into – Station F – which can host up to 1,000 in 2018, despite the slowdown in global the heart of France’s attractiveness that startups. And Europe’s largest tech growth, economic tensions and rising has resonated with me, it is that France event is VivaTech, which takes place protectionism. A new record was set, is proving increasingly attractive among annually in Paris. with 1,323 foreign investment projects, decision-makers and influencers. France Finally, France has a strong industrial a figure greater than the previous record is emerging as a leading country, that is heritage, which the government has high of 1,298 projects in 2017. capable of dealing with the challenges committed to revitalizing in order that lie ahead, and one that offers Companies investing in France come to make the most of the Industrial excellent conditions for economic from nearly 60 different countries. -
Varieties of Euroscepticism: the Case of the European Extreme Right
I JCER Volume 5 • Issue 1 3 Varieties of Euroscepticism: The Case of the European Extreme Right Sofia Vasilopoulou Abstract The European extreme right has been understood as a monolithic entity regarding its Euroscepticism. Contrary to this, it is demonstrated in this article that in fact the extreme right adopts varying positions on Europe. Theoretically, party positions on Europe are conceptualised as a three-fold dimension, namely positions on first the principle , second the practice , and third the future of EU cooperation. From this, three types of Euroscepticism are identified. First, the ‘rejecting’ type comprising parties against all abovementioned dimensions. Second, the ‘conditional’ type containing parties not against the principle of EU cooperation but against its practice and its future. Third, the ‘compromising’ type including parties accepting both the principle and the practice of EU cooperation but opposing further integration. In accounting for this diversity, the article concludes that first, the parties displaying strong authoritarian values reject Europe regardless of their economic policy. Second, the parties refraining from ‘rejecting’ Euroscepticism support centrist and capitalist economic policies displaying comparatively less authoritarian values. THE ACCELERATED PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION HAS PRODUCED INCREASED levels of opposition, which have been ever more prominent since the early 1990s. Opposition has taken various forms and at times halted or delayed attempts to enhance European political unity. This is why trying to understand contemporary European politics without understanding the process of opposition to integration is a futile exercise. To that purpose the study of negative party positions on European integration and the European Union (EU), henceforth Euroscepticism, has gained prevalence in academic research informing an expanding literature during the last decade. -
'Framing' the European Union
‘FRAMING’ THE EUROPEAN UNION: EXPLAINING THE 2005 CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDA RESULTS Ece Ozlem Atikcan Department of Political Science McGill University, Montreal June 2010 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Ph.D. in Political Science © Ece Ozlem Atikcan, 2010 ABSTRACT The 2005 European Union (EU) constitutional referenda results reflected growing Euroscepticism. While the referenda in Spain and Luxembourg approved the European Constitution (TCE), the ones in France and the Netherlands rejected it. Polls show that public opinion in all four countries originally favored the TCE several months before the referenda. Why could this initial positive public opinion not be sustained in the French and Dutch cases? I argue that the stronger a state’s No campaign relative to its Yes campaign – that is, the better the No campaigners linked existing contentious issues to the European Constitution – the greater the increase in the magnitude of the No vote. Based on 96 in-depth interviews with campaigners, media content analyses and public opinion data from all cases, I show that the initial favorable public opinion in the French and Dutch cases fell dramatically due to strong No campaigns because the French and Dutch No campaigners framed the issue effectively. The framing literature argues that politicians encourage voters to think along particular lines, by using frames that emphasize certain features of the subject. Vivid, concrete, image-provoking, emotionally compelling frames that contain negative information are more successful in influencing individuals’ opinions. In the French and Dutch cases, the No frames argued that the TCE would increase immigration, lead to market- friendly reforms, and cause rising unemployment. -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary Online Appendix Yann Algan Sergei Guriev Sciences Po and CEPR EBRD, Sciences Po and CEPR Elias Papaioannou Evgenia Passari London Business School and CEPR Université Paris-Dauphine Abstract This supplementary online appendix consists of three parts. First, we provide summary statistics, additional sensitivity checks and further evidence. Second, we provide details and sources on the data covering regional output and unemployment, trust, beliefs, attitudes and voting statistics. Third, we provide the classification of non-mainstream political parties’ political orientation (far-right, radical-left, populist, Eurosceptic and separatist) for all countries. 1 1. Summary Statistics, Additional Sensitivity Checks, and Further Evidence 1.1 Summary Statistics Appendix Table 1 reports the summary statistics at the individual level for all variables that we use from the ESS distinguishing between the pre-crisis period (2000-08) and the post-crisis period (2009-14). Panel A looks at all questions on general trust, trust in national and supranational institutions, party identification, ideological position on the left-right scale and beliefs on the European unification issue whereas in panel B we focus on attitudes to immigration. 1.2 Additional Sensitivity Checks Appendix Table 2 looks at the relationship between employment rates and voting for anti- establishment parties. Panel A reports panel OLS estimates with region fixed effects. Panel B reports difference-in-differences estimates. In contrast to Table 4, the specifications now include a dummy that takes on the value of one for core countries (Austria, France, Norway, Sweden) and zero for the periphery countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Slovakia). -
SWP Research Paper 2006/RP 05, May 2006, 37 Pages
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Andreas Maurer / Roderick Parkes The British Conservatives in the European Parliament Options for the Sixth (2004/09) and Seventh (2009/14) Parliaments RP 5 May 2006 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2006 SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Table of Contents 5 Problems and Findings 7 Conservative European Policy 7 Conservative party structure 8 Conservative preferences towards European integration 12 The British Conservatives in the Sixth European Parliament (2004–2009) 12 The British Conservatives’ evolving relationship with the PPE-DE 16 The hesitant withdrawalist: policy change under David Cameron 17 The PPE-DE’s reaction 18 Four options for the Sixth Parliament (2004--2009) 22 Option 1: Group formation 22 Option 2: Defection to another group 25 Option 3: Non-attached status 25 Option 4: Extra-parliamentary group formation 26 Mr Cameron’s growing control over policy change 28 Perspectives for and Implications of Conservative Activity 28 The British Conservatives in the Seventh Parliament (2009–2014) 30 Conclusion: Implications for the Sixth Parliament and beyond Appendix 33 Acronyms 34 Figures Problems and Findings The British Conservatives in the European Parliament. Options for the Sixth (2004/09) and Seventh (2009/14) Parliaments Seeking to reinvigorate his flagging campaign for the leadership of the British Conservative party in 2005, David Cameron promised to remove Conserva- tive MEPs from their relationship with the European People’s Party-European Democrats (PPE-DE) in the European Parliament. -
Euroscepticism in France: an Analysis of Actors and Causes
Euroscepticism in France: An Analysis of Actors and Causes Xhulia Likaj, Lena Rieble, Laura Theuer Abstract: This paper discusses the development of Euroscepticism in France and the underlying actors and causes. First, the literature review presents a selection of distinct classifications, actors and sources for the analysis. Thus, the distinction between hard and soft Euroscepticism as well as diffuse and specific support for European integration guides the interpretation of Eurobarometer data, which show that there has been an actual increase of French discontent towards the European project since the early 1990s. The Front National represents the main actor within the Eurosceptic landscape. A socio-demographic analysis of the electorate describes the average frontiste likely to be a male, belonging to a household with lower levels of income and education, and besides immigration and security, ranking identity and national sovereignty very highly on their list of concerns. Eventually, the sources for rising Euroscepticism in France are examined in light of socio-economic, cultural and institutional factors. Once more, Eurobarometer data reveal that while economic concerns tend to fuel EU-critical positions rather than fundamental opposition, cultural aspects like national identity, immigration and national security should also be deemed as a crucial source of Euroscepticism. Institutional dissatisfaction at the national and European level – particularly related to the mismanagement of the financial and sovereign debt crisis as well as the migration crisis – has also contributed to the amplification of EU-critical attitudes. Keywords: Euroscepticism, France, Front National, Rassemblement National, Euro Crisis, Migration Crisis Contacts: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 1. -
Perceptions and Protest: an Examination on the Rising Political Power of Eurosceptic Parties in the 21St Century
Perceptions and Protest: An examination on the rising political power of Eurosceptic Parties in the 21st Century Henry Gordon Professor Montero Comprehensive Exercise Fall 2014 Gordon 2 Introduction From the beginning, the architects of European integration focused on assuring democratic peace and stability through the creation of a greater economic union. The pinnacle came in 1999 with the creation of the Euro, a monetary linkage of fourteen different currencies and arguably the most symbolic example of European integration. Not soon after the fireworks had subsided, however, cracks began to appear in the foundation of Europe. Anti-EU populism, characterized by sharp declines in trust in European institutions and the emergence of radical anti-integration political parties on both the political left and the right (Torreblanca and Leonard 2013). Throughout the 2000’s, public efforts to integrate further were met with sharp resistance, as exemplified in the failure to create a constitution for Europe, as well as the ongoing European financial crisis. Most recently, these “Eurosceptic” parties that had remained on the fringes of European politics, made gains both in national legislatures as well as the European Parliament. These realities raise the empirical question of what contributes to the rise of Euroscepticism, especially as it pertains to Eurosceptic political parties. Specifically, as the salience of European issues has increased with the expansion of a centralized European Union, the proportion of support for Eurosceptic parties has continued to increase. As these parties fundamentally reject the legitimacy of the European Union and its organs, their recent gains in the European Parliament needs to be understood, especially as Europeans have arguably benefitted from a more integrated common market.