Abolition of the Legislative Council
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Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001
Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001 THE ABOLITION OF THE UPPER HOUSE IN QUEENSLAND INTRODUCTION Unicameral legislatures, or legislatures with only one chamber, are uncommon in democracies. It is usually considered that two chambers are necessary for government, and this is the case for the United Kingdom, Canada (at the Federal level) and the United States (Federally, and for all states except Nebraska.) However, some countries, usually small ones, are unicameral. Israel, Denmark, Finland, Luxembourg, Sweden, and Greece have only one chamber. All the Canadian Provinces, all the Malaysian States and some of the Indian ones, including Assam, are unicameral. Other single-chambered legislatures in the Commonwealth include New Zealand, Ghana, Cyprus, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Malta, Malawi, Zambia, Gambia, Guyana, Singapore, Botswana, Zimbabwe and (Western) Samoa. In Australia, the Federal Government has two chambers, as do the governments of all the states, except Queensland. At its separation from New South Wales in 1859, Queensland had two houses of Parliament, the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council. But in a move unique in Australian history, the Legislative Council abolished itself. EARLY DAYS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1860-1890 Queensland, separated from New South Wales in 1859, was the only colony to have a Parliament from its inception. When the Parliament of Queensland was first promulgated in 1860, there were two houses of Parliament. The first members of the Upper House, the Legislative Council, were appointed for five years by the Governor of New South Wales, so that Queensland would not be left permanently with nominees from the Governor of another colony. -
The French Economic Mission to Australia 1918
JACQUELINE DWYER 30 AHEAD OF THEIR TIME: THE FRENCH ECONOMIC MISSION TO AUSTRALIA 1918 JACQUELINE DWYER Introduction In the closing weeks of the Great War, Sydney was taken over by the enthusiastic welcome given to the delegates of an Economic Mission to Australia, sent on behalf of the government of France. They had that morning disembarked from the steamship Sonoma after their journey across the Pacific Ocean from San Francisco.1 The Mission’s principal aim was to re-establish and enhance the trading conditions that had existed between France and Australia in the years preceding the war, taking advantage of Germany’s eclipse. The French Department of Foreign Affairs hoped also to discuss the destiny of former German colonies in the South Pacific, and to resolve the pending situation of the New Hebrides.2 These delegates were to spend three months in Australia, visiting the other state capitals and regional centres where similar welcomes awaited them, and where they were shown the potential trading resources of this nation. This article proposes, through a more detailed description and analysis of the Mission than has been done to date, to cast light on French-Australian relations of the time, combining a number of sources. The Mission’s official report for the general public, The Economic Relations between France and Australia, published in English in 1919, is a detailed assessment of their bilateral trade.3 Especially valuable was Robert Aldrich’s article (1989), ‘La Mission Française en Australie de 1918’, based on the diplomatic archives of the Quai d’Orsay. (Its title has been shortened to Confidential Report.) A third report is the Rapport Thomsen. -
HERITAGE WALK in MACKAY Duration - a Leisurely Hour-And-A-Half
A HERITAGE WALK IN MACKAY Duration - a leisurely hour-and-a-half. his brochure has been designed to introduce you to Taspects of Mackay’s architectural heritage and to generate a greater pride and enjoyment of the city by its citizens and visitors. Mackay was named after John Mackay, whose pioneering spirit led him and his party from New England (NSW) to discover the valley of the Pioneer River, which John Mackay originally named for his father George. Within a few years, however, sugar became the dominant industry, thanks to the enterprising efforts of pioneers John Spiller, T. Henry Fitzgerald and John Ewen Davidson. More recently, the hinterland coal mining developments and the tourism industry have added to Mackay’s solid economic base. The prosperity and confidence of the city are reflected in the fine older buildings which are highlighted in this brochure. Many of our historic buildings were lost to devastating fires, to the notorious cyclone of January 1918 and sadly, to progress. We hope you enjoy your Heritage Tour of Mackay. * Listed with the National Trust of Queensland. Begin your tour in River Street opposite Carlyle Street. Paxton’s Building . H. Paxton & Co was a wholesale, retail, Wwine, spirits, and produce firm, as well 1 as a shipping agency, and was founded in 1876. Between May and September 1899, Charles Porter constructed this building to the design of architect Arthur Rigby. The two-storeyed section contained storage space on the ground floor and offices above. Adjacent stores were built by J. Vidulich. Ships of the AUSN Company berthed at Paxton’s wharves. -
(AWU) and the Labour Movement in Queensland from 1913-1957
University of Wollongong Thesis Collections University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Year A history of the relationship between the Queensland branch of the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) and the labour movement in Queensland from 1913-1957 Craig Clothier University of Wollongong Clothier, Craig, A history of the relationship between the Queensland branch of the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) and the labour movement in Queensland from 1913-1957, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, School of History and Politics, University of Wollongong, 2005. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1996 This paper is posted at Research Online. CHAPTER 1 Queensland to 1891: political economy " ...this state M'HI continue for all time to be a primaiy producing state...Primary production is the natural occupation of mankind. "' William Forgan Smith, Premier of Queensland, ex-AWU Organiser, 1932. Since the earliest European explorations of the northern part of the Australian continent people have seen great potential for economic expansion in the enormous region to be called Queensland with its lush tropical coastiine and drier inland with expansive and often fertile plains. Throughout the period of this thesis from 1890-1957 the Queensland economy relied upon pastoral pursuits or mineral exploitation, relied upon primary resources and industries as the mainstays of its economic stability and development. What type of people did such economic opportunities attract to this isolated and often inhospitable region of an isolated continent? What were their expectations? Where did they come from and where did they go? Most importantiy, how did these factors infiuence the society that emerged and the institutions both industrial and political that emanated from this society? Whilst the original European settlements along Queensland's coast were initially Queensland Parliamentaiy Debates (QPD), vol. -
AVOIDING TOO MUCH ORDER with TOO LITTLE LAW; REFLECTIONS on the QUEENSLAND EXPERIENCE by Frank Brennan S.J
AVOIDING TOO MUCH ORDER WITH TOO LITTLE LAW; REFLECTIONS ON THE QUEENSLAND EXPERIENCE by Frank Brennan S.J. AVOIDING TOO MUCH ORDER WITH TOO LITTLE LAW 1. The Queensland Street March Ban - A Government Experiment in Repression "As you know, in Queensland we have been relatively free of the public disorder which has in recent times reached considerable magnitude in certain other parts of the world. I do not think that it has always been appreciated just how fortunate we have been in this country that public order has been maintained without violent clashes between conflicting groups or between dissident groups and lawful authority." i So wrote the Premier of Queensland, Mr Johannes Bjelke-Petersen on 23 April 1969. Twelve years later the Governor of Queensland said:2 "We, in this country today, can be grateful that our predecessors, the colonisers of this land, brought with them and instituted the practices of English Law. For it is a dynamic system. "It can, and must, and will evolve to solve and meet the changes in social, industrial and international relationships taking place in the world today. "Law and Order' is one of today's important political issues. There is a danger, however that we try to achieve too much order with too little law, by bypassing the Processes we have inherited from those eight centuries of experience and hard fought battles against tyranny. The people of Queensland look to the law to defend their rights." Something had changed. In September 1977, the Premier had proclaimed: "The day of political street march is over. -
Cabinet Minute Decision No
CABINET MINUTE DECISION NO . ,, co,e9 BRISBANE, S /3 /19 C/0 Su BJ ECT :_~I:.:n.:.:q!.:u:..:i:.:r~y:___=:i:.::.n.:....:t:..:o~ t:.::.h:..:e:...._:C:....:o:..:.n:....:s:....:e:..::r:....:v:..:.a:....:t:..::i:....:o:..:.n:...!.,---=-M=-=a::.::..n:...:.a:....:.g!.....:e:..:.m.:..:e:...::.n::.....:t=--=a=--=-n=-=d=--=U=--=s=--=e:..........::o=--=f:....__ ____ the Great Sandy Region (including Fraser Island) (Submission No. 0016-:J_ a.m . .f!{o Copies Received at 9-00 s / .3 /19 90 rnR.. , GOSS" c.s ~- Made 43 CIRCULATION DETAILS 1 MR. GOSS Premier's A/e,, 21 ~, 2 22 Conv of r91evant MR. BURNS R/c Housing & LG d 3 ML MACn:NROTH (';)le, 23 · Police I MR. De LACY / ~.,.,.,'f Treasury 4 / ~ R/(..,. 24 I~ Tourism, Sport 5 p,/c_ 25 MR. GIBBS & Racing // . 6 MR. HAMILL P/c_. 26 Transport -2,. ( 7 MR.. WARBURTON Pfc.. 27 DEVET & IA G., 28 -- 8 MR. VAUGHAN R/e, Resource Indus 8 9 MR. CASEY li. A/c.. 29 Primary Indust MR. McELLIGOTT 10 A/c... 30 Health ,~ f rn.evant 11 MR. BRADDY A/e- 31 Education ~ 12 MR. COMBEN Afc 32 Env & Heritage MR. 13 WELLS 33 Attorney-Gener 1 P.Jc J Fam Serv & .,. p·, '") rnlevant 14 MS. WARNER AJ:_, 34 Ab&Is Affrs 15 MR. MILLINER Pf:- 35 Justice and 1 'I. i 16 A/c 36 MR. McLEAN -· 17 MR. p,Jc:_, 37 SMITH d 18 MR. EATON Rje-,, 38 Land 19 39 -r Cf- /( &"'· 0 GOVERNOR I /4/2 :i 't Cl- LO -r~ AN-Sfb~ T 20 40 Master File Y f!xec. -
Pitchforking Irish Coercionists Into Colonial Vacancies’: the Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship
Queensland Review http://journals.cambridge.org/QRE Additional services for Queensland Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here ‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship Jennifer Harrison Queensland Review / Volume 20 / Issue 02 / December 2013, pp 135 - 143 DOI: 10.1017/qre.2013.16, Published online: 30 October 2013 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S1321816613000160 How to cite this article: Jennifer Harrison (2013). ‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship. Queensland Review, 20, pp 135-143 doi:10.1017/qre.2013.16 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/QRE, IP address: 130.102.158.24 on 26 Feb 2015 Article ‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship Jennifer Harrison During the year 1888 — the centenary of white settlement — Australia celebrated the jubilee of Queen Victoria together with the advent of electricity to light Tam- worth, the first town in the Southern Hemisphere to receive that boon. In the north-eastern colony of Queensland, serious debates involving local administra- tors included membership of the Federal Council,1 the annexation of British New Guinea and the merits of a separation movement in the north. In this distant colony, events in Ireland — such as Belfast attaining city status or Oscar Wilde publishing The happy prince and other tales —hadlittleimmediateglobalim- pact. Nevertheless, minds were focused on Irish matters in October, when the scion of a well-established west Ireland family — a select member of the traditional Tribes of Galway, no less — was named as the new governor of Queensland. -
UQ Coat of Arms
UQ Heraldry Project The University of Queensland’s Coat of Arms: Historical Aspects Produced by Histori|co Research Services, Centre for Applied History & Heritage Studies, School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Introduction The University of Queensland’s coat of arms is an instantly recognizable symbol of the University’s corporate identity. Granted to the University in 1912, it has undergone a number of cosmetic revisions and changes, but the motto and essential design have remained constant. The origins, significance and evolution of the coat of arms are not examined in detail in the published histories of The University of Queensland. This report was commissioned by the Fryer Library to address this oversight, and to thus document the heraldic history of the University using archival and unpublished sources. ‘The shorthand of history’ Heraldry is the practice of creating, managing and studying coats of arms, which are also referred to as ‘armorial bearings’ or simply ‘arms’.1 Heraldry in some form has been practiced since at least the twelfth century, though its exact origins remain obscure. The traditional argument is that the identity of individual knights was obscured by their full-body armour. Consequently, coats of arms were created and displayed in a prominent place (usually a shield or banner) to identify the knight. As the practice was taken up, rules and institutions governing the use of coats of arms evolved. Heralds, responsible for the organisation of tournaments, took on the role of experts in the identification of coats of arms. Important families and, by the fifteenth century, corporations, increasingly employed coats of arms, adding to the social value of armorial bearings. -
Queensland State Archives - 1972 Cabinet Documents
- 1 - Queensland State Archives - 1972 Cabinet Documents A report by Jonathan Richards, Consultant Historian Table of contents Introduction ......................................................................................................................................1 Issues - Aboriginal and Islander Affairs.........................................................................................4 Issues - Beach Erosion on the Gold Coast....................................................................................6 Issues - Brisbane ..........................................................................................................................7 Issues - Censorship ......................................................................................................................9 Issues - Coalmines .....................................................................................................................10 Issues - Daylight Saving..............................................................................................................11 Issues - Electricity.......................................................................................................................12 Issues - Environment ..................................................................................................................13 Issues - Gladstone Smelter.........................................................................................................14 Issues - Greenvale Nickel Mine and Yabulu Treatment Plant......................................................15 -
Malcolm Ellis: Labour Historian? Spy?
Malcolm Ellis: Labour Historian? Spy? Andrew Moore UW8, Macarthur When, on New Year's Day 1952, Sir John Ferguson, the eminent in 1984 it is important for left historians to understand their enemy. 10 bibliographer and Industrial Commission judge, wrote to his friend and colleague, M.H. Ellis, the anticommunist historian, he evinced The making of an anticommunist sentiments with which many labour historians would agree. Ferguson Considering how comfortably- in middle Iife- M.H. Ellis fitted into knew of EIlis's practice of collecting left-wing literature, especially the plush clubs and institutions of Sydney's elite- given the depth of pamphlets published by the Communist Party of Australia (CPA). the veteran journalist's network into the commanding heights of Ferguson was concerned that these should be preserved, perhaps, he Canberra's conservative political circles, some aspects of his suggested, as part of his large collection ofAustraliana lodged at the background are incongruous. The circumstances of his birth and National Library of Australia. If Ellis acceded to this request, upbringing were plebeian. While Ellis's father was the product of an Ferguson advised, future students of 'sociology' would have access ancient Norman Irish family, when Ellis was born, Thomas Ellis to a 'large body of material covering every period which may touch was a farm labourer and battling small selector in Queensland. In his thesis, e.g. the I.w.w. campaign .. .in N.S.W. was Lang right'.1 outback Queensland during the 1890s, Ellis's childhood playmates No doubt influenced by ongoing displays of personal regard from were mainly Aboriginal. -
The Wrong Crowd
THE WRONG CROWD An online documentary and Analytical contextualisation Debra Beattie BA(UQ), Dip Ed (UNSW), Grad Dip Film (Swinburne), MA (QUT) Creative Industries Research and Applications Centre CIRAC Queensland University of Technology Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2003 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i Statement of Originality iii Acknowledgements iv Chapter One – History, Documentary, Memory 2 History and Popular Memory (a) Background 9 (b) Buried Histories 11 (c) Trauma, Narrative and History 25 (d) History and the document(ary) as evidence 30 (e) So whose memories make documentary history? 36 Chapter Two – Documentary in the Age of New Media Digitised reality and non-linear history in a navigable narration 49 (a) Simulation as evidence 50 (b) Narrative and non-linearity 53 (c) Digital realism 59 The New Age of New Media (d) Screen theory online 63 (e) Spatial montage 70 (f) Cinematic apparatus on the net 74 Chapter Three – The Wrong Crowd – Documentary Online 81 Conclusion 93 Reference List 99 Filmography 107 ABSTRACT The Wrong Crowd the theory and the practice of creating a personal history-documentary online. This doctoral study comprises two parts. 75 per cent of the total weight of the submission consists of the creative component, the writing, directing and producing of a moving- image documentary in an online environment (supplementary material includes the script). Cutting edge technology (QTVR ‘movies’ and Live Stage Professional software) was used to create an immersive cinematic experience on the net. The Wrong Crowd can be viewed either online at www.abc.net.au/wrongcrowd or offline via a CD Rom (the latter includes the radio play ‘Death of a Prostitute’ which was excised from the version published via ABC Online because of legal concerns on the part of the ABC lawyers). -
The History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
15 . The implosion of Joh Bjelke- Petersen, 1983–1987 The 1983 election ended the ‘constitutional crisis’ by providing the Nationals with exactly half the seats in the Parliament (41) and the opportunity to supplement their ministry with Liberal ministerialists who would agree to join the new government. The Premier had a number of options to secure his majority. Many of the surviving former Liberal ministers were not generally regarded as ‘anti-coalitionists’ in the previous government. The six potential ministerialists who might have been persuaded to change allegiances were: Norm Lee, Bill Lickiss, Brian Austin, Don Lane, Colin Miller and even Bill Knox. According to the Courier-Mail (15 July 1983), when two Coalition backbenchers, Bill Kaus and Bob Moore, had quit the Liberals and joined the Nationals in July, two Liberal ministers, Norm Lee and Bill Lickiss, already had indicated they would consider jumping ship. It was almost as if a race to defect was on. The two other Liberals to survive the 1983 poll, Terry White and Angus Innes, would not have been acceptable to the Premier and his senior ministers. In total, six of the eight Liberals had been ministers (although Miller had served for just 13 days after White was sacked and before the resignations of all the Liberals were accepted). Knox had been a minister since 1965 and Lee and Lickiss had been ministers since early 1975. They had some pedigree. Austin and Lane (and White) each had one parliamentary term as minister. Two Liberals, however, took the issue into their own hands. The day after the election, Austin and Lane had discussed the prospects of defecting and swapping parties, with Austin saying ‘I’m sick of this…I reckon we ought to give ’em the arse.