DOCSLIB.ORG

The Post-Soviet Voter: Evidence from the Caucasus

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Post-Soviet Voter: Evidence from the Caucasus UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 8-1-2019 The Post-Soviet Voter: Evidence From The Caucasus Rafael Oganesyan Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Repository Citation Oganesyan, Rafael, "The Post-Soviet Voter: Evidence From The Caucasus" (2019). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 3741. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/16076282 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POST-SOVIET VOTER: EVIDENCE FROM THE CAUCASUS By Rafael Oganesyan Bachelor of Arts – Economics University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2008 Bachelor of Arts – Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2010 Master of Arts- Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2014 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy – Political Science Department of Political Science College of Liberal Arts The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas August 2019 Copyright 2019 Rafael Oganesyan All Rights Reserved Dissertation Approval The Graduate College The University of Nevada, Las Vegas June 20, 2019 This dissertation prepared by Rafael Oganesyan entitled The Post-Soviet Voter: Evidence from the Caucasus is approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy – Political Science Department of Political Science John Tuman, Ph.D. Kathryn Hausbeck Korgan, Ph.D. Examination Committee Co-Chair Graduate College Dean Christian Jensen, Ph.D. Examination Committee Co-Chair David Damore, Ph.D. Examination Committee Member Michele Kuenzi, Ph.D. Examination Committee Member Mary Siegmaier, Ph.D. Examination Committee Member Dmitri Shalin, Ph.D. Graduate College Faculty Representative ii Abstract In western liberal democracies, voting behavior is often times characterized by sociological and psychological indicators. Party identification and issues such as the economy dominant the vote function of the electorate. In the post-Soviet space, party volatility and the competitive authoritarian nature of regimes may result in voters failing to act as agents of accountability. In this dissertation, I argue that the socio-psychological theory of voting behavior applies to post- Soviet electorate in the Caucasus. I demonstrate that Armenian and Georgian voters rely on partisanship as well as perceptions of the economy when casting electoral judgment on the incumbent party. This research furthers the applicability of the socio-psychological theory beyond countries with mature and durable party structures, and demonstrates that voters in competitive authoritarian regimes can act as agents of electoral accountability. iii Acknowledgements The completion of this work would not be possible without the members of my dissertation committee. Their mentorship capacity was central to framing, drafting, and completing this work. I would like to thank my co-chairs, Dr. Christian Jensen and Dr. John Tuman for their relentless effort towards my academic progress and their patience in guiding this research toward its completion. I would like to thank Dr. Dmitri Shalin for both his willingness to serve on my committee and for also introducing me to the challenges of post-Soviet societies in Fall 2006. I would also like to thank Dr. David Damore and Dr. Michele Kuenzi for not only serving on my committee but introducing me to the political behavior literature in Spring 2011. A special gratitude is owed to Dr. Mary Stegmaier who provided vital suggestions towards both the field research and the completion of my dissertation. Beyond the committee, I would like to thank Dr. Rebecca Gill for expanding my scope of research methods, and for always offering suggestions toward improving my research design for this project. I would also like to thank Dr. Michael Lewis-Beck for his dedication towards my progression as a young scholar and a student of economic voting. A central theme in this dissertation, the patronal nature of post-Soviet systems, would not be possible without the work of Dr. Henry Hale. I would like to thank Dr. Hale for his feedback on political behavior in the post-Soviet space, particularly the construction of the Armenian Election Study and the conceptualization of patronal voting. Finally, a special gratitude is bestowed upon the faculty and staff of the political science department at UNLV and the American University of Armenia. iv Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vi List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. vii Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2: Theoretical Foundations Of The Post-Soviet Voter ............................................. 21 Chapter 3: Modeling The Post-Soviet Voter ............................................................................ 51 Chapter 4: Sociodemographics & The Vote ............................................................................. 78 Chapter 5: Socioeconomics & The Vote ................................................................................. 103 Chapter 6: Party Identification & The Vote .......................................................................... 128 Chapter 7: Economy & The Vote ............................................................................................ 159 Chapter 8: Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 183 Appendix A: Alternative Models for Non-Responses ........................................................ 18392 Appendix B: Country-Specific Regression Output ............................................................ 18394 References .............................................................................................................................. 18395 Curriculum Vitae ...................................................................................................................... 205 v List of Tables Table 4.1: Sociodemographic Indicators and Incumbent Vote Intention in Armenia .................. 94 Table 4.2: Sociodemographic Indicators and Incumbent Vote Intention in Georgia ................... 94 Table 4.3: Sociodemographic Vote Determinants in Armenia ..................................................... 96 Table 4.4: Sociodemographic Vote Determinants in Georgia ...................................................... 98 Table 5.1: Socioeconomic Indicators and Incumbent Vote Intention in Armenia ..................... 119 Table 5.2: Socioeconomic Indicators and Incumbent Vote Intention in Georgia....................... 119 Table 5.3: Socioeconomic Vote Determinants in Armenia ........................................................ 121 Table 5.4: Sociodeconomic Vote Determinants in Georgia ....................................................... 124 Table 6.1: Partisanship and Incumbent Vote Intention in Armenia............................................ 150 Table 6.2: Partisanship and Incumbent Vote Intention in Georgia ............................................. 150 Table 6.3: Partisanship and the Vote in Armenia ....................................................................... 151 Table 6.4: Robustness of Partisanship and the Vote in Armenia ................................................ 154 Table 6.5: Partisanship and the Vote in Georgia ........................................................................ 155 Table 6.6: Robustness of Partisanship and the Vote in Georgia ................................................. 157 Table 7.1: Economic Perceptions and Incumbent Vote Intention in Armenia ........................... 174 Table 7.2: Economic Perceptions and Incumbent Vote Intention in Georgia ............................ 174 Table 7.3: Economy and the Vote in Armenia ........................................................................... 175 Table 7.4: Economy and the Vote in Georgia ............................................................................. 179 Table 8.1: Confirmation of Hypotheses ...................................................................................... 187 Table A1: Non-Responses in Armenia ....................................................................................... 192
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 1 Electoral Manipulation in Russia
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Birkbeck Institutional Research Online Electoral Manipulation in Russia: the Development of a Political System EDWIN BACON Russia’s parliamentary election of December 2011 once more brought to global attention the role of electoral manipulation in that country’s political system. The methods of manipulation alleged in 2011 are familiar from earlier elections. Most notably, the regional elections of October 2009 resulted in an overwhelming victory for the ‘party of power’, United Russia, followed by a walk-out from the State Duma by the three other parliamentary parties, in protest at fraud and electoral manipulation. Multi-layered questions surround the role of electoral manipulation in Russia’s political system. Why would a regime which apparently still enjoys substantial popular support engage in electoral manipulation? In electorally authoritarian states elections constitute the central element of legitimacy. Although electoral manipulation helps secure power, it reduces legitimacy. The trade-off between legitimacy and power plays out in other levels too. The opacity of Russia’s political system obfuscates the behavioural drivers of other players. Regional leaders formally owe their positions to the President. If they feel obliged to deliver the correct electoral results, there is less clarity on what those results are, especially with the ‘tandem’ leadership of Medvedev and Putin sending out mixed signals on the nature of democracy in Russia. Opposition parties must weigh up the benefits of participating in flawed elections. The distinction between outright opposition, and ‘within regime’ semi-opposition again obfuscates. Participation in elections provides opposition with the opportunity to de-legimitise the regime, by highlighting electoral manipulation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Post-Soviet Puzzle: the Case of Ukraine After Independence
    A Post-Soviet Puzzle: The Case of Ukraine After Independence A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Departments of Economics and Political Science The Colorado College In Panial Fulfillment of the Requirements lor the Degree Bachelor of Arts By Yaroslav V. Hetman May 200; 'I'll My Familj CONTENTS Acknowledgements .................. ... 11 Introduction .. .............................................. 1 1. Transition Theory. ........ 3 2. Ukraine, Before and During Transition ........................ ........ 18 3. The Puzzle ............... ............. 48 4. Ukraine's Economic Growth Between 2000 and 2004 ...................................... 50 5. The Yuschenko Slowdown ............ 59 Conclusion ............................. ......................................................... 73 Sources Consulted .................................................................................. 76 ACKNOWIEDGIVlENTS This paper represents nearly one year of research and has been one l)rthe best academic experiences I've had at Colorado Collegc. However. it would not have been possible without the help of many people. First I would like to thank John Gould. my adviser and mentor over the past two years. Not only did he help me obtain the funding necessary to go to Ukraine and conduct much ofthe research for this paper. but I will forever be indebted to him for the patience and countless number of hours he provided me during the writing process. Secondly I would like to thank Sergei Pokhilko. Vitaly Andriyshin and Vasyl Prikordonniy for all their help during my research in Chaine. Without their guidance I could never have heen able to conduct all or lh~ inten'it'\\s that I needed. I would also like to thank Vlolly Gross. l'or devoting many days to helping me edIt and proolread this paper. I could never have preserved my sanity without her good humor and sound advice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pseudo-Democrat's Dilemma: Why Election Observation Became an International Norm
    THE PSEUDO- DEMOCRAT’S DILEMMA THE PSEUDO- DEMOCRAT’S DILEMMA WHY ELECTION OBSERVATION BECAME AN INTERNATIONAL NORM Susan D. Hyde CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON Cornell University Press gratefully acknowledges receipt of a grant from the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale University, which helped in the publication of this book. The book was also published with the assistance of the Frederick W. Hilles Publication Fund of Yale University. Copyright © 2011 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2011 by Cornell University Press Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hyde, Susan D. The pseudo-democrat’s dilemma : why election observation became an international norm / Susan D. Hyde. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-4966-6 (alk. paper) 1. Election monitoring. 2. Elections—Corrupt practices. 3. Democratization. 4. International relations. I. Title. JF1001.H93 2011 324.6'5—dc22 2010049865 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fi bers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu.
    [Show full text]
  • The Orange Revolution: a Case Study of Democratic Transition in Ukraine
    THE ORANGE REVOLUTION: A CASE STUDY OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN UKRAINE Anastasiya Salnykova BA, National University "Kyiv-Mohyla Academy", 2004 THESIS SUBMITED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ART In the Department of Political Science @ Anastasiya Salnykova 2006 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2006 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL I Name: Anastasiya Salnykova Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: The Orange Revolution: A Case Study of Democratic Transition in Ukraine Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Tsuyoshi Kawasaki Associate Professor of Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard J. Cohen Senior Supervisor Professor of Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens Supervisor Professor of Department of Political Science Dr. Ilya Vinkovetsky External Examiner Assistant Professor of Department of History Date Defended/ Approved: April 6th, 2006 ii 2E: SIMON FRASER . &&W ~~~v~~~~nl~brary DECLARATION OF PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection, and, without changing the content, to translate the thesislproject or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
    [Show full text]
  • Victory Day Celebrations Kick Off in Yerevan President Serzh Sargsyan’S Message on Victory and Peace Day
    22 YEARS The #17 Noah’s Ark (1105) 10 May 2016 Published Since 1993 Weekly Newspaper HIGHLIGHTS ÜáÛÛ³Ý î³å³Ý ß³µ³Ã³Ã»ñà (³Ý·É. / ýñ³Ýë.) Victory Day celebrations kick off in Yerevan President Serzh Sargsyan’s message on Victory and Peace Day Dear Compatriots, I cordially congratulate you on the occasion of Victory and Peace Day. For our nation the WWII was really a Patriotic War. Many of the sons of our nation fought for the freedom of our Fatherland and its bright future. They fought at all fronts, at the battle field and at the home front. Today, we pay tribute and express gratitude to the bright memory of our heroic predecessors, hundred thousands of whom fell in the struggle with the evil. We also pay tribute and express gratitude to a sadly small number of veterans who today stand with us. This holiday is dedicated not only to the 1992. The cultural center of Artsakh, which sons of the liberators of Shushi repeated the military victory but also to peace. Along for centuries had always been spreading heroic act of their fathers. This time, these with other nations of the Soviet Union, we light, education, science and arts, was were not the fidayi units but regiments of the paid dearly for the victory and earned turned into a monstrous weapon emplace- mature regular army. They proved that each peace. That victory had given us a historic ment which was spreading death and new generation of the Armenian nation is chance to get again as a nation to our feet destruction all around.
    [Show full text]
  • Taming Online Political Engagement in Russia: Disempowered Publics, Empowered State, and Challenges of the Fully Functioning Society
    International Journal of Communication 10(2016), 4661–4680 1932–8036/20160005 Taming Online Political Engagement in Russia: Disempowered Publics, Empowered State, and Challenges of the Fully Functioning Society ANNA KLYUEVA University of Houston–Clear Lake, USA This article examines the particularities of online political engagement in Russia and assesses social media potential for facilitating and empowering social movements in Russia through an examination of the political protests in 2011–2012. The case study illustrates effective mobilization and coalition building via social media during the political protests of 2011–2012, but the growing control of the Internet and online public sphere affects the publics’ ability to do so in the future. This study argues that the successes of the protest movement initiated a government crackdown on the Russian Internet and social media, with the Russian government actively seeking to tame and control communicative processes online through an increased presence of government and progovernment forces. The analysis suggests that the extensive and covert control of the online public sphere disempowers publics, making social media less capable of enabling a fully functioning society. Keywords: social media, political engagement, Russia, fully functioning society, public relations The recent political and social movements in the Arab countries, Ukraine, China, and Russia, among others, have demonstrated how the state-centric view on exercising power is being increasingly challenged by the rise of social networks and social media (Jaitner, 2013). Social media have been described as empowering, yet threatening, to the existing social and political order (Hinton & Hjorth, 2013). The realization of social media’s empowerment capabilities turned the attention of many national governments toward it.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections, Decline of Democracy Arliamentary Elections Were the Biggest News from Pukraine in 2012
    No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 13, 2013 5 2012: THE YEAR IN REVIEW In Ukraine: elections, decline of democracy arliamentary elections were the biggest news from PUkraine in 2012. But there was news also regarding the prosecution of opposition leader and former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Ukraine’s further slide in terms of democratization, which could not but have a neg- ative effect on the country’s relations with the West. (Indeed, many observers said that Kyiv’s relations with the West are now worse than they have ever been during the 21 years of Ukraine’s renewed independence.) And then there were the numerous steps taken by President Viktor Yanukovych and his Cabinet to de-Ukrainianize Ukraine. In short, there was not much in the way of good news from Ukraine. Parliamentary elections Preparation for the October 28 elections of a new Verkhovna Rada got off to a good start on January 22, when Ukraine’s pro-Western opposition leaders signed an agreement to unite their candidates into a single list to compete for single-winner, single-mandate districts in the elections in order to take the reins of government away UDAR from the Donetsk clan before it consolidated power even The opposition in Ukraine’s new Parliament, elected on October 28, is led by (from left) Ukrainian Democratic further. Half of Ukraine’s 450 members of Parliament are Alliance for Reform Chair Vitali Klitschko, Batkivshchyna Party Chair Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Svoboda Party elected in single-winner, single-mandate districts (the so- Chair Oleh Tiahnybok. called majoritarian system), while the other half are cho- sen via closed-list voting for political parties, which will Front for Change and UDAR representatives to local elec- “Ruin is overcome, stability achieved!” was among the need to surpass a 5 percent barrier (the so-called propor- tion commissions, denial of registration for a candidate main themes of the Party of Regions during this year’s tional system).
    [Show full text]
  • Elections, Political Participation, and Authoritarian Responsiveness in Russia
    ELECTIONS, POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, AND AUTHORITARIAN RESPONSIVENESS IN RUSSIA by YANA GOROKHOVSKAIA B.A. (Highest Honours), Carleton University, 2007 M.A., Carleton University, 2009 A DISSERTATION SUMBITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Political Science) The University of British Columbia (Vancouver) August 2016 © Yana Gorokhovskaia, 2016 Abstract For decades, elections were thought of as the necessary but not sufficient condition for democracy. After the end of the Cold War, however, the world witnessed an unprecedented proliferation of regimes that combined the democratic institution of elections with authoritarian practices. Despite the presence of regular and free multi-party elections, these regimes did not liberalize or democratize. However, elections continued to matter and sporadically elections became focal points for social dissent and protest. In a series of three papers, this dissertation examines elections in Russia. The first paper presents an in-depth analysis of the 2013 Moscow mayoral election. I make the argument that in order to secure the legitimacy that elections can bestow, the authorities in this case promoted electoral competition by helping all the candidates for mayor surmount a high procedural barrier to participation. This paper contributes to scholarship on the manipulation of elections which has previously only considered measures that restrict electoral competition. Elections where authorities promote competition are still unlikely to result in opposition victories but may dampen voter participation. The second paper uses Albert Hirschman’s Exit, Voice and Loyalty framework and evidence from twenty-nine semi-structured interviews to analyze political participation in an authoritarian state through the experience of individuals running for local political office in Moscow’s municipalities.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Role of Transnational Networks of Support in Color Revolutions : Successes and Failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses College of Arts & Sciences 5-2013 Assessing the role of transnational networks of support in color revolutions : successes and failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. Michael C. Zeller University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/honors Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Zeller, Michael C., "Assessing the role of transnational networks of support in color revolutions : successes and failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia." (2013). College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses. Paper 27. http://doi.org/10.18297/honors/27 This Senior Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Zeller 1 Assessing the Role of Transnational Networks of Support in Color Revolutions: Successes and Failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia Michael C. Zeller, University of Louisville It is not important who votes or how, but it is extraordinarily important who counts the votes. - Josef Stalin (attributed by his secretary, Boris Bazhanov)1 In the second decade after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a sociopolitical phenomenon developed in several post-Soviet states: color revolution movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan Getting Familiar with the Armtabs and Armphones Produced by the TSD Company
    22 YEARS The #10 Noah’s Ark (1098) 21 March 2016 Published Since 1993 Weekly Newspaper HIGHLIGHTS ÜáÛÛ³Ý î³å³Ý ß³μ³Ã³Ã»ñà (³Ý·É. / ýñ³Ýë.) Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan Getting Familiar with the ArmTabs and ArmPhones Produced by the TSD Company see page 10 In This Issue Noyan Tapan Video Studio Armenian-Cypriot high-level talks p.2 is offering professional video and photography for indoor EU, Armenia hold seventh round and outdoor events such as weddings, birthday parties, of human rights dialogue p.5 official events, seminars and conferences. Tel: 060 27 64 62 Address: Isahakyan 28, 3rd floor, Yerevan 0009 Pope confirms planned visit to Armenia p.14 Armenia's Ererouyk, Ani Pemza Noyan Tapan Printing House among 7 most endangered is offering coloured and black and white offset and digital heritage sites in Europe p.16 printing of books, brochures, booklets, journals, etc with Shadowmatic puzzle wins two prizes at 12th high quality and low prices Tel: 060 27 64 62 International Mobile Gaming Awards p.20 Address: Isahakyan 28, 3rd floor, Yerevan 0009 21 March #10 (1098) 2016 2 www.nt.am The Noyan Tapan Highlights POLITICS Armenian-Cypriot high-level talks Armenia fully supports efforts to solve the Cyprus problem on the basis of United Nations' resolutions, President Serzh Sargsyan said on March 15. The Armenian president headed a delegation on an official visit to Cyprus. Following a tete-a-tete meeting with his Cypriot counterpart Nicos Anastasiades, three agreements between the two coun- tries were signed. The first was an intergovernmental agreement for the mutu- al recognition of diplomas of study, while the other two were cooperation programmes for Education and Sciences, as well as Culture, for the period 2016-2020.
    [Show full text]
  • These Are the Hottest, Dirtiest Single-Mandate Races Nov. 1, 2012, 2
    These are the hottest, dirtiest single-mandate races Nov. 1, 2012, 2:36 p.m. | Katya Gorchinskaya, Mark Rachkevych, Yuriy Onyshkiv and Svitlana Tuchynska http://www.kyivpost.com/content/politics/these-are-the-hottest-dirtiest-single- mandate-races-315394.html Election commission officials recalculate ballots at a district of election commission in Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, Oct. 30, 2012.© AP As widely anticipated, the fight for half the legislature’s 450 seats was the fiercest and dirtiest in single-mandate constituencies. Because of their local nature, international and local observers saw these races as being highly susceptible to widespread abuse of government resources in favor of pro-presidential candidates, intimidation of candidates, journalists and observers, voter bribing and tampering with vote tabulations. Vote counts commenced slowly where pro-presidential candidates faced opposition opponents in tight races. Bottlenecks appeared at district election commissions that delayed the process of accepting tabulated results from precinct election commission heads. Election watchdog OPORA reported also that many precinct commission heads started to re-write their tabulated results before submitting them for processing. The same was witnessed by opposition party observers. Election authorities blamed the huge delays on faulty or slow computer technical problems. Nevertheless, suspicion of vote tampering ensued with each passing hour and day. Some precinct commission heads had to wait up to 72 hours before submitting their results to district election commission officials, often without food and under sleep deprivation. The situation called for vigilance and civic mobilization on the part of opposition candidates. As of 1:10 p.m. today, vote counting was still under way for 15 races.
    [Show full text]
  • A Difficult Neighbourhood ESSAYS on RUSSIA and EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE SINCE WORLD WAR II
    A Difficult Neighbourhood ESSAYS ON RUSSIA AND EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE SINCE WORLD WAR II A Difficult Neighbourhood ESSAYS ON RUSSIA AND EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE SINCE WORLD WAR II JOHN BESEMERES Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Besemeres, John F., author. Title: A difficult neighbourhood : essays on Russia and East-Central Europe since World War II / John Besemeres. ISBN: 9781760460600 (paperback) 9781760460617 (ebook) Subjects: Russia--Relations--Europe, Eastern. Europe, Eastern--Relations--Russia. Russia--History. Europe, Eastern--History. Poland--History. Dewey Number: 327.47 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Line of protesters at Dynamivska str. Euromaidan Protests. Events of 20 January 2014, by Mstyslav Chernov. Available at: commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/User:Mstyslav_Chernov. This edition © 2016 ANU Press CES Prize This publication was awarded a Centre for European Studies Publication Prize in 2015. The prize covers the cost of professional copyediting. Contents List of maps . ix Acknowledgements . xi Introduction: Reclaiming the Empire . 1 Part 1. Twentieth-century Poland: War and Cold War 1 . Seven days that shook the world . 31 2 . A difficult neighbourhood . 37 3 . Jan Karski’s valiant failures . 49 4 . The worst of both worlds: Captain Witold Pilecki between Hitler and Stalin .
    [Show full text]