Australian Political Chronicle 243

QUEENSLAND

In the early months of 1974, national attention was focused on for several major reasons: the devastating floods which hit the state in January and their aftermath; the roles played by prominent Queenslanders in what became popularly known as 'the Gair affair'. (see Commonwealth Chronicle.) Torrential rain fell on the state in late December-early January causing the worst floods the west had ever seen. With half of Queensland under water, the protracted and widespread disruption of communications and transport forced the state government to air lift to Mt. Isa over 250 people stranded between Hughenden and Cloncurry. Several days later a massive aerial evacuation of Normanton and Karumba began, more than 600 people being flown to Cairns as rising flood waters cut all access to the Gulf country. In response to pleas from the governments of Queensland and New South Wales (also hard hit by floods), the Prime Minister, Mr Whitlam, on 11 January offered financial help from the national government for flood relief on the normal dollar-for-dollar basis. As the rain continued, cyclone Wanda developed off the coast and as the Day holiday week-end dawned, it turned inland north of , dumping inches more rain not only on the already water logged city but also on the headwaters of the creeks and streams which feed into the Brisbane River. Overnight Brisbane and Ipswich found themselves battling their worst flood in the twentieth century, one which was to render over 8000 people homeless, and to affect a total of 13,750 houses, the majority of which suffered major damage. With essential services in the flooded areas cut, civilian and army volunteers fighting to keep the waters from knocking out the central telephone exchange, bank vaults and computers in the inner city area and with the tanker Robert Miller adrift in the river and likely to cause a worse disaster if it jammed between the banks, the 's failure to declare a state of emergency, in such circumstances, was puzzling, to say the least. The demands of this crisis situation also found the Queensland Civil Defence Organisation wanting. While hundreds of individual volunteers toiled heroically and every facility of the Brisbane City Council was mobilised and used by the indefatigable Lord Mayor, Alderman Clem Jones, organisationally Civil Defence fell to pieces under the pressure placed upon it. This was clearly revealed in a post-flood appraisal and it seemed likely that in future as part of a federal National Disaster Organisation this body will be reshaped to concentrate more on coping with cyclones and floods and less on the threat of Nuclear War. When the massive clean-up got under way and the state began to tot up a bill for loss and damage which was to come close to $100 million, flood victims found cold comfort in official pronouncements that this had been no freak situation and that a worse flood could come at any time in the future. The state government and the city council were bitterly criticised for their lack of cooperation in the past in devising and implementing a flood mitigation plan. The federal Minister for Labour and Regional Development, Mr T. Uren who had earlier toured the flood areas offered $100,000 for a special study of the Brisbane flood, with the Cities Commission working with the and local authorities. Real estate developers were also attacked for their alleged role in exploiting the flood plains. The president of the Trades and Labor Council, Mr Jack Egerton, who is also a member of the Greater Brisbane Town Planning Committee demanded that the state government allow the Committee sufficient power to prevent developers from engaging in such activity. 'Time and time again the planning committee of the Brisbane City Council had drawn the attention of developers to floodlines, but the committee and council lack the power to prevent what has now proven to be callous exploitation of Brisbane homeowners.' 1 Amid charge and counter-charge one thing soon became clear — that no committee of inquiry would be appointed by the state government to investigate the Brisbane flood and make recommendations for future flood mitigation. Though under heavy pressure to do so, the Premier refused on the grounds that nothing would be gained. The Prime Minister's absence from the disaster area was also noted by Queenslanders. Mr Whitlam's departure on his long-planned Asian tour coincided with the flood peak, and although many of his senior ministers were early on the scene, he himself did not visit the city until a fortnight later on his way home from Manila. Though the national government has been generous to Queensland in that it will pick up the bill for everything over and above the two million dollars already spent by the state on flood relief, it may have paid Mr Whitlam, in the long run, to detour through Brisbane on his way to south-east Asia, given the parochial flavour of Queensland politics. In terms of bad publicity arising out of the floods, the real estate developers were second only to the insurance companies. The announcement by the latter that very few homeowners were covered by flood insurance did little to endear them to the general public once it became known that commonwealth war service homes carried such insurance. Their plea for a national disaster fund to take over the huge risk in such areas which they claimed private insurance companies could not handle 1. Financial Review, 30 January 1974. 244 The Australian Journal of Politics and History

was turned down by federal , which decided instead to ask insurance companies to include flood protection in their home policies. Queensland's part in the Gair affair began shortly after it became public that one of the two DLP Senators from Queensland, had accepted appointment by the national government as Australia's ambassador to Ireland. As the purpose of this exercise by the federal Labor government was to add a sixth vacancy to the number of seats to be contested in Queensland at the mid-term Senate elections, and hopefully to thus elect an additional Labor senator, the leaders of the Liberal and Country parties throughout Australia were fearful that this move would be the fast step towards the government gaining control of the upper House. Stories differ as to whom was the instigator of the next move. Some credit the Queensland Liberal Senator, Ian Wood with alerting Mr Bjelke-Petersen to the possibilities open to him; others suggest the impetus came from the federal leader of the Country party, Mr ; some even believe that the Premier thought of it himself. Be that as it may, after taking Constitutional advice on the matter, Mr Bjelke-Petersen with Cabinet approval initiated an audacious counterstroke, in having the Governor, Sir , issue the Writs for the normal five Senate vacancies for Queensland. This meant that, technically, the election had begun and Senator Gair's position could be filled by the Queensland parliament as a casual vacancy, traditionally by a member of the same political party as the retiring Senator. What was of greater importance, the new appointee would not have to face re-election until the next House of Representatives election. The efficacy of the Premier's coup depended on the Writs being issued prior to Senator Gair's resignation from the Senate. The exact date of his resignation was constitutionally unclear and was still being argued when the federal government accepted the 's challenge to a of parliament. The declaration of 18 May as the date for an election of both federal Houses converted these matters into questions of purely academic interest. While it was widely acknowledged that the `Gair Affair' was deplorable, leaving none of the protagonists with their honour unsullied, the Premier's part in the distasteful manoeuvres showed him once more to be a wily and astute politician.

The Government In view of Mr Bjelke-Petersen's well-known opposition to the whole concept, it came as a surprise to find the government presenting to parliament legislation to create the office of Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman). The Queensland legislation closely resembled that of Western Australia, South Australia and Victoria. Because the stature and personality of the Ombudsman will be an important factor in his success the naming of the first appointee will be awaited with great interest. Earlier amendments to laws governing art unions and to the liquor Act came into force proy,iding for eighteeen-year old drinking and the legal playing of bingo and hoy. The government also set up an official news service, direct to radio and television stations within the state which provoked a strong reaction from the Queensland branch of the Australian Journalists' Association. They viewed the news service as little more than a blatant government propaganda machine, bypassing the principle of balanced reporting by experienced and qualified journalists. The government was also active in protecting moral standards in Queensland. Because the federal Attorney-General and Customs Minister, Senator Murphy, over-rode the traditional censorship authority with regard to the Swedish film, 'Language of Love', the Queensland government legislated to create the Queensland Film Board of Review to censor films 'in the public interest'. At the same time, the Minister for Justice, Mr Knox rejected recommendations made to the Attorneys-General Committee by a working party of federal and state officials. These suggested that censorship of published material should be eased through a system of 'restricted' and 'direct sale only' classifications. While all other state Attorneys-General conceded that the Australian government should be responsible for the classification of published material, Mr Knox not only disagreed but warned that the staff of the Queensland Literature Board of Review would have to be substantially increased to stem the flood of pornographic material into Queensland which would assuredly follow, if proposed federal legislation on censorship was approved. The appointment of a parliamentary select committee on violent crime and punishment under the chairmanship of Mr Charles Porter (Liberal, Toowong) was also likely to reopen the question of the reintroduction of hanging as punishment for certain crimes. Mr Porter was on record as a supporter of the reintroduction of capital punishment as were several other members of the committee. Originally intended as a government parties' committee, the government enlarged its membership under pressure from the committee itself, to include three Labor parliamentarians, thus making it the first all party select committee in this state for more than 50 years. Mr Bjelke-Petersen's rejection' of Advance Australia Fair as the national anthem was well received by the majority of Queenslanders, many of whom publicly applauded the playing of 'God Save the Queen' particularly at the many Anzac Day gatherings throughout the state on 25 April. Australian Political Chronicle 245

Industrial Relations The wave of strikes, stop-work meetings and overtime bans continued. A strike of 40 fitters caused 1200 members of the Vehicle Builders' Union to be stood down at the General Motors-Holden plant at Acacia Ridge. Other callings involved in industrial disputes were clerks at Mt. Isa, soft drink delivery drivers, dental mechanics, roof tilers, PMG technicians, coal miners, wharfies and building workers. Dissatisfied with the 18 March wage decision handed down by the state Industrial Commission, the 15,000 members of the Queensland Teachers' Union held a half-day stoppage on 10 April to discuss further industrial action. An recommendation to hold rolling 24 hour strikes was narrowly defeated; instead majority support was given for a secret ballot to be taken to decide whether to call further strikes over pay grievances. This itself was to be delayed until after the executive's meeting with the Public Service Board. All was not well within the police force either, where proposed changes to the promotional system were causing discontent. Under the new system candidates for promotion had to pass examinations in certain subjects of the police arts-science course; this, in the view of the police union secretary, Detective Sergeant Ron Edington, 'would discriminate against certain present serving members of the force and will promote sectional interests'. 2 As further evidence in support of the union's case, Mr Edington produced survey figures showing that Queensland state cabinet ministers had no better education than the average policeman. A compromise solution to defer the operation of the new scheme for a year appeared to satisfy neither side and it was clear that the Police Commissioner, Mr Whitrod, will continue to run into the road blocks of vested interests as he continues his campaign to lift the standards of the Queensland police force. Trouble was also brewing at Brisbane's Boggo Road gaol where a strike of prison officers was narrowly averted in January. The Minister in charge of prisons, Mr John Herbert was censured by the officers for the lack of direction in his administration but it was decided to postpone further industrial action until the results of the investigation into prison security by the Public Service Commissioner, Mr P. Bredhauer, were known. The Leader of the opposition, Mr Houston, argued publicly for an inquiry into the whole prison administration citing amongst other evidence to support an inquiry the repeated cases of wire swallowing by prisoners which had come to light in previous months. The most far reaching in its ramifications of all the industrial disputes was the action of the building trades group of unions in placing a black ban on the AMP's high rise building project in Brisbane. The unions claimed that the insurance companies operating in the fire, storm and tempest areas in Queensland had a moral obligation to pay flood victims despite their lack of cover in strict legal terminology, and with the backing of the Trades and Labor Council chose the AMP building site as a test case. In response the government moved to introduce into parliament legislation amending the State Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act relating to trade union black bans. The amendments removed immunity from civil prosecution of unions involved in industrial action and were based on recommendations of a government members' committee chaired by Mr Charles Porter (Liberal, Toowong). Initially the government stayed its hand as agreement appeared likely between the Trades and Labor Council and the insurance company. In a dramatic about-face however the Council, by a large majority, rejected the proposal to allow work to proceed on the project and voted instead to make a hard line attack on all insurance companies for their treatment of Brisbane flood victims. The Federated Engine Drivers and Firemen's Association weighed in with a ban on all development work which it considered could add to Brisbane's flood problems. The Premier immediately invoked the new legislation which had been awaiting a government decision to have it signed by the Governor and thus made operative. It seemed obvious however that the government wanted the employers rather than itself to take action in the courts against the unions, but the AMP held back. The dispute was ultimately settled, with the building trade unions winning the right to have the AMP discuss all its future development plans with them before demolition began. While the Queensland president of the building workers' industrial group, Mr H. Hamilton could say that 'the industrial group is involved in the social issues of our time and this has been recognised', 3 this proposition was clearly not acceptable in many quarters. As long as the industrial amendments stayed on the statute book and unions maintained their right to intervene directly over a wide range of non-industrial issues, future conflict and confrontation between unions, employers and the state government are inevitable. The Full Bench of the State Industrial Commission decided on 17 April that the Clerk's Union application to broaden the preference clause in one award will be regarded as a test case when it comes up for hearing late in May. The preference claim is so far-reaching in its scope and application that it could lead to the rewriting of every state award and is regarded by the trade union movement as the most important case to come before the Commission for many years.

2. Courier-Mail, 17 January 1974. 3. Australian, 18 April 1974. 246 The Australian Journal of Politics and History

Merger talks were begun between the AWU (140,000 members) and the Shop Assistants' Union (110,000 members); also between the ARU and the Queensland Railway Guards, Shunters and Conductors' Association, while the Storemen and Packers' Union in Queensland was in the process of amalgamating with the Waterside Workers' Federation. It was also rumoured that the AWU would return to the ALP fold if moves to re-affiliate were successful at the postponed Labor-in-Politics convention in July.

The Coalition The year opened with a scathing attack by the executive of the Queensland Young Liberals on the parliamentary wing of its party in Queensland. Calling for the projection of a progressive political image, the executive stated that 'too often does it appear that the conservative element in the liberal party has gained predominance. The public image of the party is that of a party dominated by those of an extremely narrow and conservative outlook on life in general'. 4 In keeping with these sentiments, the Young Liberals' annual convention on 7 April passed resolutions calling for the disbanding of all women's organisations within the Liberal party as these treated women as second class citizens; the condemnation of the Queensland government's decision to establish a film board of review; supporting the concept of one vote — one value and demanding that the party's annual state convention be given the power to make its policy decisions binding on the parliamentary wing, except for the right of individual dissent on moral, religious or social grounds. As usual, none of these were likely to be taken seriously at the senior levels of the party. Still in pursuit of a merger with the DLP, the Country party finally decided not to run a Senate ticket with the Liberals but to field a joint Country party-DLP team. Following Senator Gail's appointment as ambassador to Ireland and the poor showing of the National Alliance in the state elections in Western Australia, the state president of the Liberal party in Queensland, Mr John Moore suggested that the Country party might like to have second thoughts about the senate ticket. While proclaiming the change of the Country party's name in Queensland to that of the National party of Australia (Queensland) at a gala luncheon on 6 April, Mr Anthony conceded that the `Gair affair' had indeed created a new hesitancy on DLP merger proposals and other arrangements. The Liberals for their part firmly rebuffed ideas of three-way round table talks with the DLP and the National party, causing the DLP to accuse them of sabotaging efforts to achieve anti-socialist unity. The announcement of a full election for both federal Houses of parliament on 18 May threw all previous electoral arrangements into the melting pot again. The DLP again strongly urged an anti-Labor poll pact in Queensland but its price for a three-party senate ticket — number four place or above — was more than the Liberals or Nationalists were prepared to pay. Consequently the DLP will field its own senate team of Senator Condon Byrne, G. J. Maule and J. Williams, and will not stand candidates for House of Representatives seats in Queensland at next month's elections. The joint non-Labor senate ticket will be Senators Wood (Liberal), Maunsell (National party), Bonner (Liberal) and Lawrie (National party) in that order, with the Liberal's Miss K. Martin as number five and Dr G. Sheil of the National party as number six. The final team was only arrived at after an internal squabble within the Liberal party over opposition to Senator Wood's re-endorsement and his place on the ticket. Much more bitter was the conflict over the re-endorsement of sitting members Nigel Drury (Ryan) and Marshall Cooke (Petrie). The most serious challenge to Mr Drury came from the state president, Mr John Moore, while the main contender against Mr Cooke was Alderman J. Hodges, the deputy-mayor of Redcliffe. In the event, Mr Drury narrowly survived some very close balloting, while Mr Cooke was dropped from selection for the seat he has held only since 1972. An appeal to the Liberal party executive, at which both candidates were represented by counsel upheld the earlier decision and Alderman Hodges will now contest Petrie for the Liberal party. Of interest also, was the pre-selection of Mr Kevin Cairns, former Minister for Housing in the McMahon government, for Lilley, the seat he lost by 35 votes in December 1972. The National party endorsed candidates for four metropolitan seats; Bowman, Brisbane, Lilley and Petrie, while the Liberal party will stand in Leichhardt, Dawson and Wide Bay which should assist the National party in its efforts to take these seats from Labor. A rift between the two parties opened up on the Gold Coast where the local National party organisation seemed determined to go against its party's federal electoral policy by endorsing Alderman N. Rix to contest Macpherson against sitting Liberal member, Mr Eric Robinson. On the Labor side, great interest was aroused by the Prime Minister's efforts to persuade Brisbane's Lord Mayor, Alderman Jones, to nominate for a federal seat. Expressing a commonly held belief in Labor circles that Alderman Jones could win any Brisbane seat for which he stood, Mr Whitlam also hinted that the Lord Mayor would have a portfolio, probably local government, in an ingoing Labor

4. Ibid., 16 January 1974. Australian Political Chronicle 247 government. Alderman Jones' proven vote catching ability had been put to the test in the state seat of Yeronga in 1972 When he trailed Mr Lee (Liberal) by 996 in the final count after preference distribution. Ultimately Mr Jones made the decision to contest the marginal seat of Griffith held for the Liberals by Mr Don Cameron. Though his majority is paper-thin, Mr Cameron is both well-known and hard-working in his electorate and population movements could slightly favour the Liberal party.

The Opposition The announcement by Mr Tom Burns, member for Lytton in state parliament, that he was ready to return to the opposition front bench after what was considered by political observers to have been an ill-timed retirement late last year, triggered off another wave of speculation as to the future of the present leader of the opposition, Mr . While no one in the ALP caucus meeting spoke against or challenged his leadership when he himself raised the matter, and the meeting as a whole deplored the attacks upon him, the state executive of the Young Labor Association called upon him to step down in favour of a younger man. It was rumoured that within trade union circles the feeling was growing that Mr Houston's performance as leader was the major cause of the current low level in ALP morale and support; moves to force his retirement were said to be coming from his own union, the Electrical Trades Union, who sought to replace him with another former electrician, Mr Tom Burns. After years of pressure, the government finally created the position of press secretary to the leader of the Opposition. This step, while welcomed by the ALP caused some upset within the party, with the appointment of Mr Chamberlain to the position. This was followed by the immediate resignation of another applicant for the position, Mr Jack Stanaway, press officer for the ALP in Queensland for the past seven years. Mr Chamberlain has the unenviable task of promoting a better image of Mr Houston and the ALP 'while trying to combat the collective anti-labor press releases from Mr Bjelke-Petersen's army of pro-government professionals'. 5 The triennial Labor-in-Politics convention which was to have opened in Cairns on 12 May was postponed, following the announcement of the double dissolution of the federal parliament.

Federal-State Relations Early in January, the Premier and the Attorney-General (Mr W. Knox) together with a team of advisers flew south to Sydney and Melbourne for discussions on constitutional matters affecting state governments. As a result of talks with the , Mr Hamer and the NSW Attorney-General, Mr McCaw, the Queensland Premier announced at a Sydney press conference that `we have achieved an understanding on our thinking and agreement on a line of action in the interests of the people of the three states'. 6 Mr Bjelke-Petersen anticipated that the non-Labor states would attempt to check the national government by taking action through the High Court on constitutional matters; by alerting the public to the full implications of the federal Labor party's measures and by fully briefing the federal opposition on issues so they could be more effectively challenged in parliament. As the crusader for States' rights, Mr Bjelke-Petersen drew a uniformly bad press in Sydney, while Mr Bruce Champion, chairman of the Company Directors' Association of Australia issued a press statement on behalf of his 2000 members, urging the premier to stop 'whinging' and allow the federal government to get on with its job. In part, the statement said: Regardless of our personal politics, businessmen take a broader view on the question of state rights than does the . Australia is one country and should be governed as such. Business is being continually frustrated by the fragmentation of our laws .... Thwarting the federal government, be it liberal or labor, by pursuing state rights leaves commerce with watered down ambiguous legislation and ludicrous costly variations. 7 Was it more than coincidental then that a week later the Attorneys-General of Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria met to arrange for the early establishment and operation of the Eastern States Companies Commission? In an effort to forestall the federal Attorney-General's proposed companies legislation, the Commission will seek complete uniformity in company law for the eastern states, and will establish common standards in administration, and the elimination of multiple machinery activities in day-to-day routine matters. The states lost one round in their joust with the national government when Her Majesty the Queen rejected the direct appeal of the governments of Queensland and Tasmania to allow them to take to

5. Ibid., 25 January 1974. 6. Sydney Morning Herald, 11 January 1974. 7. Australian, 11 January 1974. 248 The Australian Journal of Politics and History the Privy Council their challenge to the national government's plans to control off-shore resources. They stood to gain in another direction, however, through the historic decision of the Full Bench of the High Court upholding the right of the Tasmanian government to impose a tax on tobacco consumption. Though Mr Bjellce-Petersen's initial reaction was one of antagonism to the idea of his government placing such a burden on Queensland consumers it is to be expected that this state will not lag far behind the others in tapping this new source of independent revenue. M.N.B.C.