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(AWU) and the Labour Movement in Queensland from 1913-1957

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(AWU) and the Labour Movement in Queensland from 1913-1957 University of Wollongong Thesis Collections University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Year A history of the relationship between the Queensland branch of the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) and the labour movement in Queensland from 1913-1957 Craig Clothier University of Wollongong Clothier, Craig, A history of the relationship between the Queensland branch of the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) and the labour movement in Queensland from 1913-1957, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, School of History and Politics, University of Wollongong, 2005. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1996 This paper is posted at Research Online. CHAPTER 1 Queensland to 1891: political economy " ...this state M'HI continue for all time to be a primaiy producing state...Primary production is the natural occupation of mankind. "' William Forgan Smith, Premier of Queensland, ex-AWU Organiser, 1932. Since the earliest European explorations of the northern part of the Australian continent people have seen great potential for economic expansion in the enormous region to be called Queensland with its lush tropical coastiine and drier inland with expansive and often fertile plains. Throughout the period of this thesis from 1890-1957 the Queensland economy relied upon pastoral pursuits or mineral exploitation, relied upon primary resources and industries as the mainstays of its economic stability and development. What type of people did such economic opportunities attract to this isolated and often inhospitable region of an isolated continent? What were their expectations? Where did they come from and where did they go? Most importantiy, how did these factors infiuence the society that emerged and the institutions both industrial and political that emanated from this society? Whilst the original European settlements along Queensland's coast were initially Queensland Parliamentaiy Debates (QPD), vol. 162, 1932, p. 1731. penal in nature what is certain is that by the time the colony of Queensland separated from that of New South Wales in 1859 the pastoral industry - relying upon goods produced from sheep and cattle - and those involved in it had become the dominant social, economic and political sector within the fledgling colony. The Pastoral Industry As early as 1840 southern squatters had begun to overland their flocks to the fertile Darling Downs in the southeast of what would become the colony of Queensland. Those early squatters laid the foundations for a tight-knit and privileged society, largely based on Scottish ancestry and finance. These pioneering squatters were dubbed the "Pure Merinos" to indicate their standing on the top rung of the colonial social^. Throughout the period leading up to the 1890s the expansion of pastoralism continued apace. The squatters continued their steady push inland along the Condamine and Maranoa Rivers west and north west of the Downs. Along the coast too, in the Burnett River district and north to the Fitzroy River squatters attempted to make their fortunes. West of the Downs the Maranoa and Warrego districts were opened; in central Queensland the Leichhardt and Mitchell districts experienced phenomenal growth; and to the north the Kennedy district and the inhospitable Burke district which extended to the Gulf of Carpentaria^ were introduced to the hooved stock which it was hoped would return a healthy profit for the intrepid squatters and finance companies which largely bankrolled these adventures in colonial capitalism. Even a collapse in the world wool market in the early 1860s only served to force Queensland pastoralists to diversify into 2 Waterson, D.B., Squatter, Selector, and Storekeeper. A Histoiy of the Darling Downs 1859-93, Sydney, 1968, pp. 9-13. See also Walker, J., Jondaiyn Station.The Relationship Between PastoralCapitaland Pastoral Labourl 840-1990, St.Lucia, 1988 for an excellent examination on the founding of the pastoral industry on the Darling Downs especially in 'Part 1', pp. 1-6% passim. "' See Appendix 1 for a map showing the Queensland pastoral districts the beef producing industry. Similarly when pastoralists found that the land to the tropical north of the colony was wholly unsuitable to wool-growing'^ they backtracked towards the central western regions that would prove to be some of the best sheep country in the colony^. Between 1860 and 1890 the numbers of sheep in Queensland had grown from 3.5 million to 20 million with only New South Wales (60 million) having greater numbers of sheep. Another significant change in the Queensland industry was the shift in dominance from the Darling Downs in the 1860s to the central district of Mitchell which by the 1890s commanded over one third of the sheep population in Queensland.^ This rapid expansion was ably facilitated by favourable land legislation enacted by the newly separated Queensland parliament^. Anyone could apply for a one-year license to occupy a run of 100 square miles and then apply for a 14-year lease conditional upon the run being stocked to a quarter of its assumed capacity (100 sheep or 20 head of cattle to the square mile). This legislation acted to discourage absentee "map-graziers" living in southern cities speculating on distant pastoral leases. Furthermore, the Act helped to encourage many southern squatters, threatened by hostile land legislation in their own colonies to look North. Further assistance was provided by southern and overseas banks, financial institutions, and pastoral companies looking to profit from pastoral speculation. Prominent amongst these institutions in Queensland were the Scottish Australian Investment Co., the Australian Mercantile Land and Finance Co., and Goldsborough Mort & Co. The Queensland squatters were heavily indebted to these lenders with over two thirds of Queensland's sheep and half of its cattle mortgaged. Individual debts of 4 Merritt, J., The Making of the AWU, Melbourne, 1986, pp. 3-4 See the map in Appendix 1 * Merritt, J., op.cit, 1986, p. 5 The colony of Queensland formally separated from New South Wales in 1859. ^ See a number of legislative amendments referred to as the 'The Douglas Land Acts' of 1860. three thousand pounds were common.^ By 1891 the population of Queensland had reached 393 718. This growth was achieved mostly through immigration. Many were refugees from the southern gold fields that were beginning to require costly capital-intensive production methods to be profitable. Others were poor Irish farmers, Presbyterian Scots or Lutherans from Germany, all encouraged by inexpensive passages and generous lease agreements offered by the government. These pioneering emigres often possessed a tradition of agrarian capitalism. They saw Queensland as offering the means of a prosperous future. This growth also encouraged the establishment of townships to service these distant regions. Bowen developed to serve the Kennedy; Clermont and Springsure provided the squatters of the Leichardt with inland depot; as did Burketown and Normanton in the Burke district; and Roma was established further south in the Maranoa district of central Queensland. Likewise those townships that were well established prospered from the boom as they provided the basic infrastructures that were essential to facilitate the rapid expansion north along the coast and then inland to the central and northern interior. Ipswich, Toowoomba, and Warwick all prospered from the pastoral boom and port towns such as Maryborough and Rockhampton were able to consolidate and grow as regional centres. Railway infrastructure developed to meet the needs of the pastoral expansion. Brisbane had been linked to Mitchell in 1883 and Charleville in 1888; Rockhampton was linked to Barcaldine in 1886; and Townsville had it's link to Hughendenby 1888.'° Assisted by the increased population and even more so by an improvement in the 9 Fitzgerald, R., From the Dreaming to 1915. A History of Queensland., St. Lucia, 1982, p.l43 10 Merritt, J., op.cit., 1986, p. 10 4 world economy and more particularly the price of wool, in Queensland pastoralism developed into a resilient industry capable of withstanding the occasional fluctuations in the world's commodity markets. Technological advances helped to greatly improve the efficiency of the pastoral industry throughout Australia. The widespread use of fencing helped to keep out scab, foxes and dingoes as well as reducing labour costs by dispensing with shepherds. The fence helped to protect the sheep and along with improved breeding techniques the fleeces became of a higher quality. A gradually improving transport infrastructure in Queensland also helped to reduce costs and improve access to markets and, due to changes in wool marketing, pastoralists were also able to dispense with expensive wool washing facilities." N.G. Butiin estimates that in 1872 the price of wool reached its peak at 15.5 d. per pound and that seaward wool exports contributed £ 1 000 000 to the Queensland economy. Although wool prices never again reached the 1872 peak in the nineteenth century, the value of the wool clip to Queensland's economy continued to rise, so that for all but two years (the economic slump of 1885-86) from 1883 until the end of that decade the value of the seaward wool export never dropped below £ 1 500 000.'^ Such a consistent return for capital investment convinced southern speculators to continue to pour finance into the Queensland pastoral industry. Throughout this pastoral cycle of expansion, decline and rejuvenation a definite social and political structure became entrenched.
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