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(Huichol) of Tateikita, Jalisco, Mexico
ETHNO-NATIONALIST POLITICS AND CULTURAL PRESERVATION: EDUCATION AND BORDERED IDENTITIES AMONG THE WIXARITARI (HUICHOL) OF TATEIKITA, JALISCO, MEXICO By BRAD MORRIS BIGLOW A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2001 Copyright 2001 by Brad Morris Biglow Dedicated to the Wixaritari of Tateikita and the Centro Educativo Tatutsi Maxa Kwaxi (CETMK): For teaching me the true meaning of what it is to follow in the footsteps of Tatutsi, and for allowing this teiwari to experience what you call tame tep+xeinuiwari. My heart will forever remain with you. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my committee members–Dr. John Moore for being ever- supportive of my work with native peoples; Dr. Allan Burns for instilling in me the interest and drive to engage in Latin American anthropology, and helping me to discover the Huichol; Dr. Gerald Murray for our shared interests in language, culture, and education; Dr. Paul Magnarella for guidance and support in human rights activism, law, and intellectual property; and Dr. Robert Sherman for our mutual love of educational philosophy. Without you, this dissertation would be a mere dream. My life in the Sierra has been filled with countless names and memories. I would like to thank all of my “friends and family” at the CETMK, especially Carlos and Ciela, Marina and Ángel, Agustín, Pablo, Feliciano, Everardo, Amalia, Rodolfo, and Armando, for opening your families and lives to me. In addition, I thank my former students, including los chavos (Benjamín, Salvador, Miguel, and Catarino), las chicas (Sofía, Miguelina, Viviana, and Angélica), and los músicos (Guadalupe and Magdaleno). -
2011 ACS PUMS DATA DICTIONARY August 7, 2015 HOUSING RECORD
2011 ACS PUMS DATA DICTIONARY August 7, 2015 HOUSING RECORD RT 1 Record Type H .Housing Record or Group Quarters Unit SERIALNO 7 Housing unit/GQ person serial number 0000001..9999999 .Unique identifier DIVISION 1 Division code 0 .Puerto Rico 1 .New England (Northeast region) 2 .Middle Atlantic (Northeast region) 3 .East North Central (Midwest region) 4 .West North Central (Midwest region) 5 .South Atlantic (South region) 6 .East South Central (South region) 7 .West South Central (South Region) 8 .Mountain (West region) 9 .Pacific (West region) PUMA 5 Public use microdata area code (PUMA) 00100..08200 .Public use microdata area codes 77777 .Combination of 01801, 01802, and 01905 in Louisiana Note: Public use microdata areas (PUMAs) designate areas of 100,000 or more population. Use with ST for unique code. REGION 1 Region code 1 .Northeast 2 .Midwest 3 .South 4 .West 9 .Puerto Rico ST 2 State Code 01 .Alabama/AL 02 .Alaska/AK 04 .Arizona/AZ 05 .Arkansas/AR 06 .California/CA 08 .Colorado/CO 09 .Connecticut/CT 10 .Delaware/DE 11 .District of Columbia/DC 12 .Florida/FL 13 .Georgia/GA 1 15 .Hawaii/HI 16 .Idaho/ID 17 .Illinois/IL 18 .Indiana/IN 19 .Iowa/IA 20 .Kansas/KS 21 .Kentucky/KY 22 .Louisiana/LA 23 .Maine/ME 24 .Maryland/MD 25 .Massachusetts/MA 26 .Michigan/MI 27 .Minnesota/MN 28 .Mississippi/MS 29 .Missouri/MO 30 .Montana/MT 31 .Nebraska/NE 32 .Nevada/NV 33 .New Hampshire/NH 34 .New Jersey/NJ 35 .New Mexico/NM 36 .New York/NY 37 .North Carolina/NC 38 .North Dakota/ND 39 .Ohio/OH 40 .Oklahoma/OK 41 .Oregon/OR 42 .Pennsylvania/PA 44 .Rhode -
Artist Tlisza Jaurique
Artist Tlisza Jaurique OutsidersPre-visit Class Withinroom Activity Tlisza Jaurique [TLEE zah HOWD Ree Khee] has two homes: her old family home in south Phoenix and another near New York City. When she was a child, Tlisza’s grandmother would tell her about the family’s experiences in Mexico and of their difficult journey to the United States. They traveled and worked through Texas and Arizona mining towns before finally settling in south Phoenix. Her grandmother was from the Nahua and Yaqui people. The Yaqui are a Native American tribe who live in the Sonoran Desert of northern Mexico. Tlisza’s grandmother also called herself a “Toltec,” an ancient Mesoamerican word for artist, and passed this idea on to her granddaughter. Tlisza calls herself “Mexica” [Meh SHEE Kah] after the people of the central valley of Mexico who speak the Nahuatl language. “Mexica” is also a name for many Indigenous people of Mexico. Tlisza also calls herself “Postmodern,” which means she is a person who questions who we are and how we live. Traditional Mexican celebrations, such as the Day of the Dead and the Feast Day of the Virgin of Guadalupe are important events in Tlisza’s life. She was brought up to believe that people need to show respect for animals and the environment because each thing can have a spirit. One way to show respect is to create special places by setting up altars (offrendas) and little niches (nichos) in the home. Tlisza always has seen herself as an “outsider.” She believed that she was from a culture “other” than the dominant Anglo culture while growing up in Phoenix. -
Rural Work in Nueva Vizcaya: Forms of Labor Coercion on the Periphery Author(S): Susan M
Rural Work in Nueva Vizcaya: Forms of Labor Coercion on the Periphery Author(s): Susan M. Deeds Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 3 (Aug., 1989), pp. 425-449 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2516301 Accessed: 05-08-2015 15:35 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Duke University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Hispanic American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Wed, 05 Aug 2015 15:35:23 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Hispanic AmericanHistorical Review 69:3 CopyrightC) 1989by Duke UniversityPress ccc ooi8-2i68/89/$i.5o RuralWork in Nueva Vizcaya:Forms of Labor Coercionon the Periphery SUSAN M. DEEDS* AT noonon a swelteringday in June 1674, a smallgroup of ConchoIndians, six men and fivewomen, watched from the shade of a greatalamo tree as ridersapproached. They could see that Captain Pedro de Zubia Pacheco, accompaniedby two servants,was clearlyagitated as he rode up. Wavinghis sword,he orderedthe Indiansto accompanyhim. At thisjuncture, Nicolks de Be- jarano, the tenantof the wheatfarm in theValle de San Bartolom6where these events took place,' emergedfrom his house and, enraged at his loss ofworkers, called forhis sword.Several neighbors who had hastened to the scene restrainedhim fromattacking the older Zubia. -
Dictionary of the Chuj (Mayan) Language
A DICTIONARY OF THE CHUJ (MAYAN) LANGUAGE As Spoken in San Mateo Ixtatán, Huehuetenango, Guatemala ca. 1964-65 CHUJ – ENGLISH WITH SOME SPANISH GLOSSES Nicholas A. Hopkins, Ph. D. © Jaguar Tours 2012 3007 Windy Hill Lane Tallahassee, Florida 32308 [email protected] i A DICTIONARY OF THE CHUJ (MAYAN) LANGUAGE: INTRODUCTION Nicholas A. Hopkins The lexical data reported in this Chuj-English dictionary were gathered during my dissertation field work in 1964-65. My first exposure to the Chuj language was in 1962, when I went to Huehuetenango with Norman A. McQuown and Brent Berlin to gather data on the languages of the Cuchumatanes (Berlin et al. 1969). At the time I was a graduate student at the University of Texas, employed as a research assistant on the University of Chicago's Chiapas Study Projects, directed by McQuown (McQuown and Pitt-Rivers 1970). Working through the Maryknoll priests who were then the Catholic clergy in the indigenous areas of Huehuetenango and elsewhere in Guatemala, we recorded material, usually in the form of 100-word Swadesh lists (for glottochronology), from several languages. The sample included two speakers of the Chuj variety of San Mateo Ixtatán (including the man who was later to become my major informant). In the Spring of 1962, as field work for the project wound down, I returned to Austin to finish drafting my Master's thesis, and then went on to Chicago to begin graduate studies in Anthropology at the University of Chicago, with McQuown as my major professor. I continued to work on Chiapas project materials in McQuown's archives, and in 1963 he assigned me the Chuj language as the topic of my upcoming doctoral dissertation. -
African-American Icons and Symbols in Chicano Art Amelia Malagamba Ansótegui*
FRONTERA NORTE VOL. 9, NÚM. 18, JULIO-DICIEMBRE DE 1997 A Note on Chicano-Mexicano Cultural Capital: African-American Icons and Symbols in Chicano Art Amelia Malagamba Ansótegui* Abstract This article forms part of a longer research project in progress. It argues that the “transportation” of “cul- tural capital” by the migrants found fertile ground among the Mexican-American population already estab- lished in the border states between Mexico and the United States. Cultural capital is understood as the histor- ical bag-gage and daily practices and production of symbolic goods that legitimate and give coherence to a community. This cultural capital has undergone a process of transformation in the Mexican-American com- munities. Many of the early symbolic practices have been adapted to new circumstances. The use by several Chicano artists of icons and symbols of African-Mexican heritage on the one hand, and of social and political issues from an African-American cultural location on the other, have become part of the cultural capital of Mexican-American communities. To understand the translation and interpretation of the use of these symbol- ic goods key aspects of history must be highlighted. Resumen Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación más amplio en proceso. En él se argumenta que la “transportación” de “capital cultural” por los migrantes encontró tierra fértil entre la población mexicoes- tadunidense ya establecida en los estados fronterizos entre México y Estados Unidos. Se entiende como cap- ital cultural el bagaje histórico, las costumbres y la producción de bienes simbólicos diarios que legitimizan y dan coherencia a una comunidad. -
The Macabebes
The Macabebes The Macabebes occupy a footnote in Philippine history, albeit a controversial and sometimes contentious one. They come from the town of Macabebe, on the southeastern part of the province of Pampanga, bordering the province of Bulacan. As Pampangos, their language is Kapampangan vs. Tagalog for Bulacan. It is only about 60 kilometers northeast of Manila. Macabebes served with the Spanish army during most of Spain’s three centuries of Philippine colonization. During the Philippine revolution against Spain that started in 1896, the Macabebes remained loyal to their Spanish officers. When the Americans came in 1898, the Macabebes switched loyalty. Starting out as guides to the American troops, the group became the Macabebe Scouts, forerunner of the Philippine Scouts. The Americans were reluctant to have armed Filipinos within their midst but the Macabebes demonstrated their reliability. They were instrumental in the carefully planned and executed ruse that resulted in the capture of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the Philippine Republic’s first president and military commander. Historical records indicate that hardly a shot was fired. Aguinaldo’s troops thought the Macabebes were friendlies, bringing in American POW’s. For their role, the Macabebes were reviled in some quarters, lasting well into the middle of the 20th century. They were called “dugong aso” (dog blood), “putas” (whores) and “traidor” (traitors). They may have hastened the capture of Aguinaldo, but it was only a question of time before Aguinaldo was brought to heel. Macabebe Scouts or not, Aguinaldo was on the run, with the unit he was commanding directly less than battalion size. -
Download the Zine
Fall 2020 Edition 1 IndigeZINE Fall 2020 Salish Sea Heartbeat Introduction individual heartbeat. Taken together, these heartbeats invoke a communal drumbeat — We are a community of Indigenous people coming reminding us that when we come together, we together to refect creatively on our experiences as heal and grow as a community. Native people and our continued resistance to colonial In the teachings of our Coast Salish relatives, occupation and white supremacy. we raise our hands to all the creatives in our We want to share these messages with you and pool communities. May we remember that we each hold our communal resources to support the work of Chief the gift of creative expression. May we continue to hold Seattle Club - a sacred place to nurture, renew, and creative space for each other, share our teachings, amplify afrm the spirit of urban Native people experiencing our voices, and develop our collective memory. In support homelessness. of this prayer, we gift the continuance of this zine to Chief Seattle Club who has a long history of nurturing creative We chose the title “salish sea heartbeat” in reverence healing spaces for Indigenous people. to the land, animals, plants, and people of the salish sea region. These beings provide for the Land Acknowledgement Indigenous communities of this region and anchor many Indigenous people that may fnd themselves LAND BACK. distanced from their home communities and This zine was created and produced on the unceded cultures. lands of the Duwamish, Snoqualmie, Muckleshoot, As members of urban Indian and tribal Cowlitz tribes, and other Coast Salish communities. -
Reframing Mexican Migration As a Multi-Ethnic Process
UC Santa Cruz Reprint Series Title Reframing Mexican Migration as a Multi-Ethnic Process Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nn6v8sk Author Fox, Jonathan A Publication Date 2006-02-23 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Article REFRAMING MEXICAN MIGRATION 1 AS A MULTI-ETHNIC PROCESS 1 A longer version of this paper was presented at the Latin American Studies Association in Jonathan Fox 2004. Some sections draw University of California at Santa Cruz, CA from Fox and Rivera-Salgado (2004). Abstract The Mexican migrant population in the US increasingly reflects the ethnic diversity of Mexican society. To recognize Mexican migration as a multi-ethnic process raises broader conceptual puzzles about race, ethnicity, and national identity. This essay draws from recent empirical research and participant-observation to explore implications of the indigenous Mexican migrant experience for understanding collective identity formation, including the social construction of community member- ship, regional and pan-ethnic identities, territory, and transnational communities. Keywords indigenous; migration; Mexico; collective identity Introduction In the US, when the terms ‘‘multi-ethnic,’’ ‘‘multi-cultural,’’ and ‘‘multi- racial’’ are used to refer to Mexican migrants, they refer exclusively to relationships between Mexicans and other racial and national origin groups. Yet Mexican society is multi-ethnic and multi-racial. From an indigenous rights perspective, the Mexican nation includes many peoples. To take the least ambiguous indicator of ethnic difference, more than one in ten Mexicans come from a family in which an indigenous language is spoken (Serrano Carreto et al., 2003). Many of the indigenous Mexican activists in the US on the cutting edge are trilingual, and for some, Spanish is neither their first nor their second language. -
Arizona Tribal Public Health Emergency Preparedness Programs
ARIZONA TRIBAL Tribal Strategic Plan PUBLIC HEALTH Revised for Fiscal EMERGENCY Years 2014 – 2017 PREPAREDNESS Prepared by: AzTEC/PHEP Coordinators December 4, 2014 PROGRAMS Developed By: Arizona Tribal Public Health Preparedness Coordinators Northern Region: Navajo, Havasupai Tribe Kaibab-Paiute Tribe San Juan Southern Paiute Tribe Yavapai-Apache Camp Verde Hopi Tribe Western Region: Colorado River Indian Tribe Fort Mojave Indian Tribe Hualapai Tribe Yavapai Tribe Prescott Central Region: Ak-Chin Tribe Ft. McDowell- Yavapai Gila River Indian Community Salt River Indian Community San Carlos Apache Tonto Apache Tribe White Mountain Tribe South Region: Tohono O’odham Pascua Yaqui Cocopah Quechan Strategic Plan Fiscal Years 2014- 2017 Page 2 AzTEC and Tribal PHEP Coordinators Strategic Planning Committee Cocopah Tribe Mike Fila. PHEP Coordinator AzTEC Chairman of the Board 14515 S. Veterans Dr. Somerton, AZ 85350 [email protected] C:928-750-6612 O: 928-627-2025 X 12 Colorado River Indian Tribes Michael Gonzales, Tribal PHEP Coordinator AzTEC Vice Chairman 12302 Kennedy Dr. Parker, AZ 85344 [email protected]. C: 928-575-5148 O: 928-669-6093 Ft. Mojave Indian Tribe Christine Medley, Tribal PHEP Coordinator AzTEC Secretary 500 Merriman Ave. Needles, CA 92363 [email protected] O: 760-326-9650 C: 909-573-4899 White Mountain Apache Tribe Shannon E. Tsosie, Tribal PHEP Coordinator AzTEC Member PO Box 1210 Whiteriver, AZ 85941 [email protected] C: 928-594-1608 O: 928-338-4955 Hopi Tribe Velleda Sidney, PHEP Coordinator AzTEC Member 123 Main Street P.O. Box 123 Kykotsmovi, AZ 86039 [email protected] C: 928-205-1251 O: 928-734-3664 Strategic Plan Fiscal Years 2014- 2017 Page 3 Pascua Yaqui Tribe Feliciano R. -
TEXT and COMMENT on the MORAL ORDER: a TESTIMONY from the TZOTZIL of CHAMULA, CHIAPAS GARY H. GOSSEN Y Introduction) at the Peri
TEXT AND COMMENT ON THE MORAL ORDER: A TESTIMONY FROM THE TZOTZIL OF CHAMULA, CHIAPAS GARY H. GOSSEN Y JUAN MÉNDEZ TZOTZEK Introduction) At the periphery of the distribution of folk Catholic traditions of Hispanic Latin America lie tens of thousands of local religious traditions that belong neither to the pre-Columbian nor to the Christian moral universes. These highly localized spiritual expressions —called by Robert Redfield "little traditions" to contrast them with the "great traditions" of the universal or national religions— are best understood as unique belief systems. Each community represents an ever-evolving present that derives from particular pre-Columbian roots and particular experiences with Hispanic-Catholic missionization. A Voice from the Hinterland This is a native Tzotzil Maya text that testifies to popular faith and belief in a community of this type. San Juan Chamula is one of thousands of contemporary peasant communities in Mesoamerica and South America that still speak Native American languages and retain significant elements of pre-Columbian custom and belief This community and its religion, cosmology, ritual, and oral traditions are described at length elsewhere (Gossen 1971, 1972, 1974a, 1974b, 1974c, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979, 1983, 1985, 1989; Pozas Arciniega 1959; and Vogt 1973). Also, for comparative purposes, the reader may be interested in several other major studies that consider religious belief, ritual practice, and related art forms in Tzotzil -speaking communities that are adjacent to San Juan Chamula (see Bricker 1973 and 1981; I The introduction is based on that in Gary H. Gossen, Telling Maya Tales, Tzotzil Identities in Modern México, New York: Routledge, 1999, which in turn is drawn from "On the human condition and the moral order: A testimony from the Chamula Tzotzil of Chiapas, Mexico", in South and Mesoamerican Native Spirituality: From the Cult of the Feathered Serpent to the Theology of Liberation, edited by Gary H. -
A Linguistic Look at the Olmecs Author(S): Lyle Campbell and Terrence Kaufman Source: American Antiquity, Vol
Society for American Archaeology A Linguistic Look at the Olmecs Author(s): Lyle Campbell and Terrence Kaufman Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Jan., 1976), pp. 80-89 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279044 Accessed: 24/02/2010 18:09 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sam. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for American Archaeology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Antiquity. http://www.jstor.org 80 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 41, No. 1, 1976] Palomino, Aquiles Smith, Augustus Ledyard, and Alfred V.