The End of a ‘Mixed’ Pilgrimage

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3 9 25 3 7 New ISIM Academic Director Sharifa Zaleha Ahmad Moussalli Richard Brent Turner Muhammad Khalid Masud Surau and Mosques in Malaysia Political Islam in Sunni Communities Mainstream Islam in the USA

C i r c u m a m- bulatory The war in Kosovo and the accompanying ethnic procession at cleansing has catapulted this region to the centre t h e m o n a s t e r y stage of Western attention after so many years of rel- o f Z oc˘isˇt e ative silence and indifference. Already in the 1980s, many analysts pointed out that tensions between Al- banian and Serbian nationalism and divisions between the Christian Serbs and the (mainly) Muslim Albanians were growing, and were turning the province into a dangerous Balkan hotspot. Compar- isons were drawn, especially by Serbian nationalists, with the famous Battle of Kosovo fought between the Ottoman Turks and Balkan Christian forces in 1389 – a ‘clash of civilizations’ between two deeply antagonistic and incompatible nations. In light of the recent developments, it is logical that the rift between Alba- nians and Serbs is now perceived as a hard and fast line of division. Yet Kosovo has had a history of coexistence, with considerable movement across this ethnic and religious frontier, through economic ties, cultural diffusion, religious exchange and conversion. Throughout history, the ethnic and religious barriers have been anything but watertight. K O S O V O The End of a ‘Mixed’ Pilgrimage

In July 1991, I went to visit Zoc˘isˇte, a mixed symbiotic before, due to processes of mutu- substantial numbers. These were mostly Or- Serb-Albanian village three miles from the al assimilation and absorption. One of the thodox or ‘Serbian’ Gypsies (Srpski cigani) GER DUIJZINGS town of Rahovec, in the southwest of the most interesting features of life in this small from Suva Reka and Rahovec who seemed province. Just outside the village on a hill- town was that old urban Albanian families to be quite well assimilated into the Serbian top, there is an old medieval Serbian Ortho- were Slavophone, that is to say, they did not community. During the holiday, Serbs and dox monastery (dating from the 14t h c e n t u r y speak Albanian at home, but rather a Slavic Gypsies closely intermingled, apparently Since 1991, I have conducted research on or even earlier). Its shrine has a reputation dialect (n asˇ g o v o r – our tongue). During the knowing each other quite well. While I was ethnically and religiously ‘mixed’ pilgrim- for being particularly helpful in cases of dis- 1921 census, the majority of urban Albani- present, there was also a smaller but quite ages (in such places as the Serbian Ortho- eases of the eyes and mental and psychoso- ans in Rahovec had therefore been regis- conspicuous presence of Muslim Gypsy dox monasteries of Grac˘anica and the matic disorders. The church is called Sveti tered under the category ‘Serbs or Croats’. women, wearing the characteristic wide Roman Catholic shrine of Letnica), which V r ac˘i (the Holy Medics) after the saints Kuz- During my own research, some asserted that baggy trousers and speaking Albanian, who offer clear examples of this contact across man and Damnjan, patron saints of the their language was similar to Macedonian, hardly joined in with Serbs and Orthodox religious and ethnic boundaries. At present monastery. My reason for visiting this shrine apparently trying to dissociate from any Gypsies; obviously they were not part of the this seems unimaginable, but until very re- was that, until the late 1980s, many Muslim connection with Serbian. Since most Albani- Orthodox c o m m u n i t a s developing within cently, Muslims and Christians of different Albanians from Zoc˘isˇte and nearby Rahovec ans had been sacked from their jobs in 1990, the walls of the monastery. ethnic backgrounds visited one another’s would come to the monastery to join the fes- there was now a great deal of ‘bad blood’ be- Although this was meant to be a feast, the sanctuaries, worshipped one another’s tivities. The story holds that before the Al- tween local Serbs and Albanians. atmosphere was quite tense during my visit: saints and ignored the evident theological banian protests of 1989, which were violent- During the pilgrimage, the entrance of the the war had just started and (as a Dutch- objections of religious orthodoxies. Particu- ly suppressed in Rahovec (Orahovac in Ser- monastery is animated by booths, mainly man) I sensed a great deal of suspicion (at a larly in the field of popular religion, which bian), Albanian pilgrims were even more nu- manned by Gypsies selling snacks and vari- time when the Dutch Minister of Foreign Af- religious authorities traditionally control merous here than Serbs. ous toys and trinkets; whereas within the fairs, Hans van den Broek, was heading the the least, boundaries were most often disre- Yet in the last few years the growing dis- confines of the monastery there is an out- European Community efforts to stop the garded. There are numerous examples in trust between Albanians and Serbs put an door café run by Serbian youth from the vil- war in former Yugoslavia). At dawn shots Kosovo (and beyond) where Muslim and end to this ‘mixed’ pilgrimage: Albanians lage. There are also other simple, improvised were fired, probably by some drunken Serbs, Christian forms of pilgrimage and saint ven- had begun to boycott. As I heard from a local fairground attractions run by Gypsies. Dur- and later that morning army jets flew over, eration have amalgamated and formal reli- Albanian taxi-driver, only a handful of old ing my visit, a Serbian tradesman was selling as a reminder to everyone that the situation gious divisions have become blurred. Most and very ill Albanians would still make the posters and badges containing images of was far from normal. Suspicion was, howev- interestingly, in Kosovo, Serbian Orthodox effort to go to Zoc˘isˇte, and perhaps some leading Serbian nationalists like Vuk Drasˇ- er, not only directed against foreigners: I shrines have often demonstrated a propen- Muslim Gypsies, as well as Slav Muslims and k o v ic´, Slobodan Milosˇe v ic´, and Vojislav sˇesˇe l j , witnessed a Serb pilgrim from Prizren accus- sity to attract Muslim pilgrims of various Turks from Prizren. In the village itself, rela- as well as small Serbian flags and other Chet- ing a local peasant of being an Albanian ethnic backgrounds. The following account tions seemed to have deteriorated, also due nik paraphernalia. From the café I could hear ‘spy’, because of his local dialect, which deals with one such Serbian shrine, Zoc˘isˇt e , to the fact that Albanians had begun to out- old Chetnik songs, and later in the after- sounded to him like an Albanian speaking which I visited in 1991. Its recent fate some- number the Serbian inhabitants. Local Serbs noon, down in the village, I saw an Albanian Serbian. After the poor peasant showed his how symbolizes the breakdown of a shared said that they felt they were being pressured café with Albanian music blaring from the ID to his fellow Serb from Prizren he was existence once enjoyed by Serbs and Alba- into leaving, especially by the strong Alban- speakers. This was just opposite a Serb mar- told jokingly, but not without serious over- nians. It shows that religious c o m m u n i t a s ian clans of the village. The small town of Ra- quee emitting even more deafening decibel tones, ‘You had better change your lan- (Victor Turner), always a precarious matter, hovec was now ethnically segregated, al- levels of Serbian songs. guage if you want us to become friends’. can turn into precisely the contrary under though relations between Serbs and Albani- While in 1991 Albanians boycotted the Deep distrust is characteristic of the Serb certain conditions. ans had been quite harmonious or even pilgrimage, Gypsies were present in quite Continued on page 20 2 ISIM I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Europe has witnessed yet another round of religion-related vio- ly concern; although they constitute a minority, radicals often pro- lence; again a Muslim population has suffered dramatically from vide leadership to those who would normally be considered to be ‘ethnic cleansing’. The violent replacement of ethnic groups in areas moderates. Serb politics of the 1990s may be a case in point. Marc that once were part of the Ottoman polity has left few communities Gaborieau (p.21) while being careful not to speculate about the ulti- untouched, and the dismantling of mixed societies which date back mate goals of the movement, questions the non-political nature of to pre- and early modernity continues. Again, the rationale of na- the Tablighi Jama’at – an icon of moderation – suggesting that teli- tionalism exposes the dark side of the modern condition. In the gious politics are not only a matter of purpose, but also of style. broader context of Europe, the paradox is that, on the one hand, at- Although the series of recent events forces us to reflect upon the tempts are made to form a society based upon the ideal of a multi- political uses of religion, only few states and societies are actually ISIM Newsletter 3 cultural identity while, on the other hand, the coexistence of diver- ruled by distinctive religious ideologies. Much space in this issue is July 1999 48 pages gent identities is put to trial. Whereas the Muslim devoted to less direct ways of disseminating ideas ISSN 1 388-9788 population in Europe in general has increased and practicing ideals in Muslim societies, ranging

Editorial Office markedly due to recent migrations, Europe’s in- from performance of song, to the exhibition of reli- Visiting Address: digenous Muslims suffer major setbacks. Perhaps E d i t o r i a l gious manuscripts, to the writing of women into Rapenburg 71, Leiden Postal Address we should not read too much religion or ideology national history. A series of articles deal with mate- ISIM, P.O. Box 11089 2301 EB Leiden, The Netherlands into the tragic events, but in the case of the Serbian extremism di- rial culture, in particular architecture, and with the various uses of T e l e p h o n e : +31-71-527 79 05 rected against the Albanians of Kosovo it seems hard to locate pos- space in – mainly – urban contexts. Urban, sacred, and moral spaces T e l e f a x : +31-71-527 79 06 sible material motivations. The horrors of Bosnia and now Kosovo constitute a field of research that seems to call for a clearer multi- E - m a i l : cast deep shadows over the future of remaining minorities in the disciplinary approach than many other fields. Diverse diasporic ex- I S I M N e w s l @ r u l l e t . l e i d e n u n i v . n l WWW Homepage now-battered Serb Republic, in particular the Muslims of the Sancaq periences are covered in various contributions. Helene Basu (p.39) h t t p : / / i s i m . l e i d e n u n i v . n l area. In this edition of the ISIM Newsletter, Ger Duizings (p.1) reports on her experiences in field research among the African dias- E d i t o r Dick Douwes demonstrates that traditionally mixed religious practices in Kosovo pora in India, and Andrée Feillard (p.17) on the meetings she had Desk and copy editors had already come under severe pressure in the decade preceding with Indonesian ulema, indeed a category for which we invite more Gabrielle Constant Nathal Dessing the war. Michael Sells (p.31) describes how religious symbolism in contributions. The same goes for critical essays on current trends in A d v e r t i s e m e n t s Nathal Dessing the Balkans has been politicized by nationalists whose devotion to the study of the Muslim world. In a sweeping argument, Hammed D e s i g n De Kreeft, Amsterdam ‘historic’ land has produced a horrid caricature of the history of Shahidian (p.5) opposes the centrality of religion in the understand- P r i n t i n g Dijkman Offset, Diemen inter-communal relations in the Balkans. ing of these societies. He criticizes the emphatic treatment of trends Recent outbreaks of communal fighting in Indonesia and the re- that – in his eyes – may limit the freedom of groups and individuals. Coming issues ISIM Newsletter 4 newed clashes in Kashmir have further brought to the fore the reali- Institutes like ISIM, which concentrate on the study of Islam and so- Deadline: 15 September 1999 Published: November 1999 ties of political religion. In a recent meeting in Beirut, a Lebanese cieties of Muslims, have only to benefit from their critics. ♦ ISIM Newsletter 5 Deadline: 15 January 2000 scholar critiqued a specific statement in the Research Approaches Published: March 2000 and Thematic Profile of ISIM (see Newsletter 1, p. 3) which seems to DICK DOUWES The ISIM solicits your response to the ISIM News- downplay the importance of political radicalism as a topic of scholar- e d i t o r letter. If you wish to contribute to the Newsletter, style sheets may be obtained upon request from the ISIM Secretariat or on the ISIM website. In order M I S C E L L A N E O U S to offer update information on activities concerning the study of Islam and Muslim societies, along with news on vacancies, grants, and fellowships, Conference on the ‘Trans- A t t e n t i o n ! the ISIM relies on its readers. The information will formation Processes and We kindly asks that you consult the be made available on the ISIM Website. Islam in A f r i c a ’ ISIM Website regularly for information ISIM Advanced The ISIM Newsletter is a tri-annual publication Co-Sponsored by the ISIM and announcements concerning the o f the International Institute for the Study of Islam Islam has always been a vehicle of eco- upcoming ISIM PhD and post-doctoral i n the Modern World (ISIM). Responsibility for the nomic, political and ideological re-orien- fellowships. Information of the opening facts and opinions expressed in this publication Degree Programme rests solely with the authors. Their views do not tation in African societies. The explosive for the position of ISIM Chair in Amster- necessarily reflect those of the Institute or its sup- increase in communication has intensi- dam will be placed on the Website in porters. The ISIM Newsletter is free of charge. fied these processes, transforming the the coming months. Electronic forms face of both Islam and Africa, also in refor all of these as well as for the ISIM Ad- Applications for 2000 gions which, until well into the 20th cen- vanced Degree programme can be th ♦ Staff ISIM tury CE / 14 century AH, had remained found on the site as well. The ISIM starts its Advanced Degree programme in November 1999 • Muhammad Khalid Masud virtually untouched by Islam. This confer- Academic Director (deadline for applications is passed). For the year 2000, the Advanced De- • Dick Douwes ence aims to bring together Dutch re- Academic Coordinator searchers investigating transformation R e t r a c t i o n gree programme will begin in late September. ISIM invites applications • Mary Bakker processes related to the presence of In the ISIM Newsletter 2, the following Administrative Coordinator for 2000. The closing date for applications is 1 January 2000. • Afelonne Doek Islam in sub-Saharan Africa. The invited errors were made in our ‘info pages’: Website and D-base manager international scholars, Louis Brenner The Advanced Degree programme prepares students (holders of a Mas- • Esther Oostveen (SOAS, London UK) and Lamin Sanneh The e-mail address of the Islamic Area ter’s degree or its equivalent) for PhD research. It is open to graduates in Administrative Assistant • Yenny Thung (Yale University, New Haven CT), will Studies Newsletter of the University of the humanities, social sciences, and religious studies. The applicants must D-base assistant place this topic into a wider perspective. Tokyo, Japan, which was listed on page Louis Brenner will deliver a keynote ad- 46, had an incorrect e-mail address. The specialize in a field specifically related to the study of modern Islam and Governing Board • Dr S.J. Noorda (Chairman) dress on ‘Recent developments and chal- correct address is: [email protected] Muslim society. The programme lasts for one academic year and includes, lenges in the study of Islam in Africa: in- President of University of Amsterdam among others, training in social science and cultural-historical approach- • Drs J.G.F. Veldhuis ternational perspectives’. The rest of the On page 47 an academic meeting was President of Utrecht University es and methods, and topic specialization through workshops and tutori- • Drs L.E.H. Vredevoogd day’s programme will be fixed on the listed under ‘Beyond the Border: a New President of Leiden University basis of the abstracts submitted. Framework for Understanding the Dy- als. The programme combines course work and individual supervision. Organizers: Africa Studies Centre (ASC) namism of Muslim Societies, to take Academic Committee Staff of the ISIM and the participating universities, as well as visiting fel- in co-operation with the International place from 8-10-99 to 10-10-99, in Kyoto, (in formation) • Prof. M.M. van Bruinessen Institute for the Study of Islam in the Japan. The title for that meeting should lows are engaged for the programme, which is offered in cooperation Utrecht University Modern World (ISIM) read: ‘1999 International Symposium’ with several institutes abroad. The emphasis in the selection is clearly • Prof. M. Diouf Convenors: Wim van Binsbergen, and the correct fax is: +81 3 5684 3279. CODESRIA, Dakar placed on proven outstanding academic capacity. Although the Ad- • Prof. D.F. Eickelman Anneke Breedveld, José van Santen Dartmouth College, Hanover, Place of event: African Studies Centre, We have also been notified that in the vanced Degree training is a preparatory programme for PhD research, N e wH a m p s h i r e room 1A27, Pieter de la Courtgebouw, meantime, the telephone and fax num- • Prof. G. Krämer this does not guarantee entry into an ISIM PhD programme. Free University Berlin Wassenaarseweg 52, Leiden bers for the Islamic Area Studies Project • Prof. J.-F. Leguil-Bayart Date of event: Friday, 15 October 1999 in Tokyo have been changed. The tuition fee is 10,000 guilders (currently approximately 5,000 USD). CERI, Paris Contact person: Ms. Dr. Anneke The new numbers are: However, (partial) waivers may be obtained in certain cases. For the acad- • Prof. J.F. Staal University of California at Berkeley Breedveld, African Studies Centre; tel. +81 3 5841 2687, or 8952, emic year 2000-1 a limited number of grants will be offered. For informa- • Prof. P.T. van der Veer P.O. Box 9555, 2300 RB Leiden, and the fax +81 3 5841 2686. University of Amsterdam The Netherlands, tion and application forms, please contact the ISIM secretariat or consult • S. Zubaida ♦ Birkbeck College, University of London E-mail: [email protected] We sincerely apologize for the incon- the ISIM Website. • Prof. E.J. Zürcher Tel: +31 (0)71-527 33 75 venience. ♦ Leiden University I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 ISIM 3

Institutional News NATHAL M. DESSING ISIM’s New Academic Director M u h a m m a d K h a l i d M a s u d

phone, and the use of toothbrushes, estab- book Iqbal’s Reconstruction of Ijtihad (Lahore, of existing scholarly analysis of Muslim poli- lished his enduring interest in methodology 1995). His extensive international experience tics. Supporting James Piscatori, he suggests and the impact of social change on Islamic also includes a stay in Nigeria from 1980 to that many scholars resort to impressionistic law. The questions posed by such novelties 1984, where he was senior lecturer at the Cen- and general statements, for example in as- could not be solved within the framework of tre for Islamic Legal Studies at the Ahmadu suming that the nation-state constitutes an the widely accepted theory concerning the Bello University in Zaria. There he taught Ma- appropriate unit of analysis in the Muslim 'usûl al-fiqh, developed by Al-Shâficî and fur- likite law and had the opportunity to become world. He has also co-edited a volume entitled ther refined by subsequent Muslim scholars. acquainted with Malikite law in practice. He Islamic Legal Interpretation: Muftis and Their According to them, there are four sources of was a member of the Committee on the Com- Fatwas (Harvard University Press, 1996). This is evidence in Islamic law: the Koran, tradition parative Study of Muslim Societies, Social a collection of analytical studies of specific fat- Professor Muhammad Khalid Masud has recently literature (hadîth), consensus (ijmâc), and rea- Science Research Council, New York, from was on various issues contributed by several been named Academic Director of the ISIM for three soning by analogy (qiyâs). However, if no 1985 to 1990. This appointment gave him the scholars. His interest in Islamic law and social years. He succeeds Professor Wim Stokhof who, as Di- precedent exists, reasoning by analogy is not opportunity to widen his international con- sciences also underlies his current research rector in Charge, laid the foundations of the Institute possible. Solving this category of legal prob- tacts and to further develop his interest in so- project on religion, law, and society in Islam. and led the search for an Academic Director. We will lems requires alternative principles on the cial sciences. In 1990, the Committee held a As ISIM Academic Director, Masud will build miss the distinctive presence of Wim Stokhof, but we basis of which one is able to declare some- workshop in London on the Tablîghî Jamâ'at, on his broad international experience. As a are delighted with the arrival of Muhammad Masud at thing lawful or unlawful. This methodological a twentieth-century transnational movement Pakistani at the head of a Western academic the ISIM. Masud joins the ISIM from the Islamic Re- question led Masud to the Malikite Shâtibî for the renewal of Islamic faith. This meeting institution, Masud will be able to assure that search Institute (IRI), International Islamic University, (d. 1388), whose works (especially Al-Muwâ- was organized within a wider project on Mus- both Muslim and non-Muslim scholarly ap- Islamabad, Pakistan, where he was professor and faqât, Fatâwa, and Al-Ictisâm) are frequently lim transnationalism led by James Piscatori. proaches to the Islamic world are represented head of the Islamic Law and Jurisprudence Unit. cited by modern scholars and have con- Masud edited the proceedings of this work- and accepted at the ISIM, and that the appear- tributed to the modernists’ conception of Is- shop, entitled Travellers in Faith(forthcoming). ance of double standards in dealing with Muhammad Khalid Masud was born in 1939 lamic law. Unlike his predecessors, Shâtibî Masud has also conducted research on the Islam is avoided. His plans for the ISIM involve in India. His family fled to Pakistan when the adopted the concept of maslaha as an inde- position of Muslims in non-Muslim societies the development of a methodology based on state was formed. After working as a teacher, pendent principle: a method of inductive rea- from the perspective of Islamic law. In ‘Being three pillars: social sciences, religious studies, he entered the Punjab University at Lahore soning that takes into consideration the en- Muslim in a Non-Muslim Polity’, in Journal of and history. Thus far, modern Islam has been and in 1962 obtained an MA in Islamic Studies tirety of Koranic verses and hadîth, rather than the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs (1989), approached mostly from the perspective of with honours. From 1963 to 1999, he was as- specific verses and hadîth. According to he distinguishes three approaches to the one of these disciplines, whereas Masud sociated with the IRI, where he held many po- Shâtibî, something is lawful if it is supported question of the permissibility for Muslims to favours a multidisciplinary approach that sitions, including editor of the journal Islamic by textual evidence and social practice. In this live in non-Muslim countries. He argues that builds on all three. Furthermore, to avoid Studies for two spells in the 1970s and 1980s. framework of thinking, change is allowed in the approach that allows Muslims to live in stereotyping Islam, he emphasizes the impor- Masud took several periods of leave from câda but not in cibâdât. Masud’s doctoral dis- non-Muslim countries provided they are al- tance of comparative studies of Islam and the IRI in order to study and conduct research sertation on Shâtibî formed the basis of his lowed to fulfil their religious duties is the most Muslim societies. In this way, Masud hopes to abroad. From 1966 to 1973 he studied at book Shatibi’s Philosophy of Law, published by constructive. Masud has surveyed this funda- bring out the diversity of Muslim responses to McGill University in Canada, where he re- the IRI in 1973 and in a revised and enlarged mental debate and elucidated many of its contemporary problems, which is superim- ceived an MA in 1969 and a PhD in Islamic edition in 1995. subtleties. posed on the underlying unity of Islam. ♦ Studies in 1973. His MA thesis on Deobandi In 1977 Masud obtained a Fulbright post- In his contribution to Russia’s Muslim Fron- fatwas dealing with legal problems for which doctoral award, which enabled him to visit li- tiers: New Directions in Cross-Cultural Analysis, Nathal M. Dessing is a PhD researcher at Leiden there is no precedent, such as those arising braries in Philadelphia and other cities in the edited by Dale F. Eickelman (Indiana Universi- University, specializing in life cycle rituals of Muslims in from Western dress, banknotes, the gramo- United States for research that resulted in his ty Press, 1993), Masud explores the limitations the Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]

P a r t i c i p a n t s – Prof. As¸ye Ayata (Middle East Technical University, Ankara) – Prof. Mehmet Aydin (Dokyu Eylul University, Izmir) ISIM Beirut Meeting – Prof. Sadiq Jalal al-Azm (University of Damascus) One of the objectives of the ISIM is to build coopera- spect: intellectual debates, Islam and State, sion, but that the influence of more radical – Prof. Ahmad Baydoun (Lebanese University) tion networks with academics and institutions in Muslims in diaspora, and transnationalism. forms of Islam should not be downplayed be- – Dr Dalal el-Bizri other countries in order to develop the field of the The ensuing discussion recognized the need cause it provides leadership to communities. (Lebanese University/Cairo University) study of Islam in the modern world as a scientific dis- of closing the gap between Islamic studies Moderates, it was said, sometimes lack the – Prof. Martin van Bruinessen cipline and to seek institutional collaboration in this and social sciences through comparative and confidence needed for political action. (Utrecht University/ISIM) respect. The first of such meetings was held in Beirut multi-disciplinary approaches. Some com- The concern was expressed that social sci- – Dr Dick Douwes ( I S I M ) on 27 May 1999 with the German Orient Institute in mented that in the region, the gap may be ence approaches de-emphasize the more – Dr Mona Fayad (Lebanese University) Beirut as host. Scholars from academic institutions in too wide, given that Islamic studies are often traditional views and the purely religious as- – Dr Nizar Hamzeh Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, and Syria attended the understood as the reproduction of religious pects of Islamic revivalism. On the other hand (American University of Beirut) m e e t i n g . guidance and that it would be difficult to sat- Islamicists tend to attach too little impor- – Dr Johannes den Heier isfy the entire field. Moreover, the practice of tance to fieldwork and contextualized under- (Netherlands-Flemish Institute, Cairo) In addition to the introduction of the ISIM, interdisciplinary approaches is rare. It was re- standings of Islam. In particular in the field of – Prof. Fehmy Jadaane the agenda of the meeting aimed at, firstly, marked that the production of a state-of-the- gender, fieldwork is imperative because re- (Jordan University, Amman) the development of the field of the study of art in relevant fields and discourses in the dif- liance on textual sources only obscures gen- – D r Farid Khazin Islam in the modern world and, secondly, the ferent regions was vital in order to address dered differentiation. It was also stressed (American University of Beirut) modalities of cooperation. Martin van Brui- the current fragmentation. So far overviews that the ISIM research agenda should not be – Prof. Muhammad Khalid Masud ( I S I M ) nessen presented the research approaches are lacking. restricted to the Western views and con- – Dr Annelies Moors and a thematic profile of the ISIM. He stressed Commenting upon the ISIM Research Ap- cerns; it must also reflect Muslim voices. (University of Amsterdam) that the institute’s approaches are interdisci- proaches and Thematic Profile (see ISIM The discussion on possible ways of cooper- – Prof. Ahmad Moussalli plinary, grounded in the social and cultural Newsletter 1, p. 3) most participants ex- ation focused on the development of re- (American University of Beirut) sciences and building upon the insights of pressed that the initiative is remarkably am- sources, in particular source materials, both – Dr Muhammad Sammak ( I j t i h a d ) history and religious studies. He explained bitious given its broad orientation and most digital and otherwise, and on the establish- – Prof. Ridwan al-Sayyid that the Institute will conduct its research on welcome given the lack of comparable initia- ment of networks of cooperation. It was ( L e b a n e s eU n i v e r s i ty/ I j t i h a d ) the developments associated with moderni- tives. Critical remarks on the ISIM profile were agreed that the meeting served as the start- – Dr Thomas Scheffler (Orient Institute, Beirut) ty, modernization and globalization. He iden- invited. Several participants observed that ing point of building a network for the re- – Prof. Erik J. Zürcher (Leiden University/ISIM). tified four main areas of interest in this re- moderate Islam is the mainstream expres- g i o n . ♦ 4 Visual Arts I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

A f r i c a R.O. ROM KALILU Islam and Artistic

Until recently, the study of the influence and image of religion in the rich visual art of the Yoruba, the largest ethnic group of Nigeria, was limited to indigenous and Christian religious terrains. However, contacts Response with Islamic culture predated other non-local religions and are also manifest in the artistic panorama of this group, offering a paradoxical image of enrich- ment and iconoclasm. A Yoruba saying confirms the antiquated history of Islam in their culture: among the Yoruba

Ifa is primordial Islam is primeval Christianity crept in in the noon of culture o f N i g e r i a

To appreciate the dynamic interactions verse, metaphorical allusions to the early associated with Islam are invariably ren- the indigenous arts such as the brass casters between Islam and the visual arts of the Muslims in Yorubaland are made in con- dered in Yoruba styles. Nonetheless, it has of Ilorin, who professed Islam, stopped the Yoruba requires a comprehension of their junction with the imagery of the figure with enriched their arts in terms of motif and production of figurative forms. religious set-up. The indigenous religious s a n d a l s : form. For example, the typical flat Qur’anic Notwithstanding the iconoclastic inci- outlook of the Yoruba is pluralistic. An indi- school slate is used as a motif in Yoruba dences, few Yoruba Muslims have any seri- vidual may belong to one or more religions. Ka taluku kai lai 1 wooden sculpture. Also the Qur’an, repre- ous iconoclastic tendency. Yoruba tradition- This helps to explain the traditionally toler- A w o r o k o n j o bi 2 sented as an open book, and the rosary are al thought still exerts some influence on ant attitude towards non-local religions. The egret is the Muslim priest to the birds used as motifs in both wooden sculpture them. Many continue to use sculptures for The Yoruba believe in one God, the Creator Whenever he wakes up he calls out ilaafi, ilaafi and gourd carving. Islamic names of God architectural and other decorative purpos- and the Cherisher of the whole universe, to He slides his sandals unto his feet and short phrases in Arabic letters are also es. Such sculptures also identify them with whom reference is made in the oral tradi- and treks away used as motifs on carved door panels. The Islam. Other Yoruba Muslims have integrat- tion, most especially in the divination cor- It was divined for Amodu 3 inscriptions are also commonly written, ened their cultural aesthetic sensitivity into pus of Ifa. God has no shrine built for His That goes to Arabia graved, or made in bas-relief on walls of their faith and are thus not averse to the dis- worship; being omnipotent, he cannot be mosques, houses and on motor vehicles, play of pictures and figurative objects that confined within space, but is rather called Although the sculptures are not painted particularly the commuter vehicles belong- have religious significance. Photographs, upon in prayer whenever the need arises. and are finished in the brown colour of the ing to Muslims. Stylistically, the Arabic in- stickers and painted portraits of men of The Yoruba had also developed a pantheon wood, the egret – with its immaculate white scriptions do not reflect the rich free-flow- God, particularly those of Sheikh Ibrahim of gods who are invariably anthropomor- colour to which the Muslim is likened in the ing rhythm and the elegance characteristic Niyas of Kaola (Senegal), the spiritual head phic and are venerated and placated in vari- Ifa verse – suggests a sense of neatness and of Islamic calligraphy. This is partly due to and reformer of the Tijaniyya tariqa, as well ous ways. In their liturgies, these deities are purity. The Yoruba regard the egret (a w o- the limitations of the medium, usually as those of other sheikhs of local signifi- conceived as worshippers of God. They are r o k o - n - j o b i) as the neatest of all birds. The wood, on which they are made. It is also be- cance are displayed or painted on vehicles considered as intermediaries between Him j a l a b i y a depicted on the figure is indeed in cause the texts are written by artists, usually or on houses. Close-up view of and the people. The tolerant reception of real life almost invariably white in colour. unlettered or not knowledgeable of Arabic, The Yoruba’s use of visual art continues to a house post Islam is not unconnected with monotheistic The depiction of the spear with the bearded who merely copy whatever is written for be one of the ways in which their concep- showing a teachings concerning God, to whom ‘be- figure portrays the more violent encounter them. Also till today, Islamic education in tion of Islam is recorded. At the same time, it bearded figure longs all that is in the heavens and on with the Fulani Muslim warriors in the early Yorubaland concentrates on Qur’anic stud- is a means of identifying with Islam through with turban and earth…’ (S 112: 1-3), to whom ‘everything 1 9t h century. Significantly, the theme indi- ies; it has not taken any interest in calligra- a much-valued aspect of their culture – the leather sandals, renders worship…’ and to whom ‘is due the cates that the early bearers of Islam to phy as an art. Gourd carving – the gourd visual arts. Its uses indicate that the Yoruba holding a spear. primal origin of the heavens and the Yorubaland were associated with the slate: being a medium that lends itself easily to see their art not only as part of an ethnic earth…’ (S 2: 116-117). standing, perhaps walking postures and such carving techniques – has only recently identity, but also as a means of identifica- P H O T O : Although the Islamic concept of the di- pair of slippers, most probably of leather – adopted Arabic texts as motifs (see photo). tion with foreign influences. ♦ R.O. ROM KALILU vine was not alien to the people, the Yoruba all of which suggest a social order, a concep- A few geometric motifs found in Yoruba ( 1 9 9 3 ) and Islamic traditions were contrasted by tion of dedicated, disciplined and learned art appear to have been inspired by decora- the cultures they radiate. The Yoruba had a minds with some level of competence as tions on saddles and other horse riding non-literate religious culture and records of scholars and teachers of their faith. Their as- equipment as well as ornamented swords, religions have been preserved to a large ex- sociation with the kola nut (o b i) – which the reflecting Sudanese and Bornu influences. tent through oral tradition and visual art bird, Aworokonjobi, is believed to be fond Interlaced motifs are now commonly found forms. This is also true of the situation of eating – and long distance journey indi- in Yoruba leatherwork, gourd carving and today. The Yoruba have developed a non- cate that they were in some way connected woodcarving. Such motifs have a pre-Islam- literate way of appreciating religion and a with the Arabs and the Berbers, and particu- ic origin but are associated with Islamic cul- very high sensitivity to image construction, larly the Hausa, who traded kola nuts with tures in West Africa. Their southward spread whereas Islam discourages the use of icons the Yoruba states. to Yorubaland has been attributed to trade and encourages writing. As a consequence, contacts through the Hausa. The same ap- a paradoxical relation of love and hate be- Paradoxical influences pears to be true of cloth embroidery, which tween the Yoruba culture and Islamic teach- The impact of Islam in the art is paradoxi- in West Africa is associated with the dress of ings became extant; a relation to which peo- cal. It has enriched the visual arts of the Muslim scholars and teachers. ple responded artistically. Yoruba but has also served as the basis for Islam does not encourage direct represen- the destruction of some indigenous art ob- tation of living forms, it therefore became Islam in the Yoruba Artistic jects. Islam has not had any stylistic impact associated with a certain level of iconoclasm P a n o r a m a on the Yoruba sculptural traditions. Themes in Yorubaland. The arts of the Yoruba were A remarkable example of the influence of dominated by sculptures. And in spite of a Islam on Yoruba visual arts is to be found in growing Muslim population, people re- the theme of a bearded figure with leather mained fond of ornamenting their doors sandals. Varieties of this peculiar theme are and house posts with carvings. The Fulani carved on door panels and house posts. It is jihad, however, was accompanied by de- Dr R.O. Rom Kalilu is head of the Department of essentially composed, in addition to the struction of art. Some Yoruba settlements F i n e and Applied Arts, Ladoke Akintola University beard and sandals, of a standing male fig- were despoiled of their valuable artistic o f Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria. ure, wearing a long narrow dress (j a l a b i y a) treasures. For example, between 1833-35, E-mail: [email protected] with a pair of trousers. The figure also dons a on more than one occasion the Fulani ruler turban. Carrying a big leather wallet with a of Ilorin sent warriors to ransack the town of For more details and references, see the author’s long strap on his shoulder, he holds a rosary Oyo-Ile to remove, amongst other things, work on the ‘Bearded Figure with Leather Sandals: in one hand and a slate in the other hand. numerous brass posts and all the masquer- Islam, Historical Cognition and the Visual Arts of The figure is at times also depicted holding ade costumes. These art objects were de- t h e Yoruba’. Africa: Revista trimestrale di studi a spear. This representation of a male figure stroyed, the metal being melted to make e documentazione dell’ Istituto italiano per l’Africa also reflects the fact that women did not cannon balls needed for warfare. It was not e l ’ O r i e n t e, 1977. participate, at least openly, in the teaching unusual, until the last decade of this centu- and spreading of Islam to Yorubaland. ry, to find Muslim preachers publicly de- N o t e s Bearded figures reflect the early images of Carved gourd decorated with stroying indigenous art objects belonging 1 . Cognomen of priest contacts with Muslims. The theme is sup- arabic inscription. to new converts or their families. And for the 2 . Cognomen of the priest and name of a bird ported by oral records. In Otura-meji, an Ifa PHOTO: R.O. ROM KALILU (1994) same iconoclastic reasons, some artists in 3 . A h m a d I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 General Issues 5

D e b a t e HAMMED SHAHIDIAN Islam’s ‘Others’:

Until the 1970s, ‘Islamic societies’ were considered ho- mogeneous, facsimiles of each other, founded on immutable religious precepts. This mystique simultaneously situated ‘the Islamic world’ in the realm of fancy Living (Out)side Islam and justified colonialist politics. Yet in recent decades, that approach has been disputed. New scholarship un- derlines that far from adhering to ordained laws, Mus- lims must meet earthly realities; far from replicating an ideal, societies with a predominant Muslim population comprise diversity and dissension.

Categorical identifications like ‘Muslims’ confront one more prosaic assortment of sound condescending. Indeed, many ‘others’ genuine. We must dispense with illusions of and ‘Islamic countries’ prevail in academic ‘regressive’ and ‘progressive’, ‘fake’ and ‘au- share more in common with our geographi- ‘overall egalitarianism’, ‘greater liberality’, and non-academic parlance. When scholars thentic’ Islams. We invest valuable energy cal strangers than with fellow denizens of our and sanctions ‘nonetheless feminist’. Islam dismiss misconceptions of a uniform ‘Islam- engaging with hackneyed claims that ‘t h i s l a n d .4 is repeatedly presented as the inescapable ic land’, emphasis falls strongly on the diver- version differs fundamentally from others’; solution to our problems. Various reformu- sity of Islamic expressions. Overlooked are ‘t h i s rendition works unprecedented won- Twin clubs lations amount to little more than repackag- many of us who do not identify ourselves as ders’. Consider enthusiasm over ‘Islamic Political and cultural hurdles are com- ings of old wine in new linguistic bottles. Muslims – either we consider ourselves feminist’ threadbare clichés. Triteness pounded when Islam is designated the offi- Little has been offered to even promise a many things including Muslim, or harbour dressed barely less offensively than the cial creed. State and religion become twin democratic, free future. Accomplishing the alternative religious convictions, or simply original. We are encouraged to rest content clubs, at each other’s convenient disposal goals of social justice, democracy, freedom, do not adhere to any creed. Casting our so- because Qur’anic verses that ‘suggest a whenever either is challenged. This partner- and gender equality requires that we tran- cieties ‘Islamic’ automatically designates more egalitarian treatment of women are ship claims its toll on our efforts. Frequently, scend the boundaries of Islam, especially Islam as norm, all others as deviation. We highlighted’ in the ‘Islamic feminist’ revi- some feel obliged to ‘watch what we say’ to political Islam’s borders. We must walk un- are made strangers in our own home. s i o n .2 But what does it mean to treat women avoid identification with ‘deviant’ foreign charted paths, rather than familiar alleys en- But not only in academic pages do we ap- in a ‘more egalitarian’ manner? Why should theories. Such self-censorship distorts ideas, suring loss. ♦ pear as the strangers. In real life, presumed women’s rights be based on edicts granting overlooks dangers, and avoids pivotal Islamic ubiquity suffocates us. Our life has but some degree of equality? On what is this though perilous challenges that some resis- been a tireless effort to escape the shadow august order based? Verses ‘call[ing] for re- tance might survive. The problem is obvi- of Islam, to redefine social parameters, and strictions on women’s actions are reinter- ously not association with non-native ideas; hence to create a rightly deserved space: preted. Often a word has multiple meanings rather, that a n y t h i n g can easily be branded open societies wherein all are legitimized. and a less restrictive synonym can be adopt- ‘foreign’. Could one create a ‘safe space’ for From our standpoint as marginalized ‘oth- e d ’ .3 defiance, without penalty of treason? I be- ers’, Islamic culture and politics appear dis- Old politics revisited: impose a biased ren- lieve not. When competing voices w i t h i n t h e similar from both orientalist and diversity dering of edicts, take a deep breath, and Islamic discourse are easily condemned, a p p r o a c h e s . hope for the best. what safety has a non-Islamic, let alone an Where monolithic walls of orientalism I do not deny the possibility of change in anti-Islamic, voice? Were we to stand as far have been smashed, a wider net of multifar- Islam, nor that followers could revise Islam from ‘foreigners’ as might be imagined, ious Islams entraps us ‘others’. Being some to accommodate the modern world. Yet I safety would remain illusory. Accusation of kind of Muslim becomes our quintessential object to the rest of us – we ‘others’ –being treason is often wielded as a weapon determinant. We are presented as family – roped within the ‘new improved’ paradigm against Islam’s ‘others’. With no sin to avoid, as if we welcomed this – as adherents of, not as our only alternative. Assumed Muslims, we may only dodge the attack. But when we subjects to, Islam. Islam is thus judged t h e we are compelled to seek alternatives only express this inherent jeopardy, we are culture, Islamic politics t h e politics. In most from this collection. We are urged to posit blamed for repeating orientalist propagan- contemporary scholarship, ‘defending Is- human rights and liberties – nowadays es- da, if not for colluding with the enemy. lamic culture’ is posed as the prime element pecially gender politics – in the particularis- When we refuse to think within Islam’s of nationalist agendas. What of those who tic fashion of cultural relativism. ‘Westerners limits, we are rebuffed: ‘ours is an Islamic so- do not defend Islamic culture yet still take might object to our solutions, but these are ciety within which we must seek cultural part in resurgence? Doubtless, strands of compatible with our way of life’. Presumably identity’. When critiquing Islam, we are an- the nationalist movements prioritize depart of a happy family, we are silenced lest swered that ‘religion is not really “that im- fending Islam; yet one can hardly equate na- we offend a relative. We are told that every portant” in light of “other factors” – eco- tionalism with Islamic zeal. Consider how (re)rendering, every apologia for Islamic nomic, historical, political, or cultural’. Post- the 1979 Iranian revolution is deemed an I s- dicta, signals intellectual virility – or, in fash- modernists advise that we attend not to lamic revolution, notwithstanding insur- ionable postmodernese, posits ‘choices be- Islam, but to its interpretations. But do Islam gents’ staunch opposition to the Islamic Re- fore an active agency’. Yet genuine surges a n d its construal belong to mutually exclu- public, and the brutal persecutions that toward new intellectual life are considered sive planes? We thus run smack into a con- have bloodied culture and politics under suspect, susceptible to manipulation. tradiction. Were Islam so strong as to define the IRI. Islam’s ‘others’ are seen but ignored, Propositions that, in a non-Islamic con- societies, it could not be haphazardly jetti- heard but unacknowledged. Our omission text, outrage audiences, are taken uncriti- soned due to interpretive diversity. Con- results through formulating from the outset cally when authored by ‘insiders’. The argu- versely, a fluid, shapeless Islam would serve a paradigm obfuscating difference. ment that h i j a b liberates by allocating a very limited analytical purpose. We could more easily accept omission women a safe zone might raise concerns We are reminded that some Muslims toil were it limited to socio-historical descrip- which yet are rarely verbalized lest the in- for reforms; that religion alone is not re- tions. Yet our alleged piety comprises nor- quirer be stamped ‘Eurocentric’. No such responsible for our social ills; that injustice is mative discourses and political imperatives: action would be elicited were the statement not exclusive to Islam. We object not to Is- all we do ought to be in an Islamic context. transposed into a non-Islamic situation: lamic reforms, but to their inadequacies. Hammed Shahidian is associate professor of We hear that ‘any instance of diversity ‘Modest dress protects women against Many of us have opposed all oppressions; Sociology at the University of Illinois at Springfield opens a broader range of avenues for the rape’. Our benevolent colleagues should not solely those rooted in Islam. Indeed, we and holds a joint appointment at the Institute for Middle East in search of its cultural identity recognize that Islam’s ‘others’ have tried for were guilty of not according Islam – the in- Public Affairs at that university. within Islam’ .1 What does this statement a long time, notwithstanding difficulties, to famous ‘cultural factor’ – its due strength. E-mail: [email protected] mean? Is this a truism – viz. ‘if we stay on the rend the veils of roundabout apologies. We Islam has been a major contender in the road of Islam, we’ll end up in many Islamic appreciate their regarding non-Westerners process of social change. Where it has not N o t e s places’? A political agenda – ‘Muslim Middle as civilized, capable of ameliorating their so- directly opposed our efforts, it circum- 1 . Charrad, M. M. (1998). Cultural Diversity within East, search for diversity in Islam to maintain cietal ills. But their silence deprives us ‘oth- scribes the scope of our endeavour to its Islam: Veils and Laws in Tunisia. In H. L. B. a. N. our Islamic cultural identity’? Or an in- ers’ from genuine concerns, sincere sup- own benefit. This force must be combated to Tohidi (eds.), Women in Muslim Societies: evitability – ‘there is no alternative to Islam port, and thoughtful exchange. Worse yet, achieve justice, democracy, and freedom. Diversity within Unity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner in the Middle East’? But, what happens to this silence betrays a(nother), albeit more Publishers, p. 77 (emphasis added). non-Muslims in a ‘Middle East in search of its sophisticated, form of racism by intimating Towards the future 2 . Afary, Janet (1997). ‘The War against Feminism cultural identity within Islam’? that though they would not tolerate such an No moratorium on Islam need be called, i n the Name of the Almighty: Making Sense argument about themselves, it might ex- no quarantining of Islamic ideologies need o f Gender and Muslim Fundamentalism’. Old politics revisited plain our situation. We do not expect them be legislated. Yet Islam must be construed – New Left Review (224), p. 105 (emphasis added). We enter the inescapable maze of ‘many to fight our battles (nor do we appreciate in real life, not just in apologies – as merely 3 . Afary, (1997), p. 105. Islams’. Intellectual life in this labyrinth has their deciding our battles), yet we welcome o n e factor to contend with. Democratic or- 4 . I discuss this issue in more detail in: been stifling as we must search for a(nother) democratic dialogues. In the context of ders should accommodate believers, but S h a h i d i a n , Hammed (1999). ‘Saving the Savior’. new and improved Islam. At every turn, we equal exchange, non-native critiques do not prefixed by Islam, no democracy proves Sociological Inquiry 69(2), pp. 303-27. 6 General Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

G e n d e r NIKKI R. KEDDIE Women and The important role of women in the recent global rise of religious politics is evident. Some are baffled as to why women are attracted to movements that are often conservative and non-egalitarian in their gender attitudes. Scholars, however, often give only Religious Politics scant attention to the important role of women and of gender attitudes in religio-political movements – questions concerning veiling or abortion are discussed, but in analysing these movements, attention shifts from women to more male-related questions of in the Contemporary political control, terrorism, and the like. The first 1999 issue of the Journal of Women’s History is a special issue on women in religious politics worldwide. The articles analyse both comparative questions and culture-specific ones.1 World

In scholarship on women that has flour- which placed men in superior positions and Although these forms of protection are and those stressing nationalism and territory. ished in recent decades, comparisons have claimed women’s mental capacity was infe- fewer than those advocated by secular lib- The former, which include most Islamist and usually been either global (e.g. all women rior. Such gender inequality was reinforced erals, this may be seen as less significant Christian Right movements, have conserva- have shared in certain kinds of subordina- by nearly all religions, which retained their than the factors that favour women’s partic- tive, scripture-oriented positions on women tion) or within contiguous or culturally simi- appeal to many people even after many of ipation in these movements. Many women and the family. The latter, including South lar societies (e.g. women from all over the conditions that gave rise to their views find such protection more important than Asian movements and territorial Israeli Africa, Europe, or the Middle East). New in- on gender had passed. Recent trends, while subordination in the ideologies of their reli- groups like Gush Emunim, are not always sights may be gained by comparing women giving more women a chance at education gio-political movements. Protestant move- conservative with regard to women, and in- from different cultures. Religious politics is and work outside the home, have had more ments in Latin America, the US, and else- sofar as their main enemies are Muslim, may one of several modern global political problematic consequences for many women, where often ask that men be faithful to their even contrast their progressivism on women trends in which women have come to the often encouraging divorce, migration pat- wives and families. This, to many women, is to Muslim views. The article also discusses fore. Nationalism has had a particular reso- terns that separate men from women; more important than the abstract question differences between cultural relativists, who nance and colouring among women, and sweated labour, prostitution, and other of subordination or obedience, which can hesitate to criticize other cultures, and uni- socialism is often seen as solving their prob- trends disrupting the previous functioning often be at least partially circumvented. In versalists, who defend women’s rights as lems, including inequality, through the radi- of the family, whose role is less central than the Muslim world, ‘Islamic dress’ is found to global. cal reorganization of society. Fascism, it once was. The undermining of the older protect women against unwanted male ad- Besides common features, the role of Nazism, and other secular right-wing poli- family (which is idealized by religious and v a n c e s . women in contemporary religious politics tics have had many active female devotees. conservative authors) had both positive and Religious politics also allow women to be has many special culture-specific aspects And women’s movements have become negative results for women, with some ex- activists in their milieu, and to meet and act that are discussed in the special issue. The global in recent decades. The authors in the periencing more negatives than positives. together. Mutually supportive communities authors agree that gender relations are special issue deal with women in 20t h - c e n- Given these and other problems, it is not are often created, while more religious or never fixed and can be renegotiated in the tury religious politics in the Muslim world, surprising that some men and women seek ‘traditional’ women might not feel comfort- context of women’s participation and ac- from Bangladesh to the Arab world, and in salvation in what are seen as traditional reli- able in secular or feminist groupings. tivism, including activism in ‘fundamental- the United States, Latin America, and South gious values. What is new is the degree to Women participate in general social and ist’ movements. Women can renegotiate A s i a . which religion is tied to strong political ideological trends of their times and the the traditional patriarchal bargain to their movements. Although religious nationalism current trend in many parts of the world in- advantage and seek empowerment and ex- Why women enter religious (the identification of a nation with a reli- cludes a rise in religious politics. panded opportunities within the more so- p o l i t i c s gion, as found in South Asia and Israel) goes Class is also expressed in religious politics, cially accepted sphere of religious activism The socio-economic conditions that creat- back at least a century, such religious na- including the religious politics of women. In that affirms their domestic roles. While his- ed possibilities for women to enter politics tionalisms, including religious Zionism and many societies the educated elite has been torical and contemporary religio-political are similar in many parts of the world. These Hindu nationalism, have become much attracted to secular ideas, while various movements can offer women avenues of in- include the rise of capitalism and industrial- stronger in the past two decades. Similarly, popular class and more traditionally educat- dependence and initiative and in some ization, which first separated the domestic movements that are not nationalist but ed or less educated groups have recently cases help bring about progressive social re- and work spheres, but also provided new evince a reaction against one’s own nation- tended towards religious politics. On the form (as with ‘Islamic feminists’ in Iran), they opportunities for women to work outside al government and culture – considering other hand, in the Muslim world it has often usually involve major concessions and ac- the home. Trends affecting women in most these as immoral and hostile to true religion been students of science and technology commodations to a larger male-dominant, societies included: the need for an educated – including most Islamist movements and who have been most sympathetic to these patriarchal order. Re-imagining other alter- work force, disciplined for regular tasks and the American Christian Right, have been movements – more broadly, however, it has natives for women’s agency and activism in hours, which helped create public educa- formed or greatly strengthened since the been mainly students from less urban and society, and more particularly in politics, is tion; urbanization, which spread new needs 1970s. more religious backgrounds who have been perhaps the next step. ♦ and social patterns; and the effect of war The rise of religious politics in very differ- sympathetic. Women as well as men from which brings women into the labour force. ent cultures has also been furthered by the these groups tend to favour traditional- All of these affected women both positively perceived failures of secular nationalism, seeming ideological solutions. and negatively. Although some women whether in the US since the 1970s, in South Much religious politics may be seen as acted, mostly indirectly, in politics in the Asia, or in a variety of Muslim countries. backlash to other trends, and such cultural pre-capitalist past, women’s organized po- Many have been disillusioned by varieties of reaction is significant. Everywhere old litical participation is overwhelmingly a secularism, including secular nationalism, moralities have been under assault, from phenomenon of modern capitalist societies. and also varieties of socialism since the fall films and media, from the increasing market Women’s political views and participation of the Soviet Union. Religious politics and for one gender in labour migration, for sex- have always been diverse, but women have the role of women in it existed before the ual services, and so forth. Invoking what are often been associated with movements for 1970s, but it became strong worldwide seen as traditional religious moralities and reform and for the betterment of their posi- more recently. Religious politics appeal to standards is not a surprising reaction to this tion. In the US, women were involved in women for several reasons. In most coun- disruption, nor is the participation of many abolitionism, welfare programmes, temper- tries there are more women than men women in fighting what are seen as trends ance and women-centred causes like female among religious observants, and this ‘reli- undermining the family. While the tradition- suffrage. A similar pattern is found in the giosity’ carries over into religious politics, al family has been over-idealized in most Global South, where women have been in- even where activists are predominantly cultural and religious ideologies, it is also volved with welfare, women’s education, male. Women active in religious politics true that current trends have been felt as Nikki R. Keddie is professor emerita of History and legal reforms to benefit their cause. The mainly come from religious backgrounds, negative by many women. In many cultures, a t UCLA and fellow of the American Academy forces and ideas of modernization, while and many are glad to use new partial free- women have seen in religious values a way o fA r t s and Letters. having important negatives for women, doms to express themselves in ways that in- to improve male behaviour in the family; have been mostly favourable to efforts for clude elements incorporating their beliefs this may be seen especially in US and Latin For further details, see the introduction to the issue, greater equality and activity in the public and which their families and peers find ac- American Protestant movements. ‘Women and Twentieth Century Religious Politics’, sphere: capitalist societies promote the c e p t a b l e . The Journal of Women’s History, 10 (Winter, 1999), opening of labour and consumer markets to Also, many religio-political movements Special features of women ed. Nikki R. Keddie and Jasamin Rostam-Kolayi. wider groups and to making fewer status are seen as providing protection to women. i n religious politics differentiations than in the past. Every- In the Muslim world, some movements in- Keddie’s article in the above-mentioned N o t e s where, modern trends had to contend with sist on women’s inheriting and managing JWH issue accounts for different approaches 1 . The word ‘fundamentalism’ is rarely used – centuries-old systems, based originally on property, as Islamic law says they should, to women in two types of New Religious Pol- m a i n l y because it is now considered pejorative the consequences of frequent childbearing, and allow for women’s education and work. itics: those trying to control governments, and is often misleading. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 General Issues 7

E c o n o m i c s ABDULLAH SAEED Islamic Banking

Islamic banking has developed from its early experi- ments of the 1960s into a major force in the Islamic world, with assets of more than 100 billion dollars, and is still growing rapidly. Today it is not difficult to Moving Towards a find an Islamic bank or an Islamic branch of a conventional bank in many Islamic countries. Responding to the needs of their Muslim clientele, some major West- ern international banks have set up their own Islamic branches as well. Even in Australia, the relatively Pragmatic Approach? small Muslim community has managed to set up its own financial institution. This is equally true for a number of other Western countries such as the USA.

The role of Islamic banks in the life of Mus- equivalent to ‘coin’ and a mere medium of that time can enter into the calculation of lim communities is increasingly active as exchange. In the s h a rica h, money cannot be profit, although in the literature many early more and more institutions are being estab- sold for money, that is more for less, and it jurists object to the idea of varying the lished – from village banks to major interna- should not have a ‘price’. This definition of amount of profit according to the time in- tional development banks. All this in com- money, espoused by the idealists, has been volved. As to risk, there has been somewhat petition with conventional banks but with modified in the interests of practicality. This of dilution of the idea that money must first significant cooperation with them as well. adjusted concept of money exists quite be risked in order to earn a return. In Islamic Such growth and development has not, comfortably with notions of the value of banking today, there are many examples of however, had a smooth ride; the catch- money in relation to time, of present value risk-minimization: m u r a b a h a profit, short- phrase has been ‘proceed with caution’. being higher than future value, and of it term commercial m u s h a r a k a and m u d a r a b a Nevertheless, Islamic banking has moved on being possible to charge a sum against time profit, and rent-sharing arrangements. from its rather naïve, simplistic and moralis- in certain types of debt. The pragmatic approach has been suc- tic models of the 1950s and 1960s, models A third pragmatic adjustment is the inter- cessful in a number of other interesting de- which were solely based on Profit and Loss pretation of r i b a. Without question the the- velopments in Islamic banking. Some Islam- Sharing under the extremely risky contracts oretical position of Islamic banking is that ic banks have begun to use what may be of m u s h a r a k a (partnership) and m u d a r a b a r i b a is equivalent to interest in all its forms: termed ‘cleansing’ of profits earned from in- (commenda). nominal or real, fixed or variable, simple or vesting in companies which deal on a basis compound. Nonetheless, in Islamic banking of interest. According to a complex formula, Approaches to Islamic banking practice, r i b a has come to be considered a the h a r a m share of the profit related to Three approaches to Islamic banking may ‘legal’ concept rather than an economic be identified and placed on a continuum: one; that is, it is seen as a contractual oblig- idealist, pragmatic and m a s l a h a1 o r i e n t e d . ation on a borrower to pay an increase in a The idealist approach seeks to retain the loan – money for money. Under this legal ‘purity’ of Islamic banking by restricting it to definition, certain contracts that allow for contracts allowed under Islamic law. This fixed interest are now feasible. A case in was the 1950s and 1960s model. At the op- point is the murahaba contract. Prominent posite end of the continuum are the Muslim theorists of Islamic banking argue that there scholars who argue that interest is not inis no substantial difference between fixed herently evil and that the term r i b a does not interest and mark-up in a m u r a b a h a c o n- include modern bank interest. This ap- tract. The latter is considered acceptable in proach is the most ‘liberal’; indeed, it even Islamic law, as it does not involve exchange makes a case for there being no need for of money for money. In strictly economic separate Islamic banks at all. Provided they terms, however, the mark-up (profit) in adopt ethical principles, conventional m u r a b a h a would be equivalent to fixed in- banks, in their view, can provide financial terest. Similarly, the legal maxim has been services. Between these two extremes lies relaxed, according to which ‘every loan that the pragmatic approach, which is realistic begets an advantage is r i b a ’. This is seen, for enough to see that the idealist model of Is- instance, in the case of inter-bank opera- lamic banking has significant problems in tions in which reciprocal placement of funds terms of feasibility and practicality but, at on an interest-free basis is made. Money is these companies and in which the Islamic the same time, does maintain the interpre- advanced by one Islamic bank for a certain bank has invested, is taken out before profit tation of r i b a as interest. The majority of Is- period of time, on an interest-free basis, on from a particular portfolio is finalized. Simi- lamic bankers are pragmatists, who are pre- the understanding that the other bank reci- larly, a number of Islamic banks are experi- pared to balance practicalities with tradi- procates at a later date, either with the same menting with the idea of ‘securitization of tional Islamic principles. amount of funds, or with less over a shorter debt’ and trading in such debt, again anoth- time. er innovative idea. A further issue under de- Pragmatic adjustments As part of this more pragmatic orienta- bate is whether profit can be predeter- The result has been that these bankers tion, the concept of paying a ‘fine’ is now mined. If ultimately accepted, this practice and their s h a rica h advisers have opted for a widely accepted in Islamic banking. This oc- will change Islamic banking dramatically, less risky form of Profit and Loss Sharing by curs where a debtor defaults on a loan de- bringing a large number of contacts, which modifying traditional contracts, such as m u- spite being able to repay. A fine, which can are not yet acceptable to Islamic banking, d a r a b a and m u s h a r a k a, to suit the banking be equivalent to the normal rate of return, into the fold of acceptable products. needs of the late 20t h century. More impor- can be imposed on the debtor by the bank. In all of this, Islamic bankers have thus tantly, for the bulk of their financing and in- The s h a rica h boards generally approve of been highly creative in their approach to vesting operations, they have opted for this fine as compensation for the loss suf- the development of their institutions’ oper- safer and less risky contracts such as m u r a- fered by the lender. Similarly, variable com- ations. Although Islamic banking has its b a h a, which is very similar in some respects missions or fees are charged on certain roots in the idealist literature, it has under- to lending on a basis of pre-determined re- transactions, such as purchase of traveller’s gone a process of redefining the acceptable, turn. So successful has this been, that cheques, and this has also become general- made possible by the flexibility available in m u r a b a h a-type contracts now make up at ly acceptable in the practice of Islamic interpreting s h a rica h texts, as well as by the least 75% of such investment operations of banks. Another interesting development is need to keep pace with the present global most Islamic banks, despite the concerns of the offering of ‘prizes’ to savings or current environment. What we are seeing is that the Dr Abdullah Saeed, author of Islamic Banking some idealists that m u r a b a h a could be used account holders in order to encourage de- pragmatic approach has facilitated the de- a n d Interest: A Study of Prohibition of Riba and its as a back door to dealing on an interest positors to keep their deposits with the velopment of a viable Islamic banking sec- Contemporary Intepretation. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996, basis. This is a pragmatic triumph indeed. Si- b a n k . tor. However unacceptable these adjust- i s head of Islamic Studies at the Melbourne Institute multaneously, the use of the less secure Examples of these pragmatic adjustments ments may be to the idealists, they have of Asian Languages and Societies, University contracts such as m u d a r a b a and m u s h a r a k a are also available in the case of profit and nevertheless provided Islamic banking prac- o f Melbourne, Australia. has been dramatically curtailed, retaining risk. In the former, Islamic bankers do take titioners with much needed flexibility in de- E-mail: [email protected] only a small share of assets on the invest- into consideration market interest rates in signing appropriate h a l a l investment prod- ment side. calculating their profits when making fi- ucts for their Muslim clientele, and this is N o t e s The pragmatists have also adjusted the nancing or investment decisions. A further likely to continue in a more radical fashion 1 . M a s l a h a is the underlying reason or the objective concept of money, which, in the s h a rica h , i s change is that it is now accepted in practice into the future. ♦ of a given ruling in Islamic law; public interest. 8 Architecture and Space I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Religious Structures HASAN-UDDIN KHAN I d e n t i t y ,

Cultural identity can be expressed in many ways; perhaps most apparent is its manifestation in architecture. The contemporary mosque as a building type not only expresses collective identity but also sym- A u t h e n t i c i t y bolizes piety and is emblematic of how communities present themselves to the outside world. In general, contemporary mosques from the 1950s to the 1970s revealed a concern for projecting the ‘modern Mus- lim’. However, since the 1980s, mosques commis- a n d P o w e r : sioned by national governments and institutions seem to be more architecturally conservative and tradition-bound, and refer to past models that are seen as manifestations of political and religious authority. A case in point is the Mosque of Hassan II in the Mosque Casablanca, Morocco, completed in 1993.

King Hassan II, who ascended the throne in 1961, continuing in the line of the Alawid dynasty established in 1666, commissioned the of Hassan II grand complex. The King, often referred to in Morocco as Amir Al-Moumine, le Réunifica- ments. The Mosque itself consists of a a forest of columns and fountains, the most ry, such acts of national reaffirmation are ex- teur, le Saveur et le Réassembleur (in the sens- prayer hall which can accommodate 25,000 elaborate facilities of their kind anywhere in tended into the international arena, aided es of ‘Leader of the Faithful, the Unifier, the worshippers, areas for ablutions, thermal the world. In addition, there are h a m m a m s by mass communication technologies and Saviour and the Builder’), is an active patron baths, meeting and VIP rooms, press facili- and a heated pool that may well conjure up the media. of the arts and seems to have been conscious ties and other ancillary spaces, and the tall images in the Orientalist paintings of Ingrès The use of architecture to represent of the power of buildings and places to im- minaret. Next, the m a d r a s a is a semicircular or Gérôme. The sumptuousness of the inte- power within one’s own state has a long his- part a sense of stability and legitimacy. In protrusion containing a Quranic school, a li- riors takes traditional Moroccan craftsman- tory. However, it should be noted that, in 1968, the King announced his decision to brary specializing in Islamic sciences, and ship and ornamentation to new heights and Islam, the building of a mosque is an act of build a grand mosque in Casablanca, the eco- other conference and audio-visual spaces. A the beige marble, green tile work, copper piety. Even when an individual builds a nomic centre of the country, which lacked a third element is the Public Library and Mu- and brass doors, and traditional green roofs mosque it does not belong to that person focal monument. seum, composed of two symmetrically of the exterior help unify the grand com- but to everyone – in reality often to the It has been said that the siting of the arranged separate buildings along the main p l e x . State or to a waqf (endowment or trust). The mosque was inspired by the Quranic verse access plaza. The esplanade itself, a huge action of King Hassan blurs the line between describing the Creation of the World: ‘-and open space covering some 30,000 square The project was financed mainly through individual and state patronage, but the op- His throne was over the waters’ (Sura XI:7). metres and surrounded by columns, is an the subscriptions of about 13 million people eration of the mosque speaks somewhat Casablanca, on the sea, was also seen as area that can be used as an extension of the contributing approximately US 400 million. more strongly of state influence. The status having a natural advantage from which to prayer hall to accommodate over 80,000 Taxes and contributions from individuals of this building brings it close to being a na- signal the presence of Islam. This intention people. The fifth element is that of transport (almost mandatory for government employ- tional mosque. Because of its importance, it is clearly manifested in the form of the mas- facilities, with an underground road and ees), corporations and the royal treasury has not one but two imams. Nominations to sive 200 metre-tall minaret, a landmark with parking spaces for 1,100 vehicles and 40 made up the rest of the funds. Official fig- these positions are confirmed by the King. a laser light-beam shining towards Mecca large coaches. ures published at the time of the opening This has become customary in Morocco, as for a distance of 30 kilometres. The building The building, following the styling of the put the cost at US 700 million, but it appears well as in some other countries, and can be itself is the largest mosque built in the mod- historical Moroccan mosques, is far larger in that the real cost may have been about US1 viewed as a form of political control. It ern world.1 The issue of scale, of representa- scale and even richer in the use of materials billion. In 1995, another appeal through the should be noted that in some places the tion of the importance of the Kingdom and and detailing. In plan, the complex is remi- media was made, this time for funds to mosque has been used by opposition its ruler, was resolved in an equation of niscent of a basilica in that the narrow end maintain and operate the complex. groups as a ‘refuge, lair and a springboard’ ‘greatness equals size’. of the rectangular prayer hall (200 x 100m.) After seven years in construction, the (to use one of Mohammad Arkoun’s phras- The architectural language draws perma- is adjacent to the q i b l a wall, instead of the building was finally inaugurated in August e s )3 for political activities, something which nency and legitimacy from the great histori- customary wider side allowing for the maxi- 1993, on the eleventh day of the month of may well have been observed by the astute Hassan II Mosque cal Moroccan mosques of the 12t h c e n t u r y , mum number of worshippers to be aligned R a b ic al-Awwal (the eve of the anniversary of monarch in Morocco. The evidence of state by the sea. such as the Kutubiyya in Marrakech. For the together facing Mecca. A huge retractable the Prophet Mohammed’s birth) in the year control of the mosque is not to belittle the T h e plaza with King, who is both the secular and religious roof covers the centre of the prayer hall to 1414 AH. This was exactly four hundred genuineness of the motivation to build the t h e museum and head of the country, these considerations form an internal ‘courtyard’ when it is years after al-Mansur inaugurated his Baadi mosque, but it does illustrate the issue of library are in the became important amidst the uncertainty opened. The hall itself rises from a height of Palace in Marrakech. The anthropologist the use of architecture to represent ‘authen- foreground with of modern political circumstances. 27 metres to 65 metres above the floor. Elaine Combs-Schilling pointed out the sim- ticity’ of culture, and to express the authori- the mosque and Given this formidable assignment, the Women’s galleries occupy mezzanine floors ilarity in the way these ceremonies were ty and legitimacy of the State. ♦ madrasa complex French architect Michel Pinseau had limited along each side of the main hall with direct conducted. She notes: ‘The significance of in the back- scope for interpretation and innovation. access from the ablution facilities. The ablu- such a gesture is not accidental. The cere- g r o u n d . The complex is comprised of five main ele- tion chambers below the prayer hall present mony itself, almost identical in content and form to the one centuries earlier, reaffirms nationhood and the King’s secular and religious roles. The prayer hall is full to capacity; the King and his cortege enter watched by his subjects, presidents and diplomats from around the world, and some one thousand Hasan-Uddin Khan, an architect and critic, is visiting media people. The candle-lit procession, the professor of Architecture at Roger Williams University prayers led by the King, and the incantation (Rhode Island) and at MIT, Cambridge, USA. He is the of paeans of praise to the Prophet by the author of several books and numerous articles on three winners of a poetry competition cul- a r c h i t e c t u r e . minate in a new symbolic event. The King asks the female winner of the fourth award N o t e s to read her poem – probably unprecedent- 1 . For a more detailed description of the Hassan II ed in a mosque – and the ceremony closes Mosque, see Renata Holod and Hasan-Uddin with this reading.’2 Khan’s The Mosque and the Modern World The values that the monarch stands for, ( L o n d o n : 1997), pp. 56-61. both as Guardian of the Faith and father of 2 . I am indebted to Elaine Combs-Schilling for his people, are reaffirmed by these symbolic h e r interpretation of the opening ceremony of acts and by the architecture of the building. t h e mosque. See her book, Sacred Performances: It is the same idea that was manifested in Islam, Sexuality, and Sacrifice (pp. 157-174) and the Shahanshah Aryamehr’s (Shah Reza ‘Casablanca 1993: Negotiating Gender and Nation Pahlavi’s) celebration of the 2,500t h a n n i v e r- in Performative Space’ in Journal of Ritual Studies sary of the founding of the Persian Empire, 10 (Summer 1996), pp. 3-35. held in historic Persepolis in October 1971, 3 . Mohammad Arkoun, ‘The Metamorphosis of the televised to an audience of millions in Iran Sacred’, in Martin Frishman and Hasan-Uddin Khan and throughout the world. In the 20t h c e n t u- (eds.), The Mosque (London: 1995), pp. 268-272. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Architecture and Space 9

Religious Structures SHARIFAH ZALEHA Surau and Mosques

One major issue in the current programme of Is- lamization in Malaysia is the construction of Islamic institutional infrastructures in new growth centres. In Bandar Baru Bangi, a new town close to Kuala in Malaysia Lumpur, both the State and its Muslim residents address the issue by building mosques and s u r a u ( c o m- bourhood in the same section, followed munal prayer places). Outstanding as an Islamic sym- soon after by Surau Damai in Section 2. As bol and sanctuary in the town is not a mosque, but Bandar Baru Bangi grew in size and popula- rather a s u r a u that is endowed with vast human and tion, more surau were built. This was gener- financial resources mobilized through grassroots op- ally done upon the initiative of the mem- erations, upon which it continues to function. The bers of a particular neighbourhood. To date growth of mosques and s u r a u, and differences in the town has 12 s u r a u, six of which are their identities in Bandar Baru Bangi, may not repre- found in Section 1 and all of which are ad- sent typical trends in Malaysia, but they do reveal the ministered by a community-elected com- on-going competition between State and society to mittee of volunteers. promote the Islamization cause. Bandar Baru Bangi is also served by two mosques: the UKM Mosque and the Masjid Urbanization that took place in Malaysia Jamek Bandar Baru Bangi. Both owe their soon after the country achieved indepen- existence to the State. The UKM mosque dence in 1957 was associated with the de- was built in 1982 and functions as an ancil- velopment of new growth centres where in- lary of the university. Mosques constructed dustrial villages, administrative centres and in the university actually represent a mod- housing units were to be built. Bandar Baru ern phenomenon very much in line with the Bangi is one of these centres. It is located in State’s Islamization policy. Being part of the district of Hulu Langat in the state of Se- UKM, the management of the mosque is en- UKM Mosque langor and is about 25 kilometres from trusted to a special unit in the office of the Kuala Lumpur. Bandar Baru Bangi was de- chancellery. This unit is manned by a few of- veloped in stages starting in 1977. The land ficials who work at UKM and is therefore Surau An-Nur’s prominence may be attrib- setting in present-day Malaysia. Surau c o n- on which it grew was originally covered identified with the university bureaucracy. uted to three factors. First is its location in struction undoubtedly represents grass- with secondary jungle and oil palm planta- For religious matters, the unit relies on lec- the elite section of Bandar Baru Bangi roots operations to either support or com- tions. These were gradually cleared to make turers of the Faculty of Islamic Studies. whose residents are generally economically pete with state structures, i.e. the mosques. way for houses, shops, factories, a shopping The state mosque is headed by a profes- well endowed and who donate generously However, what makes one s u r a u m o r e complex, offices and a golf course. The pop- sional i m a m, who is assisted by the n a z i r ( s u- to the s u r a u. Second is the leadership and prominent than another depends to a great ulation of the town now stands at approxi- pervisor), b i l a l and s i a k (caretaker). All four patronage of Ustaz Harun Din, a highly es- extent on its resources, both human and fi- mately 40,000. Malays make up 85 percent mosque officials are appointed by the Se- teemed u l a m a k in Malaysia, that the s u r a u nancial. The success of Surau An-Nur in be- of the total population and belong to the langor Department of Religious Affairs (Ja- enjoys until today. A former professor at the coming the religious hub of the town, is fa- professional, managerial, administrative, batan Agama Islam Selangor, JAIS) and re- Faculty of Islamic Studies, UKM, Ustaz Harun cilitated by some peculiarities of the neigh- technical and sales categories of occupa- ceive pay from the government. Helping to Din played a crucial role, especially in the bourhood within which it is located, in par- tion. link the mosque and the community is the early years of the s u r a u, in helping members ticular the charisma of Ustaz Harun Din and When Bandar Baru Bangi was being devel- mosque committee, comprised of ten peo- of the neighbourhood to run the surau a n d the sustained high level of religious senti- oped, Islamic fundamentalism (or d a k w a h) ple. In theory, members of the mosque com- by networking with other u l a m a k and Islam- ment among the residents. was on the rise in Malaysia. Close to the mittee are elected by the community. How- ic organizations. Thirdly, there is a high level The Bandar Baru Bangi experience also town was Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia ever, in practice, JAIS ‘appoints’ them based of religious sentiment sustained by the peo- shows that the autonomy and scope of lo- (UKM), one of the hotbeds of d a k w a h m o v e- on the recommendations of the i m a m. Thus ple living in that neighbourhood. Most of cally initiated religious institutions do not ments. There student associations were in- the administrators of the state mosque are these belong to the generation of Malays shrink in the face of an expanding state ap- fluenced by the reform ideas of the Muslim identified with the state religious bureau- who were exposed to the Islamic funda- paratus. Although a s u r a u cannot exist with- Youth Movement of Malaysia (led then by cracy where all details concerning sermons, mentalist currents of the 1970s and early out authorization from the Department of Anwar Ibrahim), the Islamic Representative types of mission work and categories of 1980s. Imbued with a high level of religious Religious Affairs, it does not have to depend Group, and the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party preachers are handled by administrators commitment, they dedicate themselves to on the latter to operate. Thus a surau such as (PAS). The associations regularly organized and clerks responsible to the government. making Surau An-Nur the focal point of their that of An-Nur, when sufficiently developed socio-religious activities to increase aware- own religious life. Furthermore, many of in terms of size, popularity, funding, goals ness amongst students of the central role of S u r a u A n - N u r them work at UKM and can therefore easily and contacts, has the potential to eclipse a Islam in society. Likewise, lecturers arranged A s u r a u or a mosque is generally thought of cooperate on religious matters. m o s q u e . ♦ for seminars calling for the Islamization of as a place for obligatory prayer and other re- knowledge. UKM thus served as the fount of ligious assemblies. However, in the context The other eleven s u r a u are pale by com- Islamic dynamism from which the first of current Islamization in Malaysia, both insti- parison to Surau An-Nur. Many do not orga- group of Bandar Baru Bangi residents, who tutions have the additional responsibility of nize religious talks on a regular basis and a moved into the town in 1978, drew ideas doing mission work (d a k w a h) in view of few function as arenas for individuals to and guidelines to help them organize their heightening the people’s consciousness of compete for status. As such, they do not at- religious life in the evolving new communi- the relevance of Islam in modern times. Thus tract many people and only come to life dur- ty. the ability of a s u r a u or a mosque to organize ing Islamic festivities. Leading them in the process were several a range of socio-religious activities for this Both UKM and the state mosques have the lecturers and administrative officials of purpose greatly affects its identity, character resources to conduct Quran classes and UKM, who were deeply committed to actu- and status as an Islamic sanctuary. In this re- arrange for preachers to provide religious alizing the fundamentalists’ call for Muslims gard, the earlier mentioned Surau An-Nur talks. Between the two, the latter attract less to reach back to Islamic history and teach- stands out. Regarded as the most active reli- attention. In the popular view, the state ings for alternative ideology and practical gious institution in Bandar Baru Bangi, this mosque exists for the use of state agents to solutions to help counter the secularizing surau regularly runs Quran and t a f s i r c l a s s e s elaborate Islamic orthodox teachings and influences of the West. They accomplished for men and women, conducts t a h l i l s e s s i o n s legitimize government acts and policies. this by mobilizing economic resources from and systematically schedules religious talks Being a state agent, the i m a m imparts com- within and outside Bandar Baru Bangi to on a range of topics that deal with spiritual ments on controversial religious or political construct s u r a u in the few neighbourhoods matters and current social problems. These issues, such as the Anwar Ibrahim case, that had developed in Section 1 of the town. talks are delivered by preachers with out- through indirect references. Furthermore, standing Islamic credentials, some of whom he plays up the social distance between Organization and identities make allusions to issues of social justice and himself and members of the congregation. A surau is actually a place for prayer. Irre- truths, sometimes with stark candidness. The In contrast, the UKM mosque is not viewed spective of its size, state authorization is re- s u r a u too is able to garner large amounts of as a mouthpiece of the State. Mission work quired for its establishment. The first of donations sufficient for setting up its own through sermons and religious talks attract t h e s e, Surau Al-Umm, was created in 1979. It foundation to provide financial assistance to large audiences, but these activities do not was originally a room in a semi-detached needy students and the poor. Because of its provide sufficient opportunity for groups to house that belonged to the state agency increasing popularity, Surau An-Nur has consolidate and help generate a vibrant reli- that developed the town. A few years later, been recently enlarged to accommodate the gious situation in and around the mosque. Dr Sharifah Zaleha binte Syed Hassan is associate the residents collectively purchased the hundreds arriving from within and outside In conclusion, suffice it is to say that mos- professor at the Department of Anthropology and house and turned it into a s u r a u. Later, Bandar Baru Bangi to perform the Friday ques and s u r a u are the legitimate institu- Sociology, Universiti Kebangsaan, Malaysia. Surau An-Nur was built in another neigh- noon prayer and participate in its activities. tions of religious expression in the urban E-mail: [email protected] 1 0 Architecture and Space I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Material Culture ROGIER BEDAUX Protecting Mali’s

Mali is a country of rich history and diverse culture. Its cultural heritage is, however, threatened by both pillage and illicit trade. Looting has dramatically increased in recent years, especially in the Inner Delta Cultural Heritage of the Niger and the Dogon country, and has obliged the Malian authorities to take measures to counter- The architecture of the monumental two- cultural heritage. The project is currently façades plastered by hand. This ensemble act this negative development. storied mud buildings with their decorated being executed by the Rijksmuseum voor must survive. For this reason a number of façades is world famous. The mosque, for Volkenkunde, in close cooperation with the 168 mostly monumental houses were se- The fight against the loss of cultural her- example, measuring 75 square metres, is Musée National du Mali in Bamako, and the lected for restoration, sometimes bordering itage in Mali has been reinforced by the en- the world’s largest mud construction. It Mission Culturelle de Djenné. a street or square, sometimes standing by hancement of legislation aimed at regulat- dates from 1906-1907 and was built on the Local masons in Djenné – often of Bozo themselves, spread all over the city and in ing archaeological excavations and pro- ruins of the first mosque, according to oral ethnic origin – carry out the restoration various states of deterioration. This selec- hibiting unauthorized excavations. It also tradition built in the 13t h century. The ruins work, along with blacksmiths, carpenters tion is primarily based on architectural crite- forbids the illicit export of cultural heritage. of this first mosque can still be seen in pho- (for making doors and windows) and pot- ria. In the project now being carried out, the But a further step at the grassroots level has tographs from 1893. Archaeological excava- ters (for the earthenware windows and architecture and the city’s atmosphere of also been taken by creating awareness of tions yielded evidence of the use of mud drainpipes). Local masonry techniques and around the turn of the century are taken as the importance of protecting Malian cultur- bricks as early as the 8t h to 9t h centuries, and available materials are used. The quality of an arbitrary model for the restoration. It is al heritage in the local population. This is of rectangular house plans dating back to the mud-brick architecture in Djenné is di- from this period, the beginning of French done through radio and television broad- the 11t h and 12t h centuries. However, the rectly linked to the craftsmanship of the ma- colonization, that the oldest written records casts, exhibitions, and articles in magazines exact age of the existing houses is difficult sons, who are formally organized in a kind of and illustrations survive. and newspapers. The establishment of ‘Cul- to ascertain. All we know for sure is that guild structure, the b a r e y - t o n, which is Before any intervention, careful recording tural Missions’ in the cities of Djenné, some of them figure in photographs from as unique in Africa and has its origins probably and research is necessary. The documenta- Tombouctou and Bandiagara, which figure early as 1893 onwards. Since these houses in the 15t h century. It is through this organi- tion consists of: the already existing plans on UNESCO’s List of World Heritage Monu- then already show signs of a certain age, it zation that the craftsmanship, which guar- and photographs; drawings and pho- ments, formally reinforced this. However, may be estimated that they could at least be antees the high quality masonry of the tographs of the actual condition; plans for regional and international cooperation, some 200 years old. houses in Djenné, has been passed on from the restoration with a detailed description which is currently being sought, is still Ever since the 1970s, the wide possibilities generation to generation. The internal orga- of the work to be carried out, a calculation somewhat wanting. A joint-programme be- of research in Djenné attracted many re- nization of the barey ton is strictly hierarchi- of the quantity and quality of the required tween Mali and the Netherlands has given searchers. An exhibition on Djenné, based cal, involving apprentices, young masons materials, and a tender. The restoration rise to several projects for conserving and on this multidisciplinary research and com- and master masons. The latter are expert plans are made by a Malian architect and protecting Malian cultural heritage, one of plemented with a catalogue, first opened in craftsmen and possess the necessary magi- submitted to an international committee. which concerns one of the major old centres Leiden (the Netherlands) in 1994 and was cal knowledge. Each family has a long-es- The principle to retain as much of the origi- of West-African Islam. later also shown at Bamako and Djenné it- tablished relationship with a specific nal parts of any monument as possible is of self. Presenting a vivid image of this multi- mason’s family, in which magic also plays an paramount importance in making of deci- Architectural heritage ethnic city, a wide audience became aware important role. In the project, naturally, this sions. The elaborate documentation en- m a n a g e m e n t of the disastrous situation of its architec- connection between houses and specific sures that all restoration work is more or less The city of Djenné is one of the oldest ture. Consequently, in 1995, the Dutch Em- masons is duly respected. reversible. It will also permit a reasonable known cities in West Africa. Archaeological bassy at Bamako took the initiative and control, which was formerly virtually impos- traces of early settlement, dating from the asked the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde Restoration ethics sible. 3r d century BC, have been found in the city. (Leiden) to draw up a plan for the restora- Because Djenné has been registered as a We hope that this project will give rise to a Urbanization was well developed by the tion of the city. A joint Malian-Dutch mission World Monument, the project has adopted larger interest in the city of Djenné and will 1 0t h century and the region must have went to Djenné to make an assessment of certain principles of restoration, based on contribute to the conservation of one of the been densely inhabited. Some 79 sites the actual situation. It then appeared that the International Venice Charter for the most beautiful cities of Mali. This project is within a radius of 4 km around Djenné ap- more than 30% of the monumental build- Conservation and Restoration of Monu- further expected to reaffirm the still often pear to have been inhabited during this ings that had been visited by Dutch re- ments and Sites. These principles have been overlooked fact that Africa has indeed, a period. Evidence for extensive settlement searchers in 1984 had disappeared and adapted conform to local circumstances. rich history and that its traces must be re- is indicated by one of the largest mounds those houses still extant were in a dramati- Even for World Monuments, there are no ab- s p e c t e d . ♦ in the region, the site of Djenné-Djeno, cally poor state of conservation. solute and universally accepted restoration measuring more than 33 hectares. Due to A plan for the restoration of the city, sub- principles. The project tries to retain the at- Dr Rogier Bedaux is professor of African Material the advantage of its location in the fertile mitted to the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Af- mosphere of the city based on its location, Culture at Leiden University and curator of the Inner-Niger Delta, which ensured rich pas- fairs, met with the favourable decision to with its typical structure of narrow streets African Department of the Rijksmuseum voor tures, fertile soils, and fish and game in subsidize the project (for the period of 1996 and small squares and, especially, the mon- Volkenkunde, Leiden, the Netherlands. abundance, Djenné developed into a flour- to 2003), which concentrates on the restora- umental mud-brick houses with decorated E-mail: [email protected] ishing commercial centre, initially mostly tion of some 168 monumental buildings in interregional, later also becoming a post the city of Djenné (out of a total of some on the long-distance trade routes across 1,850). It also focuses on setting up an orga- the Sahara. nization to assure safe management of the The Inner Niger Delta played a major role in the history of West Africa and was closely related to the development of such medieval empires as Ghana/Wagadu, Mali, and Songay. Many people were attracted to this fertile region bordering on the Sahara, the Marka/Songay (urban merchants), Bozo (fishermen and masons), Fulani (herdsmen) and Bamanan (agriculturists) forming the majority. Their descendants can still be seen in Djenné and together with the merchants from the North and the South determined its real cosmopolitan character. To date, the town has a population of some 12,000 in- h a b i t a n t s . Nowadays, only the monumental mud architecture reminds us of Djenné’s former grandeur. The famous mud-brick architecture, which made the reputation of Djenné, is threatened however, not by the fragile nature of the material, but by the economic re- cession preventing the inhabitants to maintain their houses and by social transformations endangering the traditional house structure. This also incited UNESCO in 1988 Rain damages the to accept both the city itself and the archae- vulnerable mud ological sites around it as a World Monu- a r c h i t e c t u r e ment. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Architecture and Space 11

Religious Structures NELIDA FUCCARO Islam and

For centuries Islam has provided a set of cultural norms, principles of social organization, legal pre- scriptions and often instruments of political mobilization for many urban communities. It has there- Urban Space: fore contributed substantially to the articulation of urban environments. However, Islam has not shaped clearly identifiable urban systems, at least in the sense suggested by the notion of the ‘Islamic’ city which has fuelled much academic debate in the past Ma’tams in Bahrain d e c a d e s .1 As this notion is representative of an ideal type, it clearly implies the existence of a somewhat ‘monolithic’ Islam. In reality Islam has been extremely diverse both in time and space. Furthermore, it is essential to recognize that there is a striking variety before Oil of political, social and cultural systems within which its different manifestations have operated as forces of urban development.

In pre-oil Bahrain, the articulation of which, similar to the Iranian h o s e y n i y y e s, are rect association with the ‘official’ m a ’ t a m s urban space was primarily the result of the the venues for the celebration of Ashura, a was an indication of religious piety but it in- close interaction between tribal solidarities, series of ritual performances which com- creasingly became a sign of wealth and so- mercantile values and a tradition of cos- memorate the martyrdom of Imam Husayn cial prestige. mopolitanism which throughout history and for the dissemination of Shi’i teachings shaped a multi-cultural social fabric. Tribal and traditions. Ma’tams are also informal Urban forms and solidarities were undoubtedly major forces places of leisure and socialization where S u n n i authority in defining the political dynamics of the Gulf non-Shi’i are usually welcome. Until the end The spatial distribution of m a ’ t a m b u i l d- region. From the late 18t h century, the polit- of the 19t h century, m a ’ t a m s were sponta- ings in Manama would indicate that Shi’i ical ascendancy of tribal groups belonging neous gatherings which met regularly in pri- places of worship remained confined to the to the cU t u b confederation in the coastal vate houses, both in rural and urban areas. residential areas of the city. The suq, which areas of the Gulf led to the imposition of After the 1890s the sudden proliferation of was the political and economic centre of tribal rule over Bahrain. The new tribal specialized m a ’ t a m buildings in many resi- Manama, and the largest area of public utili- elites, and in particular the al-Khalifa family, dential areas of Manama allowed many Shi’i ty, was in fact a Sunni-controlled space, as were able to maintain their political legiti- communities to acquire new social and po- indicated by the fact that the majority of macy by exerting effective control over a litical visibility. Since then m a ’ t a m b u i l d i n g s warehouses and commercial premises were mercantile economy which was based in have become strongly identified with the either owned by tribal Sunnis or more often urban areas. In the 19t h and early 20t h c e n- urban landscape as it seems that no ‘official’ endowed as Sunni w a q f s. Although many turies much of the urban expansion that oc- m a ’ t a m s were established outside Manama Shi’i entrepreneurs who supported m a ’ t a m s curred in Bahrain resulted from the eco- until the 1950s. The establishment of ‘offi- in the residential areas of the city operated nomic forces unleashed by the pearl boom. cial’ funeral houses coincided with the be- from the suq, they were generally unable to In the city of Manama particularly, a mercan- ginning of the public celebration of Ashura, acquire property there. Their wealth was tile settlement whose population by 1905 especially with the performance of open air usually invested in urban neighbourhoods was approximately 60% Shi’i, the economic processions which in the following decades where houses and shops in particular were and political developments of the period ac- became an important outlet for the political often registered as Shi’i waqfs for the bene- tively encouraged urban growth. In the grievances of Shi’i urban groups. fit of specific funeral houses. A useful com- course of the 19t h century, Manama became parison can be made with many Iranian the most important market centre of the is- Further, and more importantly for the cities where h o s e y n i y y e s, the local counter- land and the focus of British imperial inter- transformations which affected Manama’s parts of the Bahraini m a ’ t a m s, were inte- ests in the Gulf region. urban space in this period, m a ’ t a m s b e c a m e grated in large commercial and religious The role played by Islam in the expansion the architectural sign of the Shi’is’ ‘love for complexes and directly supported by shops of Manama can only be understood in the Husayn’. As such, they were particularly in- located in central bazaars.3 In Manama, the context of the meaning assumed by sectari- strumental in the consolidation of immi- tribal government’s concern with the conan identities within the specific framework grant groups within expanding Shi’i neigh- trol of revenue from trade clearly affected of the Bahraini polity. The authority of the bourhoods. For instance, the ma’tam al- the development of the suq and deter- new tribal rulers was identified with Sunni cAjam al-Kabir, established in 1892, func- mined the peripheral location of Shi’i places Islam which, in the eyes of large sections of tioned as the focal point for the Persian of worship in relation to the political and the local Shi’i population, became the reli- community of Manama, many of whose economic cores of the city. Although the gion of oppression and of ‘unjust’ tribal rule. members had arrived in the city from south- rulers made extensive use of the only Sunni Accordingly, Shi’ism became an instrument ern Iran after the 1850s. This funeral house, religious court of Bahrain, which was strate- of resistance to the political hegemony of which was located at the edge of the urban gically located in Manama, they were gener- the tribal elites, although especially urban settlement in a sparsely populated area ally reluctant to enforce an official Sunni tra- communities displayed a remarkable de- known as Mushbir, functioned as the core dition. Rather, they extensively relied on gree of adaptation to new political and eco- for the expansion of what in later years be- tribal custom. In the first decades of the 20t h nomic realities. From the late 19t h c e n t u r y , came one of the Persian quarters of Mana- century, the only large Sunni mosque that the articulation of Shi’i networks which cen- ma. Similarly, the emergence of the m a ’ t a m was visible in the urban texture of Manama tred upon m a ’ t a m s (funeral houses) played al-Ahsa’ iyyin in 1895 in the Mukharaqa dis- was located in a residential area called Dr Nelida Fuccaro is an historian of the modern a central role in the expansion of a number trict defined a new urban identity for many J a m ic. The fact that the quarter was named Middle East and research fellow at the University of of Manama’s residential areas. The history of Shi’i immigrants from al-Hasa, a coastal re- after the mosque is a clear indication of the Exeter, United Kingdom. The work represented in this m a ’ t a m s highlights the ways in which religion located in the eastern province of extent to which the presence of large places article is part of a research project on the urban gious solidarities, as they structured an Saudi Arabia.2 In this period many m a ’ t a m of worship in the city was unusual. history of Bahrain. urban institution, were major determinants congregations were made ‘official’ by the Islam was undoubtedly a very important E-mail: [email protected] in the shaping of urban space. It also shows replacement of mud and reed huts, where dimension in the urban development of the extent to which these solidarities were believers occasionally met, with masonry Manama, a city which was controlled by N o t e s closely connected to the definition of social buildings. In 19t h century Bahrain, this use of Sunni rulers but whose socio-religious 1 . As seminal contributions see: Abu-Lughod, relations and power structures in the specif- urban space indicates a transformation of structure was predominantly Shi’i. However, J a n e t (1987), ‘The Islamic City – Historic Myth, ic urban milieu of Manama. the built environment that increasingly dif- as the case of the m a ’ t a m s shows, sectarian Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance’, ferentiated rural areas from expanding identities alone cannot explain the develop- International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Manama’s funeral houses urban settlements. The establishment of ment of specific urban forms unless these pp.155-176; Eickelman, Dale (1976), ‘Is there In contemporary Bahrain the word m a ’- permanent masonry buildings for m a ’ t a m are contextualized in the wider political and a n Islamic City? The Making of a Quarter in a tam can refer to a specialized building and purposes, and indeed their maintenance, socio-economic setting. ♦ Moroccan Town’, International Journal of to a congregation of people. In both capaci- required substantial capital. Thus the m a ’- M i d d l e Eastern Studies, pp. 274-294. ties, funeral houses have been central to the t a m boom of the 1890s has to be considered 2 . Sayf, cAbdallah (1995), al-Ma’tam fil Bahrayn. definition of Shi’i identity and still represent in the light of the emergence of a powerful M a n a m a . the privileged relationship which links the Shi’i mercantile elite which benefited from 3 . As an example see: Bonine, Michael (1987), local Shi’i community to Imam Husayn. M a ’- the pearl boom of the late 19t h century and ‘ I s l a m and Commerce: Waqf and the Bazaar of t a m s are multi-functional organizations from increasing British protection. Their di- Yazd, Iran’, E r d k u n d e, pp.182-196. 1 2 Architecture and Space I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Urban Transformation JEAN-PAUL LOUBES Transformation of the

Located in a metropolitan area of Xi’an, ancient capital of several majors dynasties in China, is the famous Great Mosque. This edifice, in the heart of the Hui district, provides one of the more important tourist Hui district in Xi’an sites of Xi’an. The resulting wealth of the district, also adding to the economic vitality generated through commerce, lies at the origin of a remarkable architectural transformation. This study focuses on the Hui people, whose centuries-old Muslim identity has recently come to express itself through contemporary vernacular architecture.

The great economic power of the Hui Muslims, when considered in conjunction with the fact that there is a total lack of building regulations (uniquely within the Hui district), is conducive to the development of an uncontrolled transformation of the ‘urban form’. Observing this local ‘out- law’ situation offers an excellent context in which to analyse what is called ‘contemporary vernacular architecture’. This term consists in two parts: Vernacular architecture T r a n s f o r m a t i o n refers to architectural work by the local peo- o f urban form. ple, without any institutional or professional The beginning of help. The process is based on the cultural the trans- background of the residents, as well as their formation on the technical and economic resources. ‘Con- narrow parcel temporary’ refers to the architecture of network. Some today, made of modern material and tech- ‘Chinese’ houses niques such as reinforced concrete, glazed still remain tiles, modern metal windows, and includes between the new the invention of new solutions for plan and h o u s e s . design, in other words, new types of houses.

The beginning of the city wall and all Chinese cities during The turning point by anthropologists and architects in terms t r a n s f o r m a t i o n this period. The great economic vitality of By 1997, 60 to 70% of the district area was of the anthropology of space as there are From the eighties, a great change oc- the Hui, however, made the transformation estimated to have been transformed ac- many more general questions remaining to curred in the ‘urban form’ of the famous more rapid and precipitated the move to cording to new vernacular architectural de- be answered. What type of space do people Drum Tower (emblematic monument of the yet another phase: substitution of the an- sign. Though not respecting the habitual ar- create when there is no control? What pat- Hui district) area. This change was relatively cient courtyard house by an altogether new chitectural figures, the new architectural terns or foundational structures do people progressive at the outset (1985-90), achiev- type of dwelling. The narrow parcel of land type offers solutions where the authorities choose under these conditions? What is the ing greater momentum with the strong of the former is taken up and used to build in charge of urban issues fail to do so. But place of architecture in (in this case Muslim) economic development in China from 1990 the latter. From a professional point of view this is not all. group identity? Vernacular modern archi- onwards. It is in this last decade that one (of an architect or an urban planner), this Until recently, the Hui people were wary tecture offers a most fertile terrain for fur- can speak of a ‘new urban form’. This form narrow patch is generally thought too nar- of expressing their Muslim identity by way ther research into these questions, in this is mainly characterized by three, four or row to be used. If the new rebuilt district of architecture. One could not observe dif- case concerning identity and the expression five-storey houses and flat roofs with acces- needs three, four or five-storey houses in ferences between Han houses and Hui thereof through the re-forming of urban sible terraces. The district now has many order to accommodate increased density, houses. The revival of pilgrimages to Mecca, space by a Muslim minority group. ♦ common traits with medinas – in the habit- an architect would usually suggest group- authorized since the eighties, and the in- ual typology of urban form. ing several parcels together, allowing for creased contacts of the Hui with other Mus- The transformation can be observed at more efficient use of the land and a more lims in the world, has opened them up to two levels: urban structure and public rational plan of housing. With the urgency new architectural references. The Hui have space; and architectural form (the emer- of housing problems and, as mentioned be- now experienced the Arabo-Islamic archi- gence of a new architectural type and new fore, the fact that there is no housing regu- tecture found in many countries of the East. terminology). The new type of architecture lation, the inhabitants simply cannot wait They take these references and imitate the is based on the inhabitants’ large capacity for a solution. They thus take matters into figures. After centuries of simply producing to invest, which has lead to the transforma- their own hands. typically Chinese architecture, the Hui archi- tion of the ancient traditional Chinese The narrowness of the parcel necessitates tecture now emphasizes differentiation. In town. This latter term signifies the regular new organization of space, new geometry this way, the Hui affirm their identity and re- city inherited from the ancient urban net- for the rooms with new proportions which inforce their distinct characteristics. work of structures consisting in low court- professionals such as architects could never The current period represents a funda- yard houses (one or two floors), with tiled normally accept. The constraints of shared mental turning point in the history of Hui ar- Chinese roofs. These Hui houses, which property and local agreements amongst chitecture, and is not limited to housing. In once composed the urban fabric of the dis- neighbours are at the origin of what we call several mosques, domes and cupolas are trict, were identical to the Chinese houses ‘invention’, which in this case can be con- erected instead of the tiled roofs of ancient (often cited in literature as ‘traditional sidered a successful process of densifica- Hui mosques. A progressive transformation house’ from the North of China). That is to tion. With three, four or five-storey houses, of these mosques has occurred. In the past, say, they expressed the Chinese ethnic accommodation of a higher population they were organized according to norms of identity rather than the Muslim religious density is obtainable. But the challenge for the Chinese temple. There is a new urban identity of the Hui. the authorities in charge of rehabilitation or scenery: arches incorporated in the design The ancient urban network maintained a rebuilding programmes is to make it sus- of windows and doors, vaults, and cupolas. plot of greenery in the empty spaces, such t a i n a b l e . These signs clearly manifest that one is in an as in the main courtyards, back yards with Accessible terraced roofs characterize the Islamic space. gardens, and public spaces with trees lined new architecture, with annexes like storage It seems paradoxical that inside of this along the streets. The present rebuilding space, cellars, and shelters for animals. Cer- Muslim district of Xi’an, all Chinese authority process in this area has saturated these for- tain prior uses of the courtyards are now in the field of urban regulation and control mer empty spaces by, for example, filling found on the terraces. The new multi- is disappearing. Perhaps the delicate situa- up the courtyard with additional construc- storeyed house is organized around a patio, tion between Hui and Chinese municipal tions. Complete saturation of the urban smaller than the ancient courtyard and used authorities explains the fact that regulation network was attained at the end of the sev- mainly to provide light and to distribute the stops at the limits of the district. Building li- enties, the first observable consequence of various flats. The level of sanitation equip- cences do not exist in this zone and there is the lack of space. Of course this did not con- ment has increased considerably. Sanitary no control over, or even knowledge of, how Jean-Paul Loubes is architect and professor cern only the Muslim district, but rather all installations and toilets appear on the first many square metres are built each year. a tt h e School of Architecture and Landscape the Xi’an districts inside the perimeters of floor with a water point at each level. Such a phenomena merits further research o f Bordeaux, France. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Architecture and Space 13

Urban Transformation BRIAN LARKIN Cinema Theatres

The Plaza cinema squats on the edge of the Old City of Kano, Nigeria. Outside women sell bean cakes, men hawk cassettes, cigarettes, and oranges. Buses stop and taxis unload, disgorging passengers who and Moral Space hurry on to catch other buses, different taxis. ‘Drop me at the Plaza.’ ‘Meet me at the El Dorado.’ These quotidian directions are uttered by urbanites who have little interest in going to the cinema but who have internalized the fact that cinema theatres, in Northern Nigeria along with mosques, the post office, banks, and other institutions of the post-colony, architecturally new modes of public association that chal- meant that pleasure and desire were to be the Emirate Council. Petitions were signed to punctuate the city. Their built forms create an ab- lenged existing relations of space, gender found both on and off the screen, the erotic entreat and pressure the Emir into halting stract skeletal structure around which the city’s ner- and social hierarchy. The cinema theatre thus pleasures of one context feeding off the construction. The opening of the Palace was vous system circulates. created new modes of sociability that had to other. marked by violence and the Emir had to call in be regulated – officially by the colonial Despite its popularity with certain sections the police to arrest the ringleaders. Months Cinema is one of the quintessential tech- administration and unofficially within local of Hausa society then, the space of cinema after the opening, the police were still arrest- nologies of modernity. In the case of Kano, it Hausa norms. 1 was quickly saturated with an un-Islamic ing youths who were stoning patrons of the is a colonial modernity, often perceived as an The Hausa distrust of cinema was cemented moral aura. There were questions about open-air cinema. un-Islamic (kafirai) threat to local construc- when the construction of cinema-halls was whether the apparatus itself contravened the In 1951, while the controversy over the tions of ethnicity and religion. Kano is the mapped on to the moral geography of Kano Islamic prohibition on the creation of images. Palace was raging, matters worsened when largest city in northern Nigeria and while its City. After the arrival of the British in 1903, the The early Hausa names for cinema, majigi the El Duniya burned down, killing 331 peo- inhabitants are mainly Hausa Muslims, it con- mud-walled city of Muslim Kano was segre- (from magic) and dodon bango (evil spirits on ple out of an audience of 600. The tragedy tains considerable ethnic and religious diver- gated from the European township and the wall) carried the traces of this initial reli- was popularly seen as divine punishment for sity. To go to the cinema in Kano is to step Sabon Gari, the area where the young male gious distrust, just as the official royal names participation in this immoral arena and the outside of Africa, to move beyond the moral migrants from the Christian south were arriv- of the theatres – Rex, Palace, and later Queens rumour quickly spread that the film being relations of an Islamic society and into the In- ing in numbers. Sabon Gari was and is an area – indexed the conflation of technology with screened contained the image of the Prophet dian, American, and Chinese realities project- of ill repute in Hausa eyes and stands as the empire. Mohammed. The tragedy spawned many ed on the screen. Cinema is seen as distinc- moral antithesis to the birni, the Old City, Cinema theatres took hold in the Hausa other rumours which grew so strong that the tively modern because of this ability to desta- where female seclusion is maintained, prosti- imagination as a social space and practice colonial Government was forced to take offi- bilize and make people, ideas and commodi- tution and the sale of alcohol are forbidden that enacted the moral qualities of the areas cial notice and counter them over the radio. ties mobile. Yet at the same time cinema the- and the values of conservative Islam upheld. in which they were located. They mimicked, Twice daily for two days in four different lan- atres are parochial, an intimate part of urban The first cinema shows took place in the in profane form, symbolic and material quali- guages, the Radio Diffusion Service an- topography that draw around them con- Sabon Gari in dance halls where men went to ties traditionally associated with mosques nounced there was no truth to stories that the geries of social practices that make cinema- meet women and alcohol was sold. This is and markets. Just as the mosque traditionally people handling the bodies of El Duniya vic- going an event. where the Rex was built and its original appli- marked out the physical boundaries of moral tims died, or that Native Authority warders In 1937, the Rex opened in Kano. Before cation included a request for an open-air bar society and the creation of a public arena for who helped in the tragedy had all gone mad, that, films had been screened in dance halls that would promote social recreation beyond ritual and economic activity, the cinema the- or that prisoners from Kano prison (who but had no purpose-built space of their own. the cinematic event. Cinema in Kano quickly atre came to take on this role in inverted fash- helped in handling the corpses) could not eat This opening could be seen as unremarkable, established a reputation as an illicit, immoral ion. Like the mosque, it created an arena for for days afterwards. the coming to prominence of an entertain- arena which respectable people should public association, for ritualistic attendance; it Cinema theatres seem to have an ontologi- ment form well established elsewhere in the avoid. Cinema-going was regarded as iskanci drew around it satellite enterprises selling cal security based on the solidity of an audito- world. But this ignores how moments like (dissoluteness) and was (and is) associated by food or books and magazines; and it consti- rium which places audiences in familiar rows these were foundational in the incremental many Hausa with the immoral cultural com- tuted a landmark of the urban topography. underneath the spectacle of light and dark enveloping of Hausa social space by a trans- plex known as bariki: which includes beer par- In Kano, mosques, cinema theatres and unfolding on the screen. But in reality physi- formative colonial one. Cinema theatres were lours, dance halls, certain hotels, and male markets were (and are) threshold spaces that cal spaces have to enter and take hold in the introduced to Kano as part of a much wider and female prostitution. The mixed-sex na- mediated the boundaries between northern imagination before they take on social signifi- transformation of the colonial public sphere. ture of cinema theatres meant that they were Nigeria and the wider world. Through ritual cance. They must be made to have meaning. Like the beer parlours, theatres, public gar- also socially unacceptable for most Hausa practice, film and commodities, these institu- The conflict over the siting of the Palace cine- dens, libraries and commercial streets that women. Those who did attend were seen as tions connected participants to spiritual and ma reveals the ways in which the public proceeded them, cinema theatres created karuwai (prostitutes), and their presence material realities across national boundaries. sphere of colonial modernity was contested Yet while transnationally oriented, they were and how control of the moral dimension of M I S C E L L A N E O U S at the same time local. Kano cinema theatres urban space was often embedded in the sur- were situated next to major markets, and face of institutions of everyday mass culture. these institutions shared the task of marking The construction of cinemas, where they out the spatial borders between the different were located, the stories about cinema, the ethnicities, religions and races that were act of naming them, all contain residues of Islamic Legal brought together (and then kept separate) in the history of colonialism and the urban expe- the segregated colonial city. The Rex for in- rience. The physical coherence of the cinema stance, was located on the border between theatre, its seeming reproducibility cross cul- S t u d i e s P r o g r a m the European township, Muslim Fagge and turally, masks the dynamic process whereby Christian Sabon Gari. Later, the Plaza was con- this global edifice becomes localized, its Harvard Law School’s Islamic Legal Stud- scholars and practitioners from outside the Univer- structed just outside the mud walls of the Old bricks and mortar invested with social mean- ies Program, established in 1991, is t h e sity, particularly from the Muslim world. It will do City, separating Hausa from their non-Hausa ing as it is carefully placed and integrated into precursor of the soon-to-be established so through visiting professorships, research posi- fellow Muslims in Fagge; the El Duniya the colonial and postcolonial urban topogra- Center for Islamic Legal Studies. Both in- tions, lectures, conferences and publications. It will marked off Fagge from the European town- phy. ♦ stitutions seek to advance knowledge provide fellowships and specialized programmes ship; Queens separated Sabon Gari from and understanding of Islamic Law. for students, especially for individuals from the Bompai, a commercial area, and so on. Muslim world. The Center will foster Western schol- The carefully fashioned balance between The Center will be dedicated to achieving excel- arship in Islamic law by supporting young scholars. space and religion in Kano was threatened in Dr Brian Larkin is assistant professor of Anthropology lence in the study of Islamic law through objective It will encourage innovative scholarship across 1953 when the construction of the Palace cin- at Barnard College, New York, USA. He is currently and comparative methods. It will foster an atmos- many disciplines. ema next to Kurmi market in the Old City dis- working on a book on media and the technology phere of open inquiry which embraces many per- The Center for Islamic Legal Studies will also col- rupted the boundaries on which the moral di- o f modernity in Northern Nigeria. spectives, both Muslim and non-Muslim. It will seek laborate with other institutions and individuals at vision of Hausa urban space was built. Before E-mail: [email protected] to promote a deep appreciation of Islamic law as Harvard University to advance the study of Islamic the Palace, there had never been any contro- one of the world’s major legal systems. law, Islam, and the Muslim world. In addition, it will versy over the siting of cinema houses. The Notes establish close relationships with scholars and insti- Rex and the El Duniya were both located in 1 . Elizabeth Thompson (Colonial Citizens; Republican The main focus of work at the Center will be on tutions abroad. non-Hausa areas and hundreds of Hausa Rights; Paternal Privilege and Gender in French Syria Islamic law in the contemporary world. This focus youth left the Old City nightly to attend per- and Lebanon. New York: Columbia University Press. will accommodate the many interests and disci- For questions or comments contact: [email protected] formances at these cinemas. In the Old City, Forthcoming) and Stephen Hughes (‘Policing plines that contribute to the study of Islamic law, Copyright © 1998 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College the news that a cinema was to be opened Silent Cinema in Colonial South India.’ In, M a k i n g including the study of its writings and history. Last update: June 2, 1999, C. Tobias-Nahi there sparked outrage and a massive effort to Meaning in Indian Cinema. Ravi Vasudevan ed. The Center will support the needs and interests URL: http://www.law.harvard.edu/Programs/ILSP prevent its construction. A fatwa was issued 1999, Oxford University Press) provide illuminating of scholars and students from all parts of the globe Islamic Legal Studies Program forbidding the showing of films because of accounts of the spatial and social significance of and will endeavour to mirror the universality of Harvard Law School Pound Hall 501 Cambridge, MA 02138 the religious injunction on the creation of im- cinema theatres in French mandate Syria and Islam itself. It will seek the active participation of Tel: (617) 496-3941 fax: (617) 496-2707 ages, but was overruled when it came before colonial India respectively. 1 4 Architecture and Space I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Religious Structures RONALD A. LUKENS-BULL The Sacred

In the centre of Tebu Ireng, Indonesia’s most famous Islamic boarding school, is a mosque-graveyard complex which includes the grave of Hashim Ashari, the founder of Tebu Ireng who is remembered and G e o g r a p h y revered as both a Sufi master and an Indonesian national hero. Around this physical and spiritual centre, a number of new spaces (schools, a telecommuni- cations office, computer labs, and banks) have emerged. It is argued here that the very landscape of of an Indonesian Tebu Ireng spatializes the kinds of relationships that the school’s leaders argue that Muslims should have with the State, secular science, and the global market place. Islamic Modernity

In East Java, the sacred geography of a pe- The Tebu Ireng mosque is of the distinctive hold it. They also reject the claim that Sufism ship between the u m m a t (Islamic communi- santren (Islamic boarding school) serves as a Javanese three-tiered pagoda roof style. The must be abandoned in order for Muslims to ty) and the government, as does its place- model for how faith and modernity should be three tiers are said to symbolize Sharia, modernize. Finally, classical scholarship must ment at the edge of the complex. Good rela- ordered in the lives of Indonesian Muslims. Tariqah, and Hakikat (Law, Mysticism, and continue to be an integral part of Muslim in- tions with the government are critical but Pesantren Tebu Ireng has been for many In- Truth). At the entrance to this mosque stands tellectual life. not central. donesian traditionalist Muslims a model for a large drum (beduq) used to call the faithful Between the schools and the mosque- how to engage modernization through edu- to prayer. Local lore holds that when Hashim Secular, modern space graveyard complex is the general kitchen. By cation. In addition to being a popular board- Ashari built this mosque he said that, as long All of Tebu Ireng proper is wakaf ( l a n d May 1995, all students ate here, a change that ing school for students from throughout In- as it stood, students (santri)would find knowl- dedicated to religious purposes). By incor- reflects aspects of modernity. In traditional donesia, it is also a popular pilgrimage desti- edge and baraka (blessing/power) at Tebu porating profane spaces within the sacred pesantren, students cooked for themselves, or nation (over 2000 pilgrims each month). As an Ireng. Because of the special nature of the complex, the landscape of Tebu Ireng is de- in cooperative groups; this was seen as part of institution that has undergone a transforma- mosque, some people have been antagonis- claring what the relationship should be be- the training in kemandirian (self-sufficiency). tion from being a traditional centre of Islamic tic towards the building of additional mos- tween Islam and modernity. With Islam as However, since students are no longer cook- learning, famous for training ulama, to a reli- ques for the pesantren’s use. central, Muslims may engage in all aspects ing for themselves, this part of the traditional gious boarding school primarily for junior In addition to communal worship, the of modernity including education, medi- training in kemandirian has been lost. More- high and high school students, Tebu Ireng’s mosque is used for the teaching of classical Is- cine, banking, and marketing. At Tebu Ireng, over, since general education has reduced landscape reflects a tension between main- lamic texts (ngaji) including those of al-Ghaz- these activities are located in spaces within the amount of time for religious education, taining tradition and modernizing. ali. Besides regular lessons on these texts, the orbit of the p e s a n t r e n, depicting that Tebu Ireng and many other pesantren have some of the leaders hold special sessions dur- such secular activities are acceptable when sought to regain this time by preparing food A balanced centre ing school breaks and the Ramadan. These kept within the range of balanced Islamic for the students. The mosque and the m a h k a m ( g r a v e y a r d ) special sessions are open to pilgrims and reg- practice. Surrounding the mosque-grave- Across the road from the north gate is a at the centre of Tebu Ireng form the most ular students alike and start after salat Isyak, yard complex on three sides are student new losmen (small simple inn). Although the sacred space. The landscape proudly pro- the last prayers of the day, and continue for dormitories where students sleep, study for building and the land are owned by Yusuf claims that both normative piety (as exem- several hours, sometimes until midnight. school, receive some n g a j i lessons, and Hashim’s daughter, the establishment is plified by the mosque) and mysticism (as ex- To the west of the mosque is the graveyard study for n g a j i. Southeast of the mosque are staffed by Tebu Ireng santri. This five-room emplified by the graveyard and the activi- of Hashim Ashari and his family members. Sa- the library and the fully computerized p e- inn is designed for those visitors to the pon- ties which take place there) must be part of cred geography places this graveyard be- s a n t r e n office. The library at Tebu Ireng sub- dok who want a more quiet and comfortable modern life and Indonesian statehood, and tween the believers and Mecca when they scribes to a wide range of magazines and environment than the crowded free gue- it demands that they be placed firmly at the pray. Because the dead are buried facing to- newspapers, which the students are encour- strooms in the pesantren. The inn reflects a centre. ward Mecca, the placement of the graveyard aged to read in order to develop a broad change in pesantren clientele. Many who stay suggests that the great worldview. This is in sharp contrast to tradi- there are fairly wealthy parents from Jakarta, kyai (ulama) buried there tional p e s a n t r e n , which forbid any outside Surabaya, and other urban centres. It also re- are still leading the com- reading material. The library is well used flects a trend in which the family of kyai run munity in prayer. In Java, and includes an historical archive that holds businesses that cater to the needs of santri this pattern is rare for most the k i t a b and journals of Hashim Ashari (in and their parents. However, detractors argue pesantren leaders, but is Arabic) as well as copies of every research that any such support services should be run common for great saints project conducted on Tebu Ireng. Another by the pesantren’s neighbours, thus con- including the Walisonggo reflection of this greater openness to out- tributing to the economic development of (the legendary nine saints side material is a television in an open-air the village. who brought Islam to courtyard which students are allowed to This brief treatment of the sacred geogra- Java). The graveyard is an watch on Thursday nights after t a h l i l a n phy of Tebu Ireng, a p e s a n t r e n in East Java, important source of baraka (prayers for the dead) at the graves. Just in- has shown how a summary of the landscape as it can linger in the body side the gate are interest-charging banks. provides a model for reality. The pilgrim en- and is transmitted to the These banks serve a number of functions in- ters the p e s a n t r e n, all of which is w a k a f, and area around the tomb. Pil- cluding wire transfers and savings and loans immediately sees a bank, a telecommunica- grims will take a copy of for students, faculty, and neighbours. The tions office, and a library. He proceeds past the Qur’an that has been at presence of interest-charging banks inside a student housing to the mosque-graveyard the graves, absorbing p e s a n t r e n is a controversial move toward complex and performs a number of rituals baraka, and leave a re- what some consider the dangerous side of there. As he leaves, he passes through the placement copy. m o d e r n i t y . back gate and encounters government cur- The mosque-graveyard To the west of the main complex are the ricula schools and a helicopter-landing pad complex forms the physi- compounds for the ‘secular’ junior high and for government visitors. As he moves through cal and symbolic centre of high schools called Sekolah Mengenah Per- this landscape, he sees a model for how a Grounds of Tebu Ireng the p e s a n t r e n. This com- t a m a (SMP; First Middle School) and Sekolah Muslim should live in the modern world. This plex is, then, representa- Mengenah Atas (SMA; Upper Middle School), model requires traditional piety and mysti- tive of traditional Java- respectively. Outside the high school, a large cism, as an important part of Islamic practice 1. Mosque 13. Tsanawiyah building nese Islamic piety. It re- sign proudly boasts that the school has biol- that includes both religious and non-reli- 1b. Graveyard 14. Cafeteria flects three dimensions of ogy, mathematics, and computer laborato- gious scholarship, and good relationships 2. Student Affairs Office 15. Courtyard piety: S h a r i a h, scholarship, ries. Further west is the Madrasah Aliyah with the existing government, even if it is 3. The kyai’s house 16. Girls’ pondok and mysticism. It clearly compound and the campus of Institut non-Muslim. ♦ 4. Small store and Bank Rakyat Indonesia 17. Junior high school demonstrates that these KeAgaman Hashim Ashari (IKAHA), which 5. Overnight guest room 18. Senior high school three dimensions must be was originally established as Universitas 6. Security office 19. Aliyah building balanced; that one cannot Hashim Ashari (UNHASY) in the 1970s. 7. Staff dining room 20. IKAHA exist without the other. Tebu Ireng’s involvement in state projects 8. Stage (with TV) 21. Dormitory The leaders of Tebu Ireng is partially demonstrated by its educational 9. MAK dormitory 22. Volleyball court reject the idea that that it evolution. Next to the schools is a helicopter 10. General bathing room 23. Classrooms is possible to transcend landing area, said to be used for visiting Ronald A. Lukens-Bull, PhD, is assistant professor 11. The former house of Kyai Wahid 24. NU-SUMMA bank Shariah by mystical prac- government dignitaries. The presence of o f Anthropology, Department of Sociology, 12. Skills centre 25. Pesantren office and library tice and therefore no such a facility, whether regularly used or Anthropology, and Criminal Justice, University of longer be required to up- not, makes a statement about the relation- North Florida, USA. E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Architecture and Space 15

Urban Transformation DARWIS KHUDORI Islamization and

Muslim societies are confronted with the problem of conciliation between ‘permanence’ as taught by religious tradition and ‘changes’ as imposed by modernization. One facet of modernization of the Muslim Secularization through world is habitat. This term encompasses all human creations and starts from the fundamental need to inhabit. This latter is manifest at various levels, ranging from house to city. A r c h i t e c t u r e : The city of Ismailia, founded in 1862 and managed by the Suez Canal Company until it was nationalized in 1956, was appropriat- ed and managed afterwards by the Egyptian Government up to the present day. The fol- the Case of Ismailia lowing will look at how the Egyptians (understood as: Orientals, Arabs, Muslims, Tra- technique or l’Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées ditionals) appropriate and develop a habitat educated in the rising spirit of rationalism, conceived and formed by the French (un- positivism and functionalism at the begin- derstood as: Occidentals, Europeans, Chris- ning of 19t h century. There is no mythical, tians, Moderns). symbolic or religious reference in its design. The city was considered as an object of de- The problematic of modernization sign whose form was shaped according to The modernization of the Muslim world is geometric rules. The habitat was conceived problematic, because it is provoked, at least according to scientific and hygienic consid- it was at the beginning, by an external force: erations – although certain aspects of de- modernity of the West. In the Arab World, sign escape the conceptual reasoning of the the signs of this issue seem to be more obvi- designers, such as the choice of the geo- ous when compared to the non-Arab Mus- metrical form of layout and the architectural lim world. This may be explained by the for- language of buildings. Moreover, behind mer having made its civilization sacred dur- that spatial concept, there were utopian ing many centuries to such extent that all ideas of Modern Man and Society (inspired the elements of this civilization (systems of by the Enlightenment, the French Revolu- 1. Pre-WWII politics, economy, society, space) seem to tion, Saint-Simonism, and 19th century t r a d i t i o n a l be derived from a sacred law, namely ‘Islam- Utopians), for example: é g a l i t é in the spatial h o u s e ic’. At least in theory, all the elements of civ- layout of the different quarters and the ilization coming from outside which might rights to different cultural expression; l i b e r t é enter into the sacred space of Islamic civi- in religion; and f r a t e r n i t é in such domains as a Catholic church founded by the Suez Canal tain Europeans (Greeks, Italians, and French). lization (dar al-islam) have first to be exam- those related to social work, including Company. The size, position and name of This is mostly evident in their façades, char- ined. If found to be suitable, they become Is- schools, hospitals, and religious buildings. this mosque merit attention. It is gigantic, acterized by a wooden balcony, supported lamized, or at least subordinate to the sa- The reaction of the Arab society of Ismailia with twin towers whose height surpasses by columns standing on the sidewalk, and cred law of Islam; otherwise the penetration to that modernity is particularly notewor- that of the church. It is located beside Midan protected by an inclined roof covered with of the foreign elements would be consid- t h y . Jumhuriyya (previously Place Champollion), ceramic tiles. But there is a clear difference. ered as a violation/profanation/seculariza- the previous living centre of Europeans. It While the balcony of European houses is tion of the sacred space of Islam. The prob- I s l a m i z a t i o n carries the name Abu Bakr As-Siddiq (the open, that of the Arabs is covered with lem is that the rigour of examination is not Modernization, as carried out by the im- first caliph successor of the Prophet Mo- m u s h a r a b i y y a, the famous dense wooden always homogenous in time and space (it portation of elements of foreign civilization, hammed). grill enabling inhabitants to see outside depends on the existing political regime, was felt as a threat, or at least a disturbance, These points show the distinctive spirit of without being seen (see photo 1). Today, the role of u l e m a, Islamic thought, etc.) and to the Islamic unity of community (u m m a) the epoch of Sadat-Mubarak, as compared and mainly since the epoch of Nasserism, all the elements to be examined are not always and territory (dar al-islam). Although this to its preceding epoch. While the epoch of those traditional rules are broken. There is simple (political models, technical projects, was tempered for a long time by Western Nasserism is characterized by ‘Arabism’ (the no longer any clear separation between the economic enterprises, etc.). Moreover, there presence, it was expressed for the first time name of the mosque refers to the ancestor space for visitors and the space for family. are elements which enter by force (e.g. (in the case of Ismailia) in the epoch of of the Arabs) and ‘secularity’ (by maintain- The s a l o n no longer forms an autonomous Bonaparte’s expedition in Egypt and the Nasserism. It is under Nasser that the Egypt- ing the European character of urban centre), space. Rather it is integrated into the house, French occupation of Algeria) or by charm ian Government constructed the first state the epoch of Sadat-Mubarak is character- enabling visitors to communicate, or to see, (e.g. that of Ferdinand de Lesseps and the mosque of Ismailia (called Al-Ismacily) in the ized by ‘fundamentalism’ (the name of the at least, the other parts of the house. The attractive image of a civilized Europe). In northern part of the city. But it was under mosque refers to the fundamental epoch of house has only one door, through which this way, the guardians of the sacred space Sadat, and subsequently Mubarak, that the Islamic history) and ‘Islamity’ (by Islamizing both visitors and family members enter. In (such as the Vice-Roy Mohammed Said and signs of Islamization became more obvious. the European character of the urban cen- terms of formal language, the balcony is still the Khedive Ismail in the case of Egypt) have The number of mosques increased rapidly t r e ) . there, but is not covered: the m u s h a r a b i y y a proven unable to resist. and continuously, the most outstanding of has disappeared. From the balcony, one can The case of Ismailia can be seen in light of which is the newest state mosque, under S e c u l a r i z a t i o n interact with a passer-by on the street (see the choices made in response to moderniza- construction since the end of the 1980s. It Modernization provokes, however, not photo 2). In other words, in constructing tion. The city of Ismailia is a ‘modern’ work, stands exactly in the middle of the old city only ‘Islamization’, but also at the same houses, people do not refer anymore, or designed by the engineers of l’Ecole Poly- centre, which was previously dominated by time, ‘secularization’. Until 1930, for exam- perhaps never have, to the orthodox teach- ple, the construction of Arab houses in Is- ings of Islam. They separate housing culture 2. Popular mailia still expressed more or less the tradi- from religious tradition. This implies secu- d e v e l o p i n g tional way of life of Arab society in accor- larization, at least in the field of habitat. ♦ house, post- dance with religious tradition. The spatial 1967 war organization shows a clear separation between the family space and that of visitors (exactly the same case as in s a l a m l i k a n d h a r a m l i k in traditional ‘Cairene’ houses influenced by the Ottoman tradition). There are always two doors: one leads to the s a l o n This article is based on the author’s doctoral study (borrowed French term used in Arabic, re- o n Ismailia: From French Creation to Egyptian ferring to a normal living room) for visitors, Development, Architectural and Social the other leads to the s a l a or f a s a h a (a kind Transformations in a City of the Muslim World: of central hall) which distributes the flow T h e Case of Ismailia, Egypt (1862-1993). into the corridor and rooms belonging to family members. The s a l o n is completely Darwis Khudori, doctor in History of Contemporary separated from the rest of the house; visi- Arab and Muslim World at the University of Paris- tors have no view into the house. An inter- Sorbonne (Paris IV), also architect and writer, is esting phenomenon in terms of formal lan- currently visiting lecturer at the Department of guage is at hand. The rich Arabs of Ismailia Oriental Language and Civilisation, University of constructed houses in the same style as cer- L e Havre, France. E-mail: [email protected] 1 6 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Southeast Asia JOSEPH ERRINGTON L a n g u a g e ,

Social, political, and economic turmoil now make it easy to forget that just two years ago Indonesia stood out amongst ethno-linguistically plural nations for its successful nationalist and developmen- R e l i g i o n , talist dynamic. And as recently as the mid-1990s, I n- donesian modernization seemed to be unimpeded by religious tension. a n d Identity

President Suharto and his New Order government received international praise for economic progress among a diverse, p e a c e- fully coexisting citizenry of Muslims, Bud- in Indonesia dhists, Protestants, Catholics, and Hindus. But over the last two years bloody civil un- tinue to be committed with impunity. d o m i n a n c e in the populace on one hand, a s s o c i a t e d primarily with Bali, Hinduism on rest, mostly along ethno-religious lines, has Nonetheless, language is integral to the and Islam’s official coequality with four reli- that island is universally recognized to have arisen out of conditions of economic r e c e s- nexus of religious and national identity, gions of far fewer adherents on the other. As its antecedents in pre-colonial Java. The sion and political uncertainty. Some see par- w h i c h will continue to be crucial for any a result, there have been ambiguous, some- State actively supported these rural Hindu allels between this unravelling of Indone- brighter, less bloody Indonesian future. Re- times conflicted understandings of the communities by making Hindu texts and sia’s social fabric, and the strife in the Balka- lying heavily but not exclusively on my rights and obligations of Indonesians as doxa required subjects of study in local ns following the end of the Cold War. With o w n experiences in Central Java, I sketch members of an Islamic community (u m a t) s c h o o l s . Because they are taught in Indone- Text book on the demise of Suharto’s authoritarian state, the linguistic grounds of ethnicity, national- and citizens of a secular nation-state (n e- sian, the national language becomes the Hindu religion, by this line of reasoning, ‘age-old’, ‘primor- ism and religion in Indonesia with special a t- g a r a). Here I am concerned with the instru- means of access to standardized, public ver- Project for dial’ ethno-religious hatreds have been al- tention to the ambiguities of identity which mental and symbolic roles which languages sions of formerly esoteric, sacred Old Ja- Improvement of l o w e d to emerge. But current events can l i n g u i s t i c pluralism has allowed. have played in these vexed political and cul- vanese texts. The paradoxical result is that the Level of also be plausibly read as effects and even From its inception in 1965, the New Order t u r a l arenas. Indonesian, I suggest, has the national language mediates between R e l i g i o u s continuations of the less praiseworthy as- government operated and legitimized itself helped foster official religious tolerance by t h e s e villagers and the ancestors they imag- Education in p e c t s of New Order rule. through a far-reaching, top-down pro- assimilating religious doxa and practice, v i a ine to have been the original practitioners Hinduism and Fear and violence which now feed each gramme of national development (in In- religious language, to the institutions of the of Hinduism in Java, and original users B u d d h i s m , other in many parts of Indonesia have clear donesian, p e m b a n g u n a n n a s i o n a l) . C r u c i a l State. This is a double development that I o f the sacred Old Javanese Truth language. Department of antecedents in the massacres of hundreds here are just two dimensions of this vast en- sketch here with an eye to Islam, but also to Their assertion of a distinctly local religious Religion, Republic o f thousands which occurred in the dark terprise: the establishment of Indonesian the peculiarly Indonesian version of Hin- identity is thus bracketed or muted by t h e of Indonesia days of 1965, and which underwrote the le- (b a h a s aI n d o n e s i a) as the national l a n g u a g e , duism which has highly Sanskritized Old Ja- intervention of an un-native, national medi- and of monotheism as the common at- vanese as its vehicle. um of religious i n s t r u c t i o n . The broad point, tribute of state-sanctioned religious identi- then, is that the Indonesian language ties. Language and religious helped to mute political and cultural ten- c o m m u n i t y sions under the New Order that arose from Indonesian language in the In his influential account of the rise of na- the condition of religious pluralism and re- Indonesian nation-state tionalism, I m a g i n e d C o m m u n i t i e s, Benedict q u i r e m e n t s of national unity. When Indone- Before independence, the language now Anderson suggests that secular/national l a n- sian’s role as mediator between religious af- called Indonesian counted as an artificial guages (like Indonesian) contrast in impor- filiation and national identity is foreground- language for administration in the Dutch tant ways with sacred/esoteric languages of ed, it becomes easier to gauge that lan- E a s t Indies, a non-native variety of Malay religious discourse (like Classical Arabic or guage’s enduring salience for the national which was spoken natively in several other Old Javanese). He links the rise of national- project. Indonesian survives as an infra- dialects by a few million subjects in ism to the spread of secular literacy in na- structural means to reduce or elide felt dif- t h e colonies. But since 1965, knowledge and tional languages. These differ crucially from f e r e n c e s between religious and nationalist use of Indonesian across Indonesian territo- what he calls ‘Truth languages’, which are modes of community. ry has exploded. At a 1990 conference, v e h i c l e s of sacred texts and discourse, im- Speculation on multiple political and cul- t h e Indonesian Minister of Education and bued with religious truth, and t r a n s m i t t e d tural saliences of language might lack clear Culture asserted, not implausibly, that 83 through restricted literacy. The ascendance relevance to ongoing, deadly conflict; but i t percent of citizens over the age of five k n e w o f standard national languages, Anderson might help to envision a polity in which a Indonesian, and that by 2010, all Indone- argues, makes all languages c o m p a r a b l e national language facilitates not just reli- sians would speak the national language. So and intertranslatable, including those which gious diversity but a civil society, and t h e Indonesian is a national language s p o k e n a r e privileged as vehicles of sacred dis- sort of public sphere which the New Order natively by relatively few Indonesians. Most course and transcendent t r u t h s . I n d o n e s i a n , s y s t e m a t i c a l l y suppressed. As other New know it as a second language lacking pri- as one such national language, can be con- Order successes come to seem hollow and mordial links to a distinct group of n a t i v e sidered in this regard with an eye to Islamic illusory, Indonesian’s enduring viability may speakers. This paucity of native speakers reform movements, which have become in- o b t r u d e if it subserves an Indonesian ver- m a k e s Indonesian less a non-native lan- creasingly salient in current Indonesian pol- sion of public citizenship, and a public dis- guage – that is, a language native to some i t i c s . Under the New Order, groups like course in which the demands of faith and ‘other’ group in the country – than an un- Muhammadiyah were restricted in their ac- country are neither completely divorced, native language, that is, devoid of ante-his- tivism to efforts to purify Islam of local syn- nor entirely congruent. Perhaps I n d o n e s i a n torical roots in some ethnic, religious, or ter- c r e t i s m s and heterodoxies, and did so will be among the New Order’s best and ritorial identity. through educational systems which p r o v i d e most lasting legacies: a medium for public The New Order also zealously promoted direct, knowledgeable access to the Koran. discourse within and across lines of political gitimacy and style of New Order rule. Some Indonesian-ness through the five principles T h i s scripturalist movement has made and religious difference, a national mode o f the most vicious clashes are now occur- (the Panca Sila) which count together as Islam’s Truth language focal, but taught it in o f discourse never supported by an authori- ring in areas where state transmigration and a summary ideology of official Indonesian a modern educational framework through tarian state which successfully fostered a ve- development programmes have created nationalism. Most relevant here is the first Indonesian. The national language, as the hicle for it. ♦ c o m m u n a l conflict across lines of ethno-re- principle, which establishes monotheism as medium of instruction, thus takes on a si- ligious difference; some ethnic r e s e n t m e n t s both a condition of citizenship and a para- multaneously privileged and symbiotic role which have fuelled riot, murder, and rape, meter for religious tolerance. In effect, it rec- i n relation to Arabic and the Islamic project. date from the colonial era, and were in turn onciles national unity with religious plural- If Indonesian’s un-native, non-ethnic origins exploited rather than effaced under New ism through an obligation that citizens a c- enhances its status over and against a m u l t i- Order rule. knowledge one of five authorized, (puta- plicity of local, ethnic languages, it also If there is more than one diagnosis of the tively) monotheistic religions: Islam, Protes- gains value as a ‘neutral’ linguistic mediator current trouble, there is likewise more than tant and Catholic Christianity, Hinduism(!), of religiously based knowledge. one way to think about possible Indone- and Buddhism. In fact, the vast majority A similar but more striking instance of this s i a n futures. Here I consider the future of o f Indonesians – 90 percent of the popula- c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y between national and reli- ethno-religious pluralism in Indonesia with tion, or more than 180 million – count as gious identities involves marginal h i g h l a n d an eye to the unobvious but constitutive Muslims at least for official statistical p u r- Javanese communities, where peasants re- r o l e of languages in the Indonesian national poses. Current ethno-religious strife is sponded to government requirements that project. This may seem a distanced way of throwing into relief the longstanding dis- they acknowledge an authorized religion by Joseph Errington, Department of Anthropology, addressing the kinds of atrocities which c o n- crepancy between Muslims’ demographic collectively espousing Hinduism. Though Y a l e University, USA. E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 17

Southeast Asia ANDRÉE FEILLARD Pre-election Visit

Andrée Feillard toured Java last March to give lectures in four cities for the launching of her book on the Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia’s largest traditionalist Muslim organization. She also visited several to East Java’s u l a m a, politicians, and student groups in East Java. She gives here a short account of her journey in the troubled province where 254 people were mysteriously murdered from September to November 1998. At the time of her trip, interreligious and interethnic U l a m a violence was high in Ambon.

Wednesday, 3 March 1999 town). Such sensibility about ethnic problems green flags, while the yellow Golkar flag ap- My first visit outside Surabaya is to see Kiai linked to the transmigration programme is pears only once in a while. The thin 74-year Hasyim Muzadi in Malang, a likely successor new to me in Java. old k i a i who studied in the famous Kiai to Abdurrahman Wahid, alias Gus Dur, the Downstairs, a number of students wait for Hasyim Asy’ari’s p e s a n t r e n from 1937 to Nahdlatul Ulama chief, to be replaced at the me. They speak of a regular weekly meeting 1942 is an ‘intellectual’ k i a i whose unasser- next NU congress in November. In the hall of of political parties aimed at preventing ani- tive ways hide a solid influence on the NU. the brand new, sparkling white p e s a n t r e n, I mosity from degenerating into violence, a Kiai Muchith recalls the high points of 1998, wait for the recitation of the soft Sufi w i r i d bid to prove to the armed forces that ‘we are Gus Dur’s political choices, and the usual t o be finished. Sitting on a bright green car- ready for democracy’. On the way to the role of the supernatural in NU’s decisions. pet, surrounded by a dozen teachers and Malang PMII (NU’s student organization) He calls Gus Dur a kiai moral, as compared to s a n t r i s, the 56-year old Kiai Hasyim holds a headquarters, one student tells me of the in- ‘normative’ k i a i s. He adds: ‘PAN is in the t a s b i h in his right hand, ready for the tough- creased popularity of Shiism among some process of adapting from the modernist est questions. He is a popular, humorous students, synonymous with ‘free-thinking’ p o l a (way of thinking) to a pola like NU’s’, he local MP (1972-1983; 1986-1987) and now and the power to change things. At the comments, ‘but Muhammadiyah still has also a respected k i a i with an innovative headquarters, many of the 40 or so PMII stu- difficulties in rejecting sectarianism, and ac- touch (he opened a p e s a n t r e n for the students question the wisdom of creating the tually NU also has [such difficulties], but be- dents of general universities in 1991). Kiai PKB, which they fear will bring the NU back cause of Gus Dur’s charisma, there is a Hasyim is a no-nonsense man: ‘Formalist to the ugly politicking of the 1970s. All but breakthrough in this direction.’ For four Islam’, he tells me, ‘has proven its incapacity two of them will vote PKB. They are mostly hours, in his small noisy sitting room, Kiai to rule the country.’ This rather direct judge- proud of NU’s ‘progressive’ and no longer Muchith speaks in confidence. He has been ment of Habibie’s ten-month old regime want the NU to be called ‘traditionalist’, asked by local Protestant priests to distrib- goes hand in hand with his concern about a which they deem unfair. ‘Progressive tradi- ute s e m b a k o (basic food items) in their possible disintegration of Indonesia. But I tionalists’? They loudly agree, optimistic place, as some Muslim radicals see it as a find his assessment of the violence in the that t h e y are the future of Indonesia, while material incentive for conversions. But the Moluccas reflects a rare equanimity: ‘Accord- the ‘others’ are the partai setan (satanic par- elderly yet dynamic k i a i preferred to have ing to our NU office in Ambon, there is a ties) ‘using Islamic symbols for political the students’ organizations, including NU’s Christian fear of Islamization. There is also the gains’. PMII, do it: ‘I have to be careful’, he explains. economic factor and the political factor. The A constant advocate of tolerance, he rebuffs Jakarta elite is playing around, people think Friday morning the widespread fear of Java’s k r i s t i a n i s a s i. there is a scenario’. The Banyuwangi assassi- Back in Surabaya, the PKB chief for East nation campaign, which he compares to Java, Choirul Anam, is busy and as placid as I Sunday morning Bosnia’s, was in his opinion a political cam- have always known him to be. His soft tone Back in Bangil, I have a long conversation paign in favour of the status quo, but which hardly reveals his solid optimism about on the phone with Ustad Zahir, the rising produced the reverse effect: NU’s political PKB’s prospects: ‘We will score higher than teacher in the Shiite YAPI p e s a n t r e n, an ar- party, the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB), you would expect’, he tells me in confidence ticulate young man, a passionate admirer of which was at first terrorized, afterwards of the PKB and the PDI, always linking the Khomeini’s achievements. Like some other gained more popularity. His confidence is two. But he too points to the crucial role of Nahdlatul Ulama k i a i I have met, Kiai Cho- shattered more by money politics (in favour the armed forces seats. On the Banyuwangi iron is increasingly tolerant of Shiism. Walk- of the PPP) than by NU’s small splinter par- massacres, Choirul comments: ‘One objec- ing through the large yard to the road, Kiai ties. Finally, he concludes, the 38 military tive was to create disorder, so that the army Choiron mumbles that he does not regret seats in the MPR will be the determining fac- would step in to restore order, but it failed. that the NU finally set up its own political tor. But, whatever happens, Kiai Hasyim And now, it is Ambon’s turn.’ party: ‘With Golkar and PPP, we were always seems convinced that ‘formalist Islam’ is the losers.’ bound to be a big failure, a disintegrating Friday evening My trip in East Java comes to an end. I factor for the archipelagic nation. Like every- Some 30 km to the east of Surabaya, I meet Choirul Anam again in Surabaya. He one else I meet during this trip, he reacts spend the night at Kiai Choiron’s p e s a n t r e n tells me of his efforts to convince the small most coolly to the possibility of an alliance in Bangil. Besides the many NU p e s a n t r e n, Islamist party, Partai Keadilan, the party of with Amien Rais, a pluralist ‘for just two days’, there is a rare ‘reformist’ p e s a n t r e n of the justice, to accept NU’s pluralist line. PK re- he notes ironically. Persis (Persatuan Islam) and a p e s a n t r e n o f cruits mostly among general university stu- Gus Dur told me later in Jakarta that Hasyim Shiite reputation, the Yayasan Pesantren dents, and has Internet connections to the is indeed, so far, a favourite candidate to suc- Islam (YAPI). PAN’s Amien Rais recently visit- Refah and Hamas. ‘I say to them that God ceed him. Hasyim Muzadi may be more of an ed the district, but his convoy was stopped decided men should have different reli- organizer, and Gus Dur more of an intellectu- by protesting Muslim youths. It was Kiai gions, so it is not for us to try and change al, but Hasyim seems to approve of Gus Dur’s Choiron who opened the doors of his p e- this, our duty on earth is to apply religious choice of ‘substance’ and ethics rather than s a n t r e n for Amien, despite threats that his values and ethics.’ ‘Do they accept your ar- ‘formalism’, and he smiles, visibly amused, school would be set on fire. ‘The majority gument?’ I ask. In a tired voice, Choirul an- pointing out that Gus Dur is now being here votes for PKB’, explains Kiai Choiron, swers: ‘It is difficult for them, the indoctrina- dubbed a ‘krislam’ (an acronym for Christian ‘whereas PAN will find voters in the Persis tion is too strong over there.’ and Islam). and Shiite p e s a n t r e n.’ Sitting on a wooden In just over five days, ten months after the bench in the yard of the newly extended p e- fall of Suharto, I have discovered an Islamic Thursday morning s a n t r e n, Kiai Choiron says there is practically community increasingly divided by politics, Prof. Tolhah Hassan, the rector of NU’s uni- no PKB cooperation with PAN. I remember but at the same time hopeful that change is versity (UNISMA) receives me warmly. I find that during my research in 1991, differences at the doorstep after 32 years of manoeu- him most concerned about the situation in between NU and Muhammadiyah were vring to protect the k i a i s and the p e s a n t r e n. Ambon, which he feels is less a religious than minimized. This time, it is the reverse. I have also seen the seeds of pluralism, NU vis-à-vis Negara, Pencarian Bentuk, Makna, dan an ethnic problem. During a trip in East planted by Gus Dur a long, long time ago, Isi was published by the LKiS, in Yogyakarta, and is Nusatenggara (NTT), east of Bali, he saw huge Saturday morning now burgeoning in the midst of inter-reli- an updated translation of Andrée Feillard’s book discrepancies between the living standards of Kiai Choiron kindly lends me his car to gious strife while one essential question Islam et Armée dans l’Indonésie Contemporaine ‘settlers’ and the ‘original population’. There drive to Jember, some 200 km to the east in looms among u l a m a s and activists: Has God (L’Harmattan, Paris, 1995). the shops were owned by Buginese or Ja- Banyuwangi’s direction, where Kiai Muchith decided whether Indonesia should remain vanese, and locals had less access to universi- Muzadi, the right hand of NU’s former r o i s one single country? ♦ Andrée Feillard is a researcher at the Centre National ties. Eight years ago, he started a grant pro- a a m, Kiai Achmad Siddiq, is waiting. I had de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), France. She has gramme for students to come and study in first visited Jember in 1988. All along the worked on the NU and Indonesian politics since 1987. Malang (there are now about 20 students in road, red PDI flags alternate with PKB or PPP E-mail: [email protected] 1 8 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Southeast Asia MICHAEL LAFFAN A Visit to Jakarta’s

Nearly one hundred years ago the Dutch scholar C. Snouck Hurgronje, writing in the Netherlands Indies, published his article ‘Islam and phonography’ in which he described a contemporary interest in Bayt al-Qur’an recordings of suras of the Qur’an made available for the phonograph.1 At the time, this innovation caused evocative images will always generate more Demak, Banten, Yogyakarta, and Solo, as the k a l a m a k a r a, a pre-Islamic hybrid crea- both interest and debate among Muslim scholars as visual interest than a bare text. well as smaller s u r a u s (village mosques) ture which combines the attributes of a to whether the use of this medium was Islamic, al- from the eastern archipelago. Clearly this is horse, the g a r u d a ,5 and an elephant. In one though it soon became accepted. The phonograph Museum and presentation not just a museum of texts as its name version, its prehensile trunk even grips a was later succeeded by the audiocassette. Now there It is this marginal experimentation that I would indicate. These are images of mos- Sivaite trident. This image also features in are many interactive products available for the com- observed most recently whilst being shown ques whose function is incontrovertibly a the prelude to the display. In some respects puter-literate Muslim – from various indexed and through another relatively recent aspect of part of Islamic practice and whose form the foreign viewer is reminded of Buraq – hyper-linked Qur’ans accessible through the inter- modernity in Indonesia: the Islamic muse- need not follow the established patterns of the magical beast said to have carried net, to CD-ROM packages designed for users who um, or more particularly the Bayt al-Qur’an the Islamic ‘centre’. Rather, the images free- Muhammad on his night journey: our guide wish to learn to recite the Qur’an at home. Perhaps of Jakarta’s Taman Mini.3 Here one walks, as ly recall the ancient architectural styles of did indeed remark that this was the case. the most astounding aspect of the CD-ROM is its ca- it were, from the margin of the Qur’an into the archipelago. However, she added that some visitors had pacity to join the visual and aural experiences of the the margins of the Islamic world and on to The third hall was for me the key to the en- complained about the inclusion of such fig- Qur’an. Yet, like its bakelite predecessor, the CD- what some Muslims would find marginally tire exhibit, displaying a collection of ures and also stated that there was no men- ROM has evoked a modern debate over the applica- Islamic. I say this not to be glib, but rather to Qur’ans and some of the core texts of the Is- tion of this journey in the Qur’an. Why tion of such technology and the Islamic qualifica- raise some old questions. Can a cultural bias lamic sciences used throughout the Muslim should such objects be displayed in the tions of its creators.2 be applied to the presentation of Islam and world – from exegeses to grammatical trea- home of the Qur’an? In their wisdom, the in what sense is something Islamic? The tises. Some are lithographed, others copied curators have placed their Buraqs – even if In Jakarta today, one is made aware of Bayt al-Qur’an raises both questions. by hand on European paper or locally-man- they were not intended to represent Buraq modern technologies (i.e. aural and visual). The visitor to the Bayt al-Qur’an is at first ufactured bark paper. Few are dated. Here – among the texts and images marshalled to In terms of access to them, however, there struck by the new and spacious building at the irrefutable beauty of the Arabic script is represent their imagined u m m a. ♦ exists a dividing line between the wealthy the outskirts of Taman Mini. After passing on display and the undeniable calligraphic and the poor – in much the same way as the copies of the Qur’an displayed glass cases unity of the u m m a is reinforced. In the back- elevated toll roads of Jakarta divide the elite and paying a modest fee, one enters the ground, yet another CD-ROM emits a recita- suburbs with their satellite dishes, from the first hall of the main exhibition. Here one tion that would incite a remarkably similar crowded slums and their minarets. In the encounters various framed pages of the reaction in Muslims throughout the world. streets one often hears, as in most other m u s h a f (the text itself), each decorated in its In this sense the third hall is not the pre- Muslim countries, recordings of the Qur’an margins in a style intended to represent the serve of any one culture but displays the made by famous readers in one of the ap- particular provincial culture of the artist. universality of Islam as defined by its re- proved recitations. Bookshops popular with Were all these pages to be compiled – and if vealed book and the sciences it has created. the middle classes – like the ‘Gramedia’ and indeed there were enough – then perhaps ‘Gunung Agung’ chains – regale their cus- we would be confronted by a peculiarly In- What is Islamic here? tomers with the latest in interactive soft- donesian Qur’an whose assembly mirrored It is thus in the subsequent displays that ware replete with translations into Indone- the national motto – ‘Unity in diversity’ the coherence of the exhibition seems to sian, hyper-linked suras and floating graph- (Bhineka tunggal ika). Yet this national unity break down. Here are fabrics (batik and ikat) ics. Not all of these programmes are assem- is, or perhaps was, underwritten by a politi- and cultural artefacts – from ceremonial bled officially by the u l a m a, but are rather cal ideology and not the majority faith of its daggers and Acehnese headstones to ob- the creations of software designers and en- inhabitants. Until recently in Indonesia, the jects of everyday life. ‘What is particularly Is- gineering students, some of whom are at- various cultures were only allowed to ex- lamic here?’ the viewer might ask. Many of tached to particular ideological schools. In press their differences in the supposedly the items on display could well have been many ways these designers are repeating harmless margins of national culture: in art made or used by non-Muslims; but then the process of interpretation and presenta- and music. The political text of Pancasila4 r e- again so are many of the artefacts displayed tion performed by individual calligraphers, mained immutable and untranslatable and in Cairo’s museum of Islamic arts. What per- publishers and printers. Some are perhaps permeated every aspect of New Order In- haps matters here is that these objects rep- unconsciously applying their own regional d o n e s i a . resent for their users a totality of Islamic ex- or supra-regional Islamic imagery to the The second hall of the Bayt al-Qur’an also perience where daily life cannot be extract- margins of any given medium; for it is in the contains many images representative of a ed from faith. These objects are perhaps for margins of the Qur’an that a freedom to pride in the historical Islamization of the some Indonesian Muslims seen as a part of decorate is granted, whilst the text itself re- archipelago. If the first hall was concerned their Islamic heritage, an impression that mains eternal and immutable. This is also with rendering the universal Indonesian, would not be shared by, for instance, a Mo- relevant for the internet where presentation then the second is about proving the histor- roccan or an Uzbek. is often equated with accessibility. A well- ical credentials of that claim. There are thus But perhaps the strangest items on dis- designed interactive product complete with images and models of the court mosques of play in the fourth hall are two clay models of

President Bill Clinton and former Minister of Religious Affairs Michael Laffan is a doctoral candidate at the School Tarmizi Taher of Asian Studies, University of Sydney and a tutor at observing at the the Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National Mushaf Al Quran. University. E-mail: [email protected]

N o t e s 1 . Tijdschrift voor de Indische Taal-, Land- en V o l k e n k u n d e. XLII (1900): 393–427. 2 . Peter Mandaville (1999), ‘Digital Islam: C h a n g i n g the Boundaries of Religious Knowledge?’ ISIM Newsletter, 2, pp. 1, 23. 3 . Taman Mini is Indonesia’s most famous assembly of musealized culture set around a decorative l a k e containing a scale model of the archipelago. I tw a s established largely upon the initiative of I b u Tien Suharto. 4 . The five principles of the Indonesian state as propagated by Sukarno: Belief in one God, National Unity, Social Justice, Popular Sovereignty through Consensus, and Just and Civilized H u m a n i t a r i a n i s m . 5 . The traditional mount of Visnu (and currently t h e national emblem of Indonesia) upon whose chest the Pancasila is displayed. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 19

Southeast Asia IMTIYAZ YUSUF Aspects of Islam in

Thai Muslims and their co-religionists in Sri Lanka and Burma provide three examples of Muslim minority communities living in Theravada Buddhist majority countries. Two main groups comprise the Thai Mus- Thailand Today lim community: the ‘native Muslims’, or the Malays residing in the southern provinces, and the ‘settled/nat- cal social manners, perspectives, formalities of the inadequate attention given by the uralized’ Muslims of different ethnic backgrounds re- and practices. They share the Southeast party to specific Muslim matters and of the siding across the country – hence the ethnic, linguis- Asian social demeanour and conventions of breaking of electoral promises. These disap- tic, cultural and political variation within the Thai moderation, compromise and mutual con- pointments caused them to form in 1988 a Muslim community. The southern Muslims make up sultation. Thai Muslims maintain, express Thai Muslim political faction called the Wah- the majority (approximately 700,000, or 80%) of the and symbolize their identity through reli- dah (Unity), whose priority is to address de- total current Thai Muslim population (approximately gious institutions such as the mosque, p o n- velopmental problems facing the Thai Mus- 5-7 million). d o k or Madrasah and the office of the Chu- lim community. It has been described as an l a r a t c h a m o n t r i /Shaikh al-Islam,3 as well as ethnic movement seeking to achieve the in- Islam is the second main religion in Thai- through Islamic festivals celebrated at the terests of the Thai Muslims from within the land, with Muslims constituting the largest national level, including Maulid al-Nabi. political system.5 The 300 years old Masjid Talok Manok religious minority. Thailand’s history of The Wahdah sees itself as an independent in Bacho district, Narathiwat, Thailand Islam dates back to the Ayutthaya Dynasty Islamic education in Thailand political group ready to support any politi- (1350-1767), when the country was still Historically, the famous p o n d o k system of cal party that promises to pay special atten- known as Siam. The independent Malay Islamic education was instituted in Pattani tion to developmental issues and problems kingdoms to the south had not yet been in- and is noted for its celebrated scholars such facing Thai Muslims. Since its inception, it corporated. They were not to become part as Ahmad bin Muhammad Zain al-Fatani has aligned itself with the New Aspiration of Thailand until 1902. Islam arrived from and Daud al-Fatani, who played a pivotal Party (NAP) or Kuam Wang Mai (Thai) also various directions: the Malay-Indonesian role in the spread and development of Is- known as Harappan Baru (Malay) estab- archipelago, Yemen (Hadhramawt), Persia, lamic education in Southeast Asia. Their in- lished in 1990. The Muslim members of the India, Burma, China and Cambodia. tellectual influence has a left a lasting mark parliament from the Wahdah have obtained The establishment of Islam in Malacca, on the development of Islamic scholarship. cabinet posts for the first time in the three during the reign of Sultan Iskandar, led to Initially, the Thai state considered the edu- recently democratically elected coalition the spread of the early syncretic Islam in the cational programmes implemented by the governments since 1992. However, the po- A Surau ( Musalla / Prayer house) at Southeast Asian archipelago, reaching Pat- p o n d o k to be out-dated. Not recognizing litical alignment of the Wahdah could Natanjong, Yaring, Pattani district, tani by 1387. The upper southern Thai their moral-cultural relevance, the idea was change in view of the implications that the T h a i l a n d province of Songkhla marks the language to streamline them along modern-secular current economic crisis may have for the border between Malay and Thai-speaking educational lines.4 Finally, upon Muslim next parliamentary election. Muslims. There was minimal spreading of protest, the religio-moral aspects of this de- Despite differing approaches according to Malay Islamic religiosity beyond Songkhla. mand for an integrated form of education as political party, the Thai Muslim members of This was partly due to consolidation of the a means of maintaining Muslim identity and the Parliament and the Senate agree upon ‘orthodoxy of Singhalese (Theravada) Bud- preparing the youth morally for modern the urgent need to address specific devel- dhism, which had been introduced into the professional life were recognized. This led opmental matters such as the improvement Indo-chinese Peninsula by the Mons of to the setting up of Islamic Private Schools. of the infra-structure and economic devel- Burma and was disseminated further by the Contemporary Islamic education in Thai- opment of the Muslim majority provinces T h a i ’1 already a century prior, following the land is cultivated through both the p o n d o k, within the IMT-GT (Indonesia, Malaysia, decline of Hindu-Sanskrit culture and Ma- which offers solely religious education, and Thailand-Growth Triangle) programme. Other hayana Buddhism in the Menam and the combined educational programmes dis- important matters include facilitating travel An old Muslim house in Thailand Mekong basins. One may remark that the seminated by the Islamic Private Schools. arrangements for Thai pilgrims to the Hajj, encounter between Malay Islam and Thai These latter are under the supervision of the obtaining legal permission for Thai Muslim Buddhism was one of two religious ‘native Ministry of Education. Both types of institu- females to wear the h i j a b in public places type’ orthodoxies founded on ethno-lin- tions are manned by graduates of religious (which has been granted) and the establish- guistic distinctions. seminaries and universities from Malay-In- ment of an Islamic bank as an alternative fi- The other arrivals of Islam into Thailand donesian Archipelago, al-Azhar in Egypt, nancial institution. were from various directions of the country, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, India, Pakistan and In the current Thai government led by the made up mostly of immigrant Muslims of T u r k e y . Democrats, the Foreign Minister is Dr Surin different sectarian and ethnic backgrounds. Pitsuwan, a prominent Thai Muslim member The central plains of the country comprise Thai Muslims on the political of the Democrat Party. Mr Wan Muhammad Thai Muslims of Persian, Pakistani, Indone- s t a g e Nor Matta, member of the Wahdah and sian and Cham extraction. While those re- The Thai Muslim minority participated in deputy leader of the NAP currently in oppo- Masjid Saiburi, Pattani district, siding in the northern provinces of Lam- the national political process during both its sition, is serving as elected speaker of the T h a i l a n d pang, Chiangmai and Chiang Rai are of Ben- democratic and non-democratic eras. This Thai parliament and is president of the Na- gali, Burmese and Yunnanese (Chinese) ori- engagement has earned Thai Muslims recog- tional Assembly. Muslim support for the gin, having migrated to Thailand for eco- nition within the political system. Thai Mus- Wahdah faction is increasing in the south Dr. Imtiyaz Yusuf, College of Islamic Studies, nomic and political reasons (they were flee- lim politicians have represented different po- and is gaining popularity among Thai Mus- Prince of Songkla University, Thailand. ing from religious persecution at the hands litical parties in the various parliamentary lims residing in other parts of the country. E-mail: [email protected] of the communists in China and the nation- elections that have taken place in the coun- The next elections will be a test of the polit- alists in Burma.).2 There are also converts to try since its emergence as a constitutional ical popularity of the Democrat Party, the N o t e s Islam either through marriage or religious monarchy in 1932. This era also witnessed NAP and other parties among the Thai Mus- 1 . G. Coedès, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia conversion. Most Thai Muslims are Sunnis, the southern Muslim struggle against the lims. (Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii, 1971) yet there is also a small Shia community be- policy of ‘Thai-ization’. Over the decades, the Thai Muslims and p .2 1 8 . longing to both the Imami and Bohras/ Thai Muslim politicians representing Mus- Buddhists have come to understand and 2 . Suthep Soonthornpasuch, ‘Islamic Identity in Mustali Ismailis sub-groups. lim majority constituencies have long been recognize their ethnic and religio-cultural Chiengmai City: A Historical and Structural Apart from ethnic differences, there is also concerned about developmental problems identities. The enlightened of both commu- Comparison of Two Communities’, PhD linguistic diversity within the Thai Muslim facing Muslims such as: educational amelio- nities have realized the need to move away dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1977. community. The majority of Muslims in the ration, economic progress, cultural-religious from rigidity and exclusivity. Yet there re- Also David Wilson and David Henley, ‘Northern south speak Malay, while those residing in freedom, and political recognition. main several development issues, in the Comfort: The Contented Muslims of Chiang Mai’. other parts of Thailand converse in Thai, The political engagement of Thai Muslims areas of education and economy of the Bangkok Post, 4 January 1995, pp. 33,40. both at home and in public. They are no has also undergone transformation since Muslim sector, to be addressed – both pub- 3 . Imtiyaz Yusuf, ‘Islam and Democracy in Thailand: longer familiar with the languages of their the recent rekindling of the democratic licly and privately. Reforming the Office of Chularajamontri/Shaikh a n c e s t o r s . process. Until 1988, Thai Muslim politicians The inter-religious dynamic in Thailand re- a l-Islam’, Journal of Islamic Studies (Oxford Centre represented various constituencies on a flects the need for dialogue and negotiation. for Islamic Studies) vol. 9 no. 2 (July 1998): Islamic identity in Thailand personal basis. But this is now changing. But most importantly, it reflects the ability 2 7 7-2 9 8 . In Southeast Asia, religious identity is The Democrat Party of Thailand, represent- on the part of the political authorities to rec- 4 . Hasan Madmarn, The Pondok & Madrasah in Patani often linked to ethnicity: Malays are Muslim; ing the middle class, has been the most ognize the ethno-religious variety. ♦ (Bangi: Universiti Kebangsan Malaysia, 1999). Thais are Buddhist; and Chinese are either popular political party in southern Thailand 5 . Suria Saniwa bin Wan Mahmood, ‘De-Radical- Christian or syncretic Taoist/Buddhist. Al- and has long been the main political voice ization of Minority Dissent- A Case Study of the though ethno-religious constructs shape of Thai Muslims. However, several long-time Malay-Muslim Movement in Southern Thailand’, identities, it can be said that in Thailand, Thai Muslim politicians aligned with the De- Master’s thesis, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Muslims and Buddhists share nearly identi- mocrat party have withdrawn, complaining Malaysia, 1998. 2 0 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

A s i a LINDA WALDBRIDGE I n t e r - c o m m u n a l

Pakistan and Indonesia in terms of religious leadership represent – in some respects – opposite situa- tions. In both societies we find a significant ‘legalis- tic’ vs. ‘Sufi’ divide, but the two forms of Islam are ex- Violence in Pakistan pressed and played out in different ways. Most importantly, they have different relationships with their governments that have produced drastically different results. and Indonesia

In January 1998, I attended a gathering of out to protect the congregates gathered for self to a dervish as a young boy, sat in the m a d r a s a s in Qom a generation ago. Of Fulbrighters in Lahore – both Pakistani and prayers. The Christian community of Pak- midst of some of his devotees. Others course, the p e s a n t r e n s can also be leaders in American. Just having returned from In- istan also feels besieged as a result of death among his followers took me aside and told sectarian violence as their resentment to- donesia, where I had been teaching at a sentences imposed on Christians accused of me how the recently rebuilt i m a m b a r g h a h wards the government can be aimed at any- government-run Islamic institute, I told the blasphemy. While tensions between Mus- had been destroyed by Sunnis a few years one who seems favourable to it. Since it is others that I had been struck by how much lims and Christians have existed for deca- ago. ‘It is the m a u l a v i s,’ they said. They ex- part of government policy to recognize and the government of Indonesia controlled re- des, these accusations and the violence as- plained that they were not singling out only protect the rights of five religious communi- ligious matters. It set the curriculum for the sociated with them are a phenomenon of Sunni m a u l a v i s. They did not like any reli- ties, the minorities tended to be subdued in institutes, appointed faculty, and hired the the late 1980s and 1990s. gious leaders who divided people and insti- their criticism of the government. graduates to work in the bureaucracy as ex- gated hatred. On the other hand, those who were con- perts on Islamic matters. These graduates, Why the violence? In the city of Gujrat, the leader of the Shi’a sidered ‘the u l a m a ’ of Indonesia, the ones of course, would be expected to be mem- While religious tensions are hardly the is not a man who studied at a m a d r a s a. who had completed their studies in reli- bers of the ruling Golkar party. The govern- only factor influencing riots and fighting in Rather, his father had been the Shi’ite head- gious law, etc., have posed no threat to the ment did not permit people who had gone Indonesia, religion certainly is of impor- man of the area, and now the mantle of government. In fact, in the face of the most through the centuries-old p e s a n t r e n e d u c a- tance when assessing violence on the is- leadership had fallen on his shoulders. He obvious corruption, these men have tended tional system to enter the government insti- lands of Java, Ambon, and Sumatra. In Java too had little taste for m a u l a v i s and prided to remain silent rather than be a voice of tutes unless they had gone to a government and Ambon, clashes between Muslims and himself on the peaceful relations that he protest. I spoke to a member of the Council school as well. The traditional p e s a n t r e n ( a Christians have taken many lives. had helped to promote between Sunnis and of Ulama, which is essentially a committee religious boarding school), which is a cross In Sumatra, the weakening of the regime Shi’as of this town – though the two com- that issues fatwas. It was the council’s job, between a dervish conventicle and an Indi- has unleashed decades-old resentments munities lived in separate quarters. he said, to convey to the people the wishes an ashram – is a completely independent fa- over the issue of who defines and controls In Pakistan, religious leaders of all vari- of the government rather than to advise the cility. It is run by a k i y a i, a Sufi-like figure Islam. eties function independently of the govern- government about the Islamic position on who holds his position through heredity as In Karachi a Roman Catholic priest of Goan ment, though certainly the government is an issue. One example is that of population well as through the recognition he receives descent told me, ‘[The province of] Sindh is very keen on having the support of Islamic control. After initial resistance, the ulama in society. These k i y a is were being heavily saturated with the culture of Sufism. Go be- groups. Zia al-Haq, the military leader who came around to the government’s thinking pressured to conform to government poli- yond Karachi and you will find a lot of p i r s. took over Pakistan in a coup in the 1980s, and actively promoted birth control as a cies and to be part of the Golkar party. Sufis and p i r s have the highest regard for tried to placate and thus control the leading sound Islamic idea. At this time of crisis, When I finished my presentation, a Pak- the human being. They do not speak of the Islamic groups (principally the Jamaat-i Isla- most of these men may lack the prestige istani man in the room said that he wished supremacy of any religion, but they speak of mi) by inaugurating laws that could be por- necessary for constructive leadership. While that the Pakistanis had someone trying to the unity of mankind.’ In his eyes and in the trayed as being in keeping with the Shariah; they might have received points for being control their religious leaders. He, with oth- eyes of so many other Pakistanis, including the h u d o o d (criminal) laws and the blasphe- somewhat open-minded and tolerant of ers chiming in, said that Pakistan had just the people listening to my presentation on my laws being the most controversial. But peoples of other religions – at least those the opposite problem: that the government Indonesia in Lahore, it is not the p i r s or the neither Zia nor the succeeding govern- that are legally recognized – they also have had no control over the m a u l a v i s and that traditional religious leaders that are the ments have been successful in completely not spoken out against the abuses of the they were making a mess of the country. problem in society. Rather, it is the m a u l a v i s winning over the Islamic groups. While Suharto regime. They wished that the government could who are causing the dissension, the clerics Nawaz Sharif has made many overtures, the rein them in, as they seem to have done in who deliver Friday sermons and speak for Jamaat regularly protest his policies. Obvi- The two extremes I n d o n e s i a . the narrowest of interpretations of Islam. Es- ously, the government does not have a When the governments of Pakistan and Not long after that meeting, violence sentially, the m a u l a v i s are fighting a proxy great deal of say in the activities of the Is- Indonesia have actively intervened in reli- erupted in Indonesia. In Pakistan, inter-com- war between Saudi Arabia and Iran – a war lamist groups, yet it will step on the rights of gious matters, they helped (whether inad- munal violence continued to escalate. The that the Pakistani government does not dis- minorities in order to try to placate even the vertently or not) to produce radicalism in press regularly reported attacks by Sunnis c o u r a g e . most radical organizations. different sectors of their religious communi- and Shi’a on one another’s mosques in the ties. While the Sufis of Pakistan continue to Punjab. Indeed, I visited some of the The situation in Pakistan The situation in Indonesia have a more or less stabilizing effect on so- mosques that had been attacked. In the of- At an i m a m b a r g h a h in Lahore – a place Indonesia presents a very different pic- ciety, the situation for their Indonesian fice of one, the filing cabinet was stocked devoted to the remembrance of the Imam ture. I visited some of the p e s a n t r e n s, as I counterparts is more volatile. In both coun- with guns and rifles, which were brought Hussein – a man who had apprenticed him- was interested in observing the lives of the tries attempts have been made to co-opt students in these boarding schools. There Islam for political purposes. While the In- was enormous variety among the p e- donesian government has successfully con- Continued from front page: Kosovo / b y Ger Duijzings s a n t r e n s. Some did follow a government trolled religious leadership, the government curriculum with a full spectrum of courses, of Pakistan, in failing to do so, has encour- community in Kosovo. After many years of first Albanian attack on a Serbian Orthodox while others maintained their traditional aged sectarianism. ♦ political unrest and ethnic tension, Serbs monastery. According to Serbian sources, role – a place where one memorizes the have developed a strong sense of suspicion the Albanians claimed the monastery as be- Koran and the hadith and lives a life of – or even outright paranoia – of anyone who longing originally to the Albanian Orthodox prayer. These are the places where the In- appears not to be ‘one of them’. Church. Seven monks and a nun, as well as a donesian Sufi tradition is preserved. The in- The highpoint of the religious gathering few dozen Serb citizens who had taken shel- dependence of some of these boarding in Zoc˘isˇte was a circumambulatory proces- ter in the monastery, were taken hostage. schools from government control became sion three times around the church on the Although they were later released, the most obvious to me when I was visiting the morning of July 14, headed by priests and monastery remained under Albanian con- northern part of the island of Madura off the flag-bearers carrying Serbian flags and a trol for several weeks, until it was taken back coast of Java. On the birthday of the banner with an image of the two patron by Serbian forces. ♦ Prophet, thousands of people – men in their saints. During my visit, most Gypsies re- traditional sarongs and p e c c e s (the so-called mained to the side, clearly showing that the ‘Sukarno hat’) and women covered in their whole event, in this particular place and j i l b a b s – were making their way to the beach time, was to be primarily interpreted as a where a huge sound system had been as- demonstration of Serb presence in Kosovo – sembled for speeches. In the villages nearby amidst a ‘sea’ of Muslim Albanians. It was This text has been drawn and adapted from were p e s a n t r e n s where serious young men part of a much wider ‘offensive’ by the Ser- G e r Duijzings’s PhD thesis, Religion and the Politics wandered about clutching hand-written bian Orthodox Church to strengthen its of Identity in Kosovo, University of Amsterdam, texts to their breasts. It was in places such as presence in Kosovo. It is not surprising that M a y 1999; forthcoming, London: Hurst, 1999. these that resistance to Dutch colonial rule during the war, which commenced in spring had been organized and where further re- Dr Linda Waldbridge is visiting research associate at 1998, the monastery of Zoc˘i te became one Dr Ger Duijzings is lecturer in Serbian and Croatian sistance to tyranny could also be fostered. the Center for Philanthropy, Indiana University/Pur- of its local arenas: on 21 July 1998, it was Studies at the School of Slavonic and East European Certainly I saw the potential for anti-govern- due University, Indianapolis, Indiana, USA. taken by the Kosovo Liberation Army, the Studies, London, UK. E-mail: [email protected] ment activity much like that found in the E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 21

South Asia MARC GABORIEAU Transnational Islamic

There has been much speculation on the significance of the Tablighi Jama’at, the workings of which remain secretive. The main controversy relates to its stance on political matters. Since its foundation, it M o v e m e n t s : has claimed to be completely aloof from politics. However, doubts have been sporadically raised as to the reality of this apolitical position, particularly in Pakistan where some well-known members of the movement were recently involved in the Afghan Tablighi Jama’at problem and in internal politics. i n P o l i t i c s ?

ture in Urdu, mostly produced by an institu- from 1950 onwards). Starting from 1956, he ma’at is closely linked with the Deobandi tion closely linked to the Tablighi Jama’at, established branches in the Afro-Asian school, which has always been highly politi- the Nadwatul-‘ulama. The literature is com- countries. Lately the movement has also cized and which currently backs the Taliban prised of biographies of the founder, been active in China and Central Asia. In the movement in Afghanistan. Muhammad Ilyas Kandhalawi (1885-1944), hagiography, this expansion is openly pre- Although the final interpretation of the of his son and successor, Muhammad Yusuf sented as a planned conquest of the world significance of Tablighi Jama’at is not yet at (1917-1965), and of their close associates, in a wording and spirit reminiscent of the hand, scholars should not be too irenical particularly Muhammad Zakariyya (1898- medieval holy war or j i h a d: Tablighi Jama’at and manichaean, putting on one side purely 1982), who produced the edifying books is presented as a militant movement which spiritual, peaceful and apolitical move- used in the movement under the collective organizes people quasi militarily. It is able to ments (among which Tablighi Jama’at name The Teachings of Islam.2 For the period mobilize millions of people over the five would be the best example); and on the after 1965, biographies are not available for continents, as one can observe in the annu- other side the politically committed and In’amul-Hasan, who ruled the movement al meetings called i j t i m a’ or on special occa- often violent Islamists which are represent- from 1965 to 1995. In’amul-Hasan died re- sions such as the funeral of In’amul Hasan in ed, for example, in South Asia by the Ja- cently and his biography has not yet come Delhi in 1995. It evidently aims to build on ma’at-I Islami founded by Maududi (1903- out. However, the movement having be- Muslim solidarity across borders, ignoring 1 9 7 9 ) . come by that time conspicuous, there are the nation-states. To my mind the dividing line is not be- external testimonies (unfortunately dis- tween apolitical and political movements; it parate and not continuous) about its Tight organization is between two ways of conceiving politics. spreading and workings. Tablighi Jama’at has a considerable hold On the one hand, with the Islamists, we on those who enter its fold. It has remained have a short-sighted conception of politics Origins and expansion from the beginning very centralized: the in the framework of the nation-states, which The first striking point of this history is leadership has been jealously kept by the aims at conquering power by the shortest that the very foundation of the movement is lineage of the founder, with a Centre route. On the other hand, with other schools firmly rooted in politics. It emerged in the ( m a r k a z ) at Nizamuddin, from which author- like the Tablighis and the Deobandis, there decade of 1920-1930, which is crucial in In- ity is delegated to chiefs (a m i r) in the coun- is a far-sighted conception of politics. Going dian history: it witnessed a growing political tries, provinces, districts and towns. Local beyond the narrow borders of nation-states, divergence of the Hindu and Muslim com- leaders from all over the world come regu- they have not set fixed short-term ends. munities, which ultimately led to the parti- larly to the Centre for training. Members Putting politics most often in parentheses, tion of the subcontinent between India and who want to remain or even rise in the they first build individuals and institutions, Pakistan in 1947. This hostility was accom- movement must prove their commitment, which over time may exert a more lasting T a b l i g h i Tablighi Jama’at, a transnational Muslim panied by fierce competition in proselytiz- showing that they are not reluctant to political influence. ♦ preachers from proselytizing movement founded in India in ing: Hindu revivalists of the Arya Samaj tried spend their own time and money for it. They Mauritius at the 1927, has its headquarters in Nizamuddin, a to bring back Muslim descendants of con- have to demonstrate the capacity to lead an airport of Saint- suburb of Delhi. From there it expanded verts to their fold; and Muslims, in order to austere life according the model of the Marc Gaborieau is a senior research fellow at the Denis, Reunion quietly all over the world from 1948 onward, win their backing and comfort the other Prophet and his Companions as described CNRS, and a professor at the EHESS in Paris. He is I s l a n d finally becoming conspicuous and influen- Muslims, created organizations for ‘preach- in the edifying literature, which is circulated currently head of the Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et tial by the end of the 1970s. It was founded ing’, a word which was rendered by the Ara- and indefinitely commented upon at the l’Asie du Sud (Paris, EHESS/CNRS) and co-director of on six basic principles: the invitation (d a ’ w a, bic term tabligh. All of these organizations meetings. This hold on its members is so the Programme de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur or t a b l i g h) to Islam is not the affair of reli- proved ephemeral, except the most recent- complete that sociologist Felice Dasetto de- le Monde Musulman Phériphérique (Paris, EHESS). gious specialists, but the responsibility of all ly created Tablighi Jama’at. One would be scribed the movement as a ‘total institu- E-mail: [email protected] Muslims who must devote their time and tempted to say that it survived because it tion’, and compared it to the ‘sects’ which money to it; one should not wait for people was, unlike the others, apolitical. Upon clos- have multiplied in the contemporary world. N o t e s to come to hear the preaching, but rather er examination, however, politics always re- But to what end is this power? This is diffi- 1 . Marc Gaborieau, ‘Tablîg hî djamâcat, Encyclopaedia preachers should travel to reach the people; mained in the background. It is not coinci- cult to answer since the inner core of the of Islam, 2n d ed., Leiden, E.J. Brill, Vol. X, 1998, preaching is done by self-financing itinerant dental that the only pamphlet that Muham- Tablighi Jama’at is not open to outsiders; pp.38-39; ‘Renouveau de l’Islam ou stratégie groups; the mingling of all social classes is mad IIyas ever wrote was addressed to the nor is it open to ordinary members who politique occulte? La Tâblighî jamâ’at dans le sous- obligatory within these groups; the primary politicians on the eve of partition. It would have not risen in the hierarchy and pledged continent indien et dans le monde’, in Catherine objective is to deepen the faith of those therefore be more precise to say that – con- their commitment. None of those having Clémentin Ojha (ed.) (1997), Renouveaux religieux who are already Muslims, proselytism to- trary to other Tabligh organizations – he reached this inner core have ever spoken. en Asie, Paris, École Française d’Extrême Orient, ward non-Muslims being marginal; and the had a long-term political strategy which es- Given its planned strategy of the conquest p p . 211-229; ‘The Transformation of Tablighi promotion of the unity of Muslims being a chewed short-term political involvement, of the world, which has been consistently Jama’at into a Transnational Movement under primary objective, theological as well as po- and which ensured the durability of his maintained, and the tight organization re- t h e Leadership of Muhammad Yusuf, 1944-1965’, litical controversies are prohibited inside m o v e m e n t . maining in the hands of one lineage, it is dif- in Muhammad Khalid Masud (ed.) Travellers in the movement. The world-wide expansion of the Tablighi ficult to believe that spiritual development F a i t h. Studies of Tablighi Jama’at as a Transnational The secretive nature of the movement Jama’at was the main task of Muhammad is the only aim. It would not be necessary to Movement for Faith Renewal, Leiden, E.J. Brill makes it impossible to find direct evidence Ilyas’ son and successor, Muhammad Yusuf. keep such a tight grip on members if this (forthcoming). See also: ‘Islam on Tour: Die indo- of political strategies. There is nonetheless After the disturbances which followed the were the case. Given its secrecy, however, pakistanische Bewegung Tablîghî Jamâcat’, O r i e n t, an indirect means of doing so: reconsider- Partition in 1947, he first consolidated the its ultimate aim is difficult to discern. vol. 39/no 2, pp. 219-234; Yoginder S. Sikand ing its history, instead of focusing, as is usu- movement all over the subcontinent. The Nonetheless, there are several indications, (1998), ‘The Origins and Growth of the T a b l i g h i ally done, on self-statements and on doctri- newly drawn border between India and Pak- especially in Pakistan and Bangladesh, that J a m a a t in Britain’, Islam and Christian Muslim nal literature, and trying to see if one can istan was ignored: as a transnational move- Tablighi Jama’at is far from being indifferent R e l a t i o n s, vol. 9/no 2, 171-192. read in this history indications of political in- ment, Tablighi Jama’at does not consider to politics. Prominent members have been 2 . For a conspectus of this hagiographical literature, v o l v e m e n t .1 The historical literature con- borders to be significant. With this base closely associated with the army and the in- see the biographies of the leaders of the Tablighi cerning Tablighi Jama’at is of two kinds, in- firmly established, Yusuf began to systemat- telligence service active in Afghanistan. The Jama’at published in Marc Gaborieau, Nicole ternal and external. From the founding of ically extend his organization worldwide. He president of Pakistan, Mohammad Rafiq Grandin, Pierre Labrousse and Alexandre Popovic the movement until 1965 – a time when the established bridgeheads in the two areas Tarar, is a Tablighi; he is believed to be the (eds) (1992), Dictionnaire biographique des savants movement was inconspicuous – the sources which he considered crucial for the world- main promoter of the new bill for the en- et grandes figures du monde musulman périphérique are exclusively internal and consist in bio- wide expansion of his movement (Arab forcement of the s h a r i ’ a. More generally, in du XIXe siècle à nos jours, Paris, EHESS, fasc. No.1, graphical (or rather hagiographical) litera- countries, from 1948 and Western countries its origins and in its leadership, Tablighi Ja- pp. 6-20. 2 2 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

South Asia ABDUL KARIM KHAN The Servants of God

In the current deafening criticism of Jewish, Christ- ian, Hindu or Islamic fundamentalism and zealotry, it is hard to believe that Islam can inspire its adherents to social peace, democratic politics, economic jus- in the North-West tice, spiritual and secular education, protection against domestic and communal violence, and a broader humanitarian volunteerism. These were, however, some of the cherished ideals by which the Khudai Khidmatgars (Servants of God) lived. Frontier Province of

The Khudai Khidmatgars were a Populist Party of deeply religious Muslims among the Pukhtuns (Pathans) in the North-West Frontier Province of British India (now in British India Pakistan). The movement was founded in 1930 by Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1889-1986), Pukhtun’ was simply an oxymoron. But the provincial government started suppressing Their struggle was then carried on by sever- known among his people as the ‘pride of Khudai Khidmatgars brought about a major the Khudai Khidmatgars, killing in the peri- al political splinter parties in the Frontier the Afghans’, and as the ‘Frontier Gandhi’ in change when thousands of them swore not od of April-June 1930 approximately 100 Province. Faced with martial law, this post- India. They had sworn to rid themselves of to touch or carry any weapons of violence, and arresting more than one thousand peo- partition generation did not flinch from re- social ills and to serve humanity, irrespec- setting an example of what some critics ple in the settled districts. Tribal agencies taliating in kind. Although the elderly Khu- tive of caste or creed at the local and nation- called extreme non-violence. In doing so, were bombed for the first time due to the dai Khidmatgars condemned this, they sim- al levels. Hence their name, ‘servants of some became open and easy targets for spreading of the movement into Afghan- ply could not control it. ♦ God.’ While the British colonial authorities their enemies and were murdered on ac- istan where it could become a problem for decried Abdul Ghaffar Khan as another trou- count of previous unsettled scores. Their the pro-British government of Nadir Shah. ble-making Indian nationalist dreaming of seeking for and granting of forgiveness for Repression further popularized the Khudai freedom, Mahatma Gandhi found in him a past feuds reflected their belief in God’s Khidmatgars, who now demanded more po- paragon of non-violence and one who drew love and His preference for forgiveness over litical reforms and liberating measures.5 his a h i m s a (non-violence) from the Holy retribution as stated in the Quran. Abdul In pursuit of their populist and non-com- Q u r a n .1 Ghaffar Khan stressed the need of ending vi- munalist agenda, the Khudai Khidmatgars’ Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a local khan, and his olence at home, in the family, and amongst provincial cabinets passed legislation that close friends of different economic back- kinsmen and neighbours. According to Ma- abolished feudal privileges that the khans, grounds devoted their lives to the teaching hatma Gandhi, non-violence with Abdul under the British patronage, had been en- of Islamic social morality, Pukhtun national Ghaffar Khan was not a policy but an article joying at the expense of the general popu- unity, and humanitarian volunteerism. What of faith. ‘The more I see him the more I love lace. The legislation also relieved the social made the Khudai Khidmatgars unique him’, wrote Gandhi to India’s viceroy Lord and economic liabilities of peasants and among the various Muslim movements in Willingdon. ‘I know of the greatness of small landowners that had been suffering the wider region were their chief hallmarks: Abdul Ghaffar Khan. He is a brave Pathan, under Muslim feudal lords and Hindu individual voluntary self-reformation; a life- […a] sincere and honest man and he walks usurers. Furthermore, it made office holders long commitment to serving humanity; rein the fear of God.’ accountable to the electorates and it de- jection of violence, discrimination, sectari- communalized such bodies through joint anism or polemical factionalism; protection Women’s rights electorates to promote mutual trust be- of non-Muslim minority rights; non-commu- The Khudai Khidmatgars were Pukhtuns, tween Hindus and Muslims. The Khudai nalism and egalitarian political philosophy; the major Afghan ethnic group living on Khidmatgars also opened up governmental and the championing of women’s and chil- both sides of the Duran Line between positions based on merit and competition. dren’s rights. Detractors of the Khudai Khid- Afghanistan and present-day Pakistan. This was done through a public service com- matgars accused them of ‘un-Afghan’ be- Women’s rights were unheard of among the mission, a practice that broke feudal mo- haviour, i.e. letting their women go outside Pukhtuns. But the Khudai Khidmatgars nopoly over official bureaucracy.6 T h e i r and take part in political activities.2 placed women’s rights at the focal point of overall anti-feudalist agenda, combined Jihad, for an individual member of the their movement, which attracted female with their insistence on equality and dignity movement, was waged against oneself; one writers and activists. They attempted to for both Muslims and non-Muslims, placed would thus strive to serve one’s parents, raise awareness of the inferior status of them in opposition to the Frontier Muslim spouse, children, relatives and neighbours. women in rural and tribal areas, where they League. New members were required to swear on were sold into marriage, and deprived of the Quran not to lie, gamble, beat their property and educational rights as imbed- P a r t i t i o n wives or children, use drugs, quarrel with ded in Islamic law. The Khidmatgars began The Khudai Khidmatgars’ social pro- neighbours, or carry guns. These simple ob- by honouring women’s rights to education gramme was halted by the worst Hindu- jectives were the most difficult to achieve in and property at the level of domicile. Their Muslim communal massacres in mid-1947 Dr A. Karim Khan is the chair of the International the Pukhtun culture, one of the most violent women’s rights agenda landed them in op- that eventually led to the partition of India Education Committee at the University of Hawaii’s in the region. What made people join the position to the mullahs. The khans also op- on 14-15 August 1947. In that fateful sum- Leeward Community College, Pearl City, where he movement so enthusiastically was the good posed the Khudai Khidmatgars because the mer of 1947, as retaliation against the Hindu teaches Asian and World History. moral example set by the leaders, who unit- latter championed peasants’ social and eco- massacre of Muslims in India, Muslim gangs ed people through the practice of Islamic nomic rights as well. The hardest blow came attacked Hindus in the Frontier Province. N o t e s morality and turned them into ‘homo khid- from the colonial authorities that saw the When the communal fighting intensified, 1 . Gandhi, M. K. (1942), Non-Violence in Peace and matiqus’ who would serve their fellow hu- movement as a threat to the British Empire due to the British colonial authorities’ failure W a r. Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, mans without seeking reward, and sacrifice in this strategically important Frontier to provide adequate safety, the Khidmat- Vol. 1, p. 298. themselves for their comfort and safety. Province – hence it was to be nipped in the gars, with great risks to their own lives, pro- 2 . Bukhari, Farigh (1957), Bacha Khan: Khan Abdul Their motto was that the service of humani- bud. Ultimately, however, their worst ene- tected thousands of Hindus in their villages. Ghaffar Khan ke Savaneh Hayat. Peshawar: ty was the best worship of God. They suc- mies were the Pukhtuns’ own mass illiteracy Their dictum was that every majority must N a y a Maktabah, pp. 54-55. ceeded in creating at the local level a cul- and ignorance that maintained their en- protect its minorities. At the time of the par- 3 . Tendulkar, D. G. (1967), Abdul Ghaffar Khan. ture of k h i d m a t - o - q u r b a n i (service and sacri- slavement to social ills, such as generation- tition, the Khudai Khidmatgars, who held N e w Delhi: Gandhi Peace Foundation, pp. 59-60. fice) through two Quranic means: s a b r - o - long blood feuds and suppression of the majority in the legislative body of the 4 . Khan, Abdul Ghaffar (1981), Zama Jwand au s a l a t h (patience and prayers). The Khudai women’s rights.4 Frontier Province, called for a separate state, J e h d o j e h a d. Kabul: Afghan State Publications, Khidmatgars summarized their mission in Pukhtunistan, in a province independent of p p .3 - 8 . the Quranic injunction of stopping evil and Social reform both India and Pakistan. They did not wish 5 . Gupta, Amit Kumar (1976), North West Frontier spreading virtue.3 The Khudai Khidmatgars’ struggle for so- to join either of the newly established Province: Legislative and Freedom Struggle, cial reform, economic justice, communal states. But the British imposed a referendum 1 9 3 2 – 1 9 4 7 . New Delhi: Indian Council of N o n - v i o l e n c e peace and brotherhood, and freedom from upon them to join either India or Pakistan. H i s t o r i c a l Research, pp. 201-206. Abdul Ghaffar Khan launched the Khudai colonialism, turned them into a national sal- They rejected what they called an illogical 6 . Rittenberg, Stephen Alan (1988), E t h n i c i t y , Khidmatgar movement primarily to unify vation movement. Their steadfast and non- and unwanted offer, and boycotted the ref- Nationalism, and the Pakhtuns: The Independence the Pukhtuns, whose Afghan tribalism had violent braving of the worse kind of opposi- erendum, which eventually worked in Movement in India’s North West Frontier Province. maintained not only division but also great tion of feudal lords, Muslim clergymen, and favour of Pakistan.7 On trumped-up charges Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, tension. To him, their mutual violence was British colonial authorities, further en- of anti-state activities, the Muslim League pp. 249-256. their worst enemy – since more Pukhtuns deared them to the masses who voted them rulers jailed many followers, often without 7 . Jansson, Erland (1981), India, Pakistan or were killed by their own kinsmen than by twice into government. As the movement trial. The persecution forced Abdul Ghaffar P a k h t u n i s t a n. Uppsala: Studia Historica k a f i r s (infidels, British). A ‘non-violent turned massive in the early 1930s, the and other leaders underground or into exile. Upsaliensia, pp. 218-222. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 23

Middle East AFSANEH NAJMABADI Writing History as if

Current histories of the Iranian Constitutional Revo- lution (1905–1909) frequently begin with the basti- nado of three Tehrani merchants, on 11 December 1905, upon the orders of Tehran’s governor. This in- Women and Gender cident, we are told, led the two leading Tehran clerics to stage a sit-in protest, demanding dismissal of the governor and the premier, as well as calling for the institution of a House of Justice. Some months later, two men of religion were killed when government M a t t e r e d soldiers attempted to break up a protesting crowd in Tehran’s Friday Mosque. This set off a chain of events and his companions worked (and continues sion had gone beyond the limits of toler- economic intrusions, and led by enlight- that culminated in the issuance of the Constitutional to work) to produce a sense of shared reli- ance and it was time for ‘great change’. ened intellectuals. Once this outline be- decree by Muzaffar al-Din Shah on 5 August 1906. By gious tragedy that crafted a sense of a The Story of the Daughters of Quchan was came accepted as the frame story of Consti- telling a different story of these same revolutionary Shi’ite community, recitations of the Story by far the most frequently cited narrative of tutionalist historiography, those events that years, I question how these particular events have of the Daughters of Quchan provided a text its kind. In this one tale, transgressions could be memorialized as the symbolic rep- come to form Iranian collective memory of that revo- for ‘national narration’, producing a sense of across many politically explosive bound- resentations of that outline found an eternal lution, while others have been merely forgotten. belonging to a national Iranian community. aries were transcribed into a remarkable place in subsequent historiography. Re- story, which included the class tension be- membering the punishment of merchants Not only in public display of grief over tween peasants and aristocrats, the ethnic, and murder of men of religion as the events common loss, but through the production sociological, and sectarian boundaries be- that sparked off the Constitutional Revolu- of a sense of national solidarity and power, tween Turkish Sunni raiding tribes and Per- tion became the memorialization of the crit- the story was effective in creating a sense of sian Shi’i settled peasants. It also dealt with ical alliance of the clergy and bazaar mer- national togetherness. As the Daughters of the selling of young virgin girls (the sexual chants. Without any place accorded to ei- Quchan became the daughters of the na- honour of the family) to outsiders who were ther women or peasants in such a plot, how- tion, our daughters, daughters of Iran, ‘we, said to have taken them across the Russian- ever, there was hardly any reason for the Iranians’ became more meaningful. Iranian border (thus betraying national hon- Daughters of Quchan to be remembered. In The dissemination of this tale acted as our) and sold them to Armenians of Ashkha- other words, the urban-centredness and such a powerful focus of national imagina- bad (thereby transgressing religious hon- male-centredness of the plot of this subse- tion that shortly after the opening of the our). Through its narration in a variety of quent historiography, as well as the central new parliament in the fall of 1906, relatives genres of revolutionary literature, this sin- place allocated in it to the alliance of the of some of the captive women demanded gle act was transcribed as signifying a multi- clergy and the bazaar, have crafted the par- that the parliament hear their grievances plicity of national, moral, and religious loss. ticular opening of the narrative. and act to punish those responsible for the Yet, in the later historiographies of the Con- The act of remembering the Story of the crime. Upon the initiative of the Majlis (the stitutional Revolution we are hard put to Daughters of Quchan then is a recuperative Iranian Parliament), the newly re-constitut- find a trace of the Daughters of Quchan. In- effort: recuperation of women into the na- ed Ministry of Justice formed a commission stead, the two other episodes mentioned tional narrative and of gender into histori- of investigation and put a number of people earlier are invariably cited as the events that ography. It is a proposition for writing a dif- of high station on trial for their responsibili- sparked the revolutionary upheavals. When ferent kind of history of modern Iran that is ty in what had become a truly national af- I first came across the story in primary interested in many issues thus far consid- fair. The investigations and the trial were sources of the Constitutional period some ered unimportant, mundane and quotidian, the first under the new regime. They thus ten years ago, I was deeply puzzled by my which are more often than not gendered became constitutive of many of the new ju- own unfamiliarity with it. I had only the through and through. And their very gen- dicial institutions. The verdict issued by the faintest recollection of having briefly en- dered-ness tells us a great deal about the Minister of Justice was brought back to the countered the story many years earlier in political culture of society. This is not simply Majlis, setting off a new round of parliamen- my first reading of the history of that revolu- a desire for a more accurate history of the tary debates and power struggles. The in- tion by Ahmad Kasravi. Nor had I come Constitutional Revolution. More important- vestigations, the trial, and their subsequent across the story in the more analytical polit- ly, it is an attempt at reconfiguration of na- political repercussions provided the con- ical histories written by such major histori- tional memory, at producing a counter- testing terrain upon which some of the cen- ans as Firaydun Adamiyat. The other events, memory, counter to a cultural setting hos- tral institutions and political concepts of the however, were in every single history of tile to a central presence of women in its im- constitutional regime took shape. Iranian Constitutionalism. Like many Irani- portant cultural texts and in its political How did a familiar tale of rural destitution ans, I had come to remember them as the memory. ♦ The story concerns young girls and and the story of yet another Turkoman raid originating events of the Constitutional women who, in 1905, had been sold by become a uniquely outrageous story, travel- Revolution. A story that had magically needy peasants to pay taxes in a bad har- ling not only the length and breadth of the moved and captured me in 1989 was simply vest year. Others had been taken as booty in country at a crucial historical moment, but not part of my cultural memory of that Rev- a raid of a village settlement by Turkoman also in between the many genres of revolu- olution. How was this to be understood? tribes. Neither of these events was extraor- tionary literature? And how, through these Why were the Daughters of Quchan forgot- dinary for its time and place. Yet, happening travels, did it contribute to the crafting of a ten? What does this massive erasure of their as they did within the political context of in- sense of ‘nation-ness’ among Iranians? How story from Iranian national history tell us creasing agitation against the central gov- did the fate of ordinary peasant girls and about the political culture of modern Iran, ernment, they became woven into a much- women provide the scenario for contesta- the constitution of the national memory, narrated tale of outrage and grievance. tion over the most critical political themes and modernist historiography? They became a ‘story’, the Story of the of the revolution and the shaping of the Some events become subjects of history Daughters of Quchan. From their pulpits, new constitutional order? I argue that in the because of how they constitute an impor- Muslim preachers lamented the fate of the Constitutionalist discourse, acts of oppres- tant part of national memory. Unlike such girls. Social Democratic militants used the sion or cruelty against women and children events, the Story of the Daughters of Quchan story as a tale of injustice of the rich and the were recited to produce condemnation of is marked as a ‘scene of forgetfulness’, a site tyranny of rulers. autocratic rule. A power that oppressed the of national amnesia. But this amnesia could The many retellings of this story within most helpless and weak was immoral and not have resulted from a lack of the story’s the literature of grievances against the old intolerable. It deserved to be overthrown. political and cultural significance for its con- regime contributed to popular mobilization Both in the narratives of grievances against temporaries. Rather, it is the larger plot of against autocracy and in favour of a consti- the autocracy, and in the rhetoric of mobi- later histories that has marked it as too in- tutional regime. These recitations also pro- lization for a constitution, women were significant to be included. Particular events vided much opportunity for the construc- cited as oppressed and dishonoured by the acquire significance through their conse- tion of a sense of ‘nation-ness’, of ‘Iranian- vices of autocratic government. Men were quent effects and subsequent narration by ness’, through a shared sense of grief that called upon to act against these vices, to rise historians. In other words, it is the conse- the teller and the audience, the writer and up against autocracy and form a constitu- quent developments and the subsequent the reader, would experience in the events’ tional government, to establish the will of historiography that deem certain events im- repeated public remembrances. In these the nation and to re-establish moral order. portant, others trivial. The broad outline of performances, both the themes of the story In most such narratives, oppression and cru- the narrative of the Constitutional Revolu- and its modes of performance were drawn elty were linked with transgressions against tion has become fixed as a revolution made from the familiar Karbala’ narrative. While women’s sexual integrity (defined as men’s possible by the alliance of progressive cler- Afsaneh Najmabadi is associate professor of the recitations, remembrances, and collec- honour). This linkage produced a multiple gy and bazaar merchants, united by their Women’s Studies, Barnard College, New York, USA. tive weeping over the tragic fate of Husayn sign that political, moral and social oppres- common opposition to foreign cultural and E-mail: [email protected] 2 4 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Middle East HALA FATTAH Culture and Identity

In comparison to other Ottoman Arab provinces, little has been written on Ottoman Iraq, and still less on Basra, historically Iraq’s main outlet to the sea. To the vast majority of Arab historians, Basra only re- i n the Work of tains its importance because of its dominant contribution to the intellectual and religious debates of early Islam. Its later development as a key trading port for the Ottoman Empire is largely glossed over by those scholars still riveted by the ‘golden age’ of an Historian of Islamic thought. And yet, Basra’s social, demographic and intellectual evolution in the 18t h and 19t h c e n- turies largely set the pattern for the province’s interaction with Istanbul and the larger region throughout the rest of the Ottoman period. Ottoman Basra

The socio-economic and cultural changes where the inhabitants of the rural districts dari’s book was also written as a barely dis- that the province of Basra underwent in the mixed and conducted business with mer- guised appeal to the Ottoman Sultan to re- latter part of the Ottoman era were of such chants from all of the towns in the region; voke decades of neglect of the Baghdadi in- enduring importance that they are now and Basra the periphery, where the tribes tellectual class, and to restore the Sunni reli- seen as influencing the governing paradigm held sway and frequently came under the gious aristocracy to favour once more. used to explain the formation of present- influence of the two Shi’i shrine cities, Najaf day Iraq. The transformed socio-political and Karbala. A growing scholarly literature, Ideology and Identity cast of the population, the revival of sectari- both in Arabic and English, has detailed Yet another anxiety in al-Haydari’s book, an movements over a decade and a half, the these two intertwined developments (the and one intimately linked to the Shi’i prob- politicization of frontiers and the diminu- most important being the works of Abdul- lem, was the increased weakness of the Ot- tion of regional affiliation are all elements lah Nafisi, Yitzhak Nakash and Selim De- toman Empire in the face of its regional and that figure in the historical development of ringil). international foes. A staunch Ottomanist, al- Iraq as a modern nation-state. And these Haydari viewed with dismay the many Euro- features were all central to the growth of Cultural movements and pean attempts throughout the 19t h c e n t u r y Basra’s societal make-up at the turn of the sectarian developments to carve up the empire. He was especially in- 2 0t h century. The most interesting aspect of the conver- dignant with regard to creeping British an- sion movement and the challenges that it nexation in Bahrain and Yemen. This led him In the last quarter of the 18t h c e n t u r y , posed to the Ottoman authorities both in to reassert a sometimes fictive Ottoman Basra was in sorry shape. Plagues, financial Basra and in Istanbul is the way it was inter- sovereignty on districts that had been at mismanagement, reverses in trade and Per- preted in the local histories of the period. By best a no-man’s land, such as Muhammara sian invasions had cut into its once thriving far the most engaging version is that of (now south-west Iran) and its adjoining vil- economy and disrupted its role as a port of Shaykh Ibrahim al-Haydari, a contemporary lages. In so doing, he traced the beginnings transit between central Iraq, Iran, Syria, the of the movement who wrote his history in of an idealized Iraqi identity, couching it in Gulf and India. However, even though the the latter part of the 19t h century. An ‘ortho- an Ottoman context and lacing it with export trade suffered, Basrawi merchants dox’ Sunni scholar whose family had deep strong Sunni overtones. Thus, at times he retained a firm grip on the inland trade roots in both the Hanafi and Shafi’i legal tra- completely disregarded the sovereignty of amongst the Arabian Peninsula, the Gulf ditions, al-Haydari wrote a local history that districts that adjoined Basra, preferring to coast and the Indian subcontinent. Horses, gave free rein to his Baghdadi-bred cyni- regard them collectively as Ottoman territo- dates, grain, textiles and other finished cism, especially with regard to the move- ry, even though these same districts had goods were circulated and bought and sold ment of conversion from Sunni to Shi’i prin- come under different jurisdiction. At the throughout the region. As a result of this ciples among the tribes of southern Iraq. Al- same time, he used the term ‘al-Iraq’ on sev- networking, a number of influential mer- Haydari’s chronicle is one of the most de- eral occasions to include these same areas, chant families from Basra itself, as well as tailed sources for this development; and awarded to Iran by international treaty. Al- from Najd (northern Arabia), al-Hasa (east- even while he uses disparaging terms to de- Haydari’s book is therefore one of the first ern Arabia), Kuwait and Muhammara scribe these mass conversions, he nonethe- works of history in the period to affix an Ot- (south-west Iran) managed to hold on to less records the names of tribes, the dates of toman-Iraqi-Sunni identity on what had his- their strong links with Bombay, despite in- their religious-ideological shift and the ram- torically been a fluctuating frontier region. creased British commercial competition. ifications these changes had on the Multi-tiered as it was, this identity perfectly This was to come to an end in the 1860s, province of Basra. expressed the flexibility and practicality of when the opening of the Suez Canal gave a ‘belonging’ and affiliation in what had been boost to exports from Iraq, Arabia and the Among the most important reactions that for centuries a regional world. Gulf, and British shippers captured the vast this movement caused was the at times en- volume of regional trade. Both develop- ergetic, though somewhat uneven cam- The permutations of identity aside, al- ments seriously affected the regional mer- paign launched by Sultan Abdul-Hamid II to Haydari’s work also redraws the configura- chant class and shook its foundations. build new schools, educate more Sunni tions of the regional commercial class in scholar-preachers and re-establish firmer Basra, showing that many of these long-dis- The fall – and partial recovery – of the re- ties with Sunni notables in Basra province. tance merchants had homes (and business- gional economy (through the revitalized Al-Haydari’s book dovetails neatly with this es) throughout the region and yearly plied land trade) mirrored the vast social and in- exercise. Throughout his history, he details their occupations in areas as diverse as Najd tellectual changes occurring in Basra from the decline of Basra’s glory and the growing or Bombay. By the end of the 19t h c e n t u r y , the latter part of the 18t h century. Two im- ignorance of its population due to the lack however, this merchant class had lost the portant developments were to have an en- of schools and, more importantly, the failure war to European shipping concerns. Trade during influence on Basrawi society. One of the Ottoman leadership to remedy the was re-routed to British India and Europe by was the increasing conversion of southern situation. And he notes that the original means of British commercial firms (many tribesmen from Sunni to Shi’i tenets, largely Basrawis were Sunnis but had lapsed into with ‘native’ agents in Baghdad and Basra) instigated by activist scholar-preachers Shi’ism because of the lack of official guid- and British ships. Al-Haydari’s book is there- from Najaf and Karbala interested both in ance and concern. fore a bittersweet look at the regional mar- defending the shrine cities from Wahhabi ket in its heyday, when Kuwaiti horse deal- fundamentalism and spreading the teach- Part of al-Haydari’s problem must have ers fielded the best mares in the India trade ings of the ‘righteous’ faith. The second was stemmed from the diminution of the posi- and Basrawi date merchants sold their prod- the attempted revitalization of Sunni tion of the intellectual class in Iraq as a uct at regional fairs. It explains the dynamics schools and Sunni education under Sultanic whole. The mid to latter part of the 19t h c e n- of culture within the context of a constantly aegis, as Abdul-Hamid II gradually came tury is known to have been a period of in- changing economic picture. It portrays round to the view that the wayward dignity for many scholarly families of Ot- socio-cultural ferment within a readily un- province of Iraq had to be reformed by toman Iraq; their livelihoods came in for re- derstandable context where intellectual means of the more systematic inculcation of newed inspection by the centralizing gover- change is perceived as a reflection of eco- Sunni precepts. To understand the implica- nors of Baghdad and Basra. Even al-Hay- nomic disruption, and the loss of one’s tions of this evolution, it is important to re- dari’s family itself was stripped of certain livelihood correspondingly injects an ur- Dr Hala Fattah is writer/editor at the Royal Institute alize that Basra was composed of two hereditary posts in the u l e m a hierarchy. It gency into the reformulation of an individ- for Interfaith Studies, Amman, Jordan. worlds: Basra the port, a bustling arena may be therefore be surmised that al-Hay- ual’s worldview. ♦ E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 25

Middle East AHMAD S. MOUSSALLI Political Islam

Most recent scholarly publications on and interests in political Islam in Lebanon cover primarily Hizbullah, the leading fundamentalist movement in Lebanon. A number of smaller movements, in particular within in Sunni Communities the Sunni community, have attracted less attention. Like their Shi’ite counterparts, most of these groups surfaced during the war years, in particular after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. of Lebanon

The political landscape of Lebanon in the known as Jamciyyat al-Masharic al-Khairiyya s u n n a (way) of the Prophet. It believes that During the Israeli invasion of 1982, the late 1990s differs markedly from that of a al-Islamiyya (Association of Islamic Philan- all political systems are living the life of pa- group launched military activities against the decade earlier. For instance, the new leader- thropic Projects), is a small Sunni group of the ganism (j a h i l i y y a). Al-Ahbash is targeted as Israelis. However it is not, for the time being, ship of Hizbullah were well able to prepare traditional fundamentalist thought. Its head- its foremost enemy because of its justifica- trying to set up an Islamic state in Lebanon, the party for the new and difficult stage of quarters are in the area around the Burj Abi tion of un-Islamic governments and of its because it believes that the Islamic state post-militia politics. Many positive steps have Haydar mosque in Beirut. Al-Ahbash is spiritu- very strong opposition to Islamic fundamen- should be a natural outcome of a particular been taken in terms of relations with the ally headed by al-Shaykh cAbd Allah al- talism. environment, which Lebanon lacks because it Lebanese state, whose legitimacy the party Habashi, a former mufti from Ethiopia. The is composed of groups that have different re- endorses. Hizbullah leaders now hold meet- group is involved with theological issues and Harakat al-Tawhid al-Islami ligions and sects. Its participation in the elec- ings with various Lebanese political factions, is anti-Shi‘ite and very secretive. For the last Harakat al-Tawhid al-Islami is the most im- toral process has reduced its original claims including bitter enemies of yesterday, like few years, al-Ahbash has become very active portant radical Sunni movement in the north- and led to its moderation. ♦ the Phalangists and the Communists. They against Islamic fundamentalist movements in ern town of Tripoli. It was founded in 1982, have even met with representatives of the Lebanon, and one of the presidents of the as- and its leader is Shaykh Sacid Shacban, a for- Lebanese government and its army. This sociation, Shaykh Nizar al-Halabi, was assassi- mer member of al-Jamaca al-Islamiyya(Islam- would have been inconceivable until recent- nated in 1995 by a militant fundamentalist ic Group). He was able to assert his power ly. Among the various Sunni fundamentalist group. The group seems to be supported by over the city in 1983 against Syria’s wishes. groups, support for the reconstruction of the Syria, which wants to further Syrian political Shacban, who comes from a lower-middle- country and the State, too, has increased. But objectives in Lebanon. class family, has been successful in attracting due to their limited size and failing popular Al-Ahbash opposes the basic doctrines of the classes of the poor in Tripoli. Shacban had support, some of these movements find diffi- modern fundamentalist movements, which it been a member of the pro-Saudi Muslim culty in participating in post-militia politics. accuses of neglecting the Prophet’s tradi- Brotherhood before setting up his movement tions. It harshly criticizes other Islamic move- in 1982. It was the outcome of unifying three Al-Ahbash ments and accuses their leaders, such as fundamentalist groups: Soldiers of God (Jun- The Sunni political groups include al-Ah- Sayyid Qutb and Hasan al-Banna, of unbelief dullah), al-Muqawama al-Shacbiyya (Popular bash, Harakat al-Tawhid, and al-Jamaca al-Is- (kufr). The group conceives itself as a moder- Resistance), founded by Khalil cIkawi, and the lamiyya. Recently Al-Ahbash has begun to re- ate Islamic movement that is concerned with Movement for Arab Lebanon (Harakat Lub- ceive scholarly attention. The group, legally ethics. Its current president is Shaykh Husam nan al-cArabi), founded by Dr cIsmat Murad. al-Din Qaraqira, a graduate of However, the first two groups split from the A D V E R T I S E M E N T an Islamic seminary in Syria. Islamic Unification Movement by the summer Al-Ahbash’s activities became of 1984, denying Shacban an important more apparent when one of power base. Al-Muqawama al-Shacbiyya its members was elected to formed al-Lijan al-Islamiyya (Islamic Commit- the Lebanese parliament in tees), and the Movement for Arab Lebanon 1992. Al-Ahbash lost that seat formed Lijan al-Masajid wa al-Ahya' (Commit- during the 1996 elections, and tees for Mosques and Neighbourhoods). Prof. Ahmad S. Moussalli, Department of Political the assassination of its leader Shacban believed the civil war could end Studies, American University of Beirut, Lebanon. by the Islamic Band of Helpers only if sharica (Islamic Law) were applied in E-mail: [email protected] (cUsbat al-Ansar al-Islamiyya) Lebanon under an Islamic government. He reduced its activities. The was very antagonistic of the communists, Selected recent bibliography group has an elaborate struc- who were subject to the deadly massacres of – Abu Khalil, As’ad, ‘Lebanon’, Political Parties of ture that includes schools, his movement in Tripoli. The movement con- t h e Middle East and North Africa. Ed. F. Tachau. centres, sports, and scouts. It trolled the city for a few years and imposed London: Mansell, 1994: 297-368. is unclear as to who the strict Islamic laws on the people. But when – Al-Habashi, Shaykh cAbd Allah, Sarih al-Bayan. sources of al-Ahbash funding Syrian forces entered the city, the movement Beirut: Islamic Studies and Research Section, are, especially given its spend- was defeated. In recent years, Shacban has be- J a mciyyat al-Masharic al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya, ing on activities in many parts come a close ally of Iran, and he has improved 1 9 9 0 . of the world. his ties with Syria. – Hamzeh, A. Nizar; ‘The Future of Islamic The Islamic Band of Helpers Movements in Lebanon’, Islamic Fundamentalism: was unknown until 1995 A l - J a m aca al-Islamiyya Myths and Realities. Ed. Ahmad S. Moussalli, when it was condemned for The last Sunni group treated here is al-Ja- 2 4 9-274. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 1998. assassinating the head of al- maca al-Islamiyya. This fundamentalist group – Hamzeh, A. Nizar, and H. Dekmejian, ‘The Islamic Ahbash, Nizar al-Halabi. Three was established in 1964 in Tripoli by young Spectrum of Lebanese Politics’, Journal of South of the assailants were execut- members of cIbad al-Rahman (the Worship- Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 15, 3 (1993): ed. The leader of the group, pers of the Merciful). According to one of its 2 5-42; ‘A Sufi Response to Political Islamism: the Palestinian Ahmad cAbd leaders, cAbd Allah Babati, the split took place A l-Ahbash of Lebanon’, International Journal of al-Karim al-Sacdi (nicknamed because some younger members wanted to Middle East Studies, 28 (May 1996): 217-229. Abu Muhjan), is still free in one be involved in politics. The movement was – Hanf, Theodor, Coexistence in Wartime Lebanon: of the Palestinian camps in led by the influential Sunni fundamentalist Decline of a State and Rise of a Nation. L o n d o n : southern Lebanon. This group thinker Fathi Yakan, Judge Faysal al-Mawlawi, Centre for Lebanese Studies and I. B. Tauris, 1993. is not active publicly; its mem- and writer Muhammad cAli al-Dinnawi. It – Khashan, Hilal, ‘The Development Programs of bers live away from Lebanese called for an Islamic society and state whose Islamic Fundamentalist Groups in Lebanon as society. It is nonetheless ac- bases were derived from sharica. This call led a Source of Popular Legitimation’, Islam and tive in Palestinian camps. to its advocating and using political violence t h e Modern Age, 25 ii (1994): 116-142; The group was founded by and radicalism, and to the establishment of its ‘ T h e Development Programmes of Islamic Shaykh Hisham Sharidi in own military wing in 1976. Fundamentalist Groups in Lebanon as a Source for 1985 and was allied with The group fought during the civil war on Popular Legitimation’, Islamic Fundamentalism: Palestinian organizations that the side of the leftist-Islamic coalition in Myths and Realities. Ed. Ahmad S. Moussalli, opposed Yasir Arafat. It set up Tripoli. While it opposes secularism and com- 2 2 1-248. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 1998. a training camp east of Sidon. munism, it considers Islam to be the best so- – Moussalli, Ahmad S., ‘Islamist Perspectives of When Sharidi was killed in lution to the Lebanese crisis. Later on, howev- Regime Political Response: The Cases of Lebanon 1991, Abu Muhjan became er, some of its members, like Yakan and and Palestine’, Arab Studies Quarterly, 18 iii the a m i r (commander) of the Zuhayr cAbd al-Rahman al-cUbaydi, became (Summer 1996): 53-63. group. The group takes a very members of the secular, though confessional, – Shrara, Wadah, Dawlat Hizballah: Lubnan strict position against those Lebanese Parliament. The group still calls for M u j t a m acan Islamiyyan. 2nd ed. Beirut: Dar al- who do not follow exactly the the abolition of confessionalism. Nahar li al-Nashr, 1997. 2 6 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Middle East YOUSSEF COURBAGE C h r i s t i a n i t y

At all four corners of the earth: the Balkans (Kosovo, Bosnia), Indonesia (Moluccas, East-Timor), Africa (Sudan), as well as the Holy Land (Nazareth), Islam and Christianity seem to be in a position of mutual rejec- a n d I s l a m : tion. Hence, the representation, which currently pre- vails over Europe, of a perpetual conflict. However, this vision maintained by events that indeed highlight religious conflicts, remains in a state of partiality and par- tialness. We thus see Islam reigning undivided over the Demography in societies south of the Mediterranean, all the while for- getting that in the Arab world as well as in Turkey, religious uniformity – currently the norm – does not date back to the beginning of time. Between the 7th century, which witnessed the warriors of Islam leaving Arabia, t h e Middle East and the preceding century, the relationship between the two religions was not just conflictual. On more than The native Christianities were more than Serbia) and followed by those of the nation- 7 7 thousand left in 1927; 1.5 million Greeks one occasion and in more than one place Christianity once victim to East-West confrontation, al entities in the Middle East, sought to con- before the 1914-1918 war, of which only 136 would come to know unexpected recoveries.1 which overwhelmed them. The shock of the trol – not to denature – the populations of thousand were to survive in Istanbul and just Crusades naturally opposed Christianity and the immense empire they had built. For the 10 thousand in Anatolia 13 years later. In the In order to estimate the changes in the rela- Islam but it also placed face to face the Chris- first time since the Byzantine Empire, Chris- Arab world, on the other hand, it was not tionship between Christianity and Islam, it is tians of the East and Christians of the West, tianity of the East found itself again in an im- massacres or exile but rather a differential important to banish a priori the ideologies who had little in common. Intimidation and mense area of trade. In Anatolia, the Ot- demography that was to mark the receding and the explanations while having recourse humiliation imposed by the crusaders and tomans permitted the recomposition of a numbers of Christians. The proportion of to guides as impartial as possible. In this re- their Latin clergy quickly transformed the territory where Christianity had paid the Christians within the total population had spect, demography is a particularly efficient mistrust into a rupture. This more than two price of a religious and political anarchy, vir- culminated around 1914 with 26% in the tool to gage the relative variations of the two century-long intrusion of the West was to tually having disappeared. On the contrary, whole of the Near East: 59% in Lebanon groups by means of five processes: 1) conver- have after effects, one of which being the under the reign of the Ottomans, the pro- (Greater Lebanon), 11% in Palestine, 10% in sion of individuals, families or entire groups, appearance of a fundamentalist Islam mis- portion of Christians in Turkey (within the Syria, 8% in Egypt and 2% in Iraq. Today, 2) massacres, which remained exceptional trustful of difference. It imposed itself on the current borders) and in the northern Middle Christians have fallen below 10% (9.2 % in until the early 20th century (Armenians in the Christianity of the East, reducing it in terms East (Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Israel, Iraq) 1995): 40% in Lebanon, 6.4% in Syria, 5.9% in Ottoman Empire), 3) immigration and emi- of population and spiritual influence. The was tripled: from less than 7% at the end of Egypt, 3.8% in Palestine (West Bank of Jor- gration, by coercion or by free choice, differ- spirit of the Crusades did not vanish all of the the Mameluk or Seldjoukide epoch to 20- dan, East Jerusalem and Gaza), 2% in Israel, entiated on the basis of religion, 4) inter-mar- sudden. When, in 1830, Charles X sent his 21% before World War II. Istanbul counted as 1.5% in Iraq. This spectacular drop which riage, between Muslim men and Christian troops to tackle the coasts of North Africa, many Christians as Muslims in its 1881 cen- brings Christianity back to the pre-Ottoman women, which leads to a second generation autochthonous Christianity had been gone sus. On the other hand, further away from era owes nothing to conversions, which re- of uniquely Muslim children, and 5) birth and since several centuries prior. Reviving the the heart of the empire, Egypt did not take main extremely rare, or to forced population death rates of different magnitude leading to spirit of the Crusades, half a millennium after part in the re-Christianization movement. displacement, nor to massacres (apart from diverging rhythms of growth amongst Chris- the fall of Acre (1291) the monarch still re- The reasons for this exceptional rise in such cases as the Nestorians and Chaldeans tians and Muslims. tained the objective of reconquest, for the Eastern Christianity up to the beginning of in Iraq in 1933 and in Lebanon from 1975- The existing data demonstrate that for benefit of the ‘true’ religion, of the ancient the 20t h century reside in the quasi-disap- 1990 where all the communities paid a com- Islam to be durably installed in the Arab Ori- lands of Christianity. The failure of the colo- pearance of conversions to Islam (some- mon toll with human lives). It does perhaps ent, nine long centuries were to be necessary, nial venture was patently obvious in terms of times even acting in the opposite sense, as have a little to do with mixed marriages. The from the Hegira to the end of the Mameluks. It religion, but paradoxically, not at all for lan- did the Chebab emirs in the Lebanese international migrations, on the other hand, is thus not an instantaneous religious muta- guage: nearly 40 years after independence, mountains). It also resides in the rarefaction contributed to a strong recomposition of the tion as many imagine. The conquest of souls the imprint of the French language contin- of mixed marriages, and immigration of population: long-distance emigration to- was accelerated by the theological and na- ues to become more profound. Christians encouraged by the Ottoman lead- wards America, Africa or Australia of Christ- tional rivalries which undermined Christianity Because they had conquered the Christian ers from the Balkans or even Western Europe ian populations – more than that of Muslims. from within. The status that Muslims reserved Balkans before the East and the Arab towards Arab or Turkish cities (Aleppo or Is- From a regional point of view, the emigra- for the People of the Book had demographic Maghreb, by means of frequent marriages tanbul, for example). Still more decisive was tion of Christian Egyptians, Syrians, Palestini- effects in the opposite sense: it allowed for with Christian, Greek, or Armenian princess- the differential demographic growth which ans, and Iraqis to Lebanon, where Christians Christian communities to perpetuate themes and ordinary women, the Ottomans ar- worked in favour of the Christians: stronger were well represented, accelerated the re- selves, but stimulated conversions at the rived with much experience in inter-denom- stability of marriage favouring greater production of their presence in the countries of same time. The Christian nucleus which sub- inational dialogue. The special treatment creation, a phenomenon which seems to go departure, all the while allowing Lebanon to sisted to the east of the Mediterranean re- they reserved for Christian minorities, no- back far in time, for the 9t h-century writer Al conserve an important Christian minority. vealed itself incompressible, which was not tably in permitting them to regroup them- Jahiz had already noted that thanks to their However, it was principally the trends in fer- the case for the Maghreb, where the dynas- selves into nations (m i l l e t), gave rise to a re- monogamy the Christians ‘filled the earth’. tility, reversed in disfavour of the Christians ties threatened by the Christian reconquest vival – which was as spectacular as it was un- In Lebanon and in Turkey, censuses attest at the eve of the 20t h century, which were (Almoravides and Almohades) and spurred expected – of Christianity. The Ottomans, the superiority of the Christian birth rate. In decisive in the decrease in Christianity. Hav- on by the zeal of neophytes, drove the last contrary to the generally accepted notion turn, the differences in mortality increased ing entered earlier than the Muslims in the survivors of autochthonous Christianity to that was widespread since the creation of the gap between the two religious groups, process of demographic transition and hav- conversion. the first nation-states in the Balkans (Greece, the Christians being traditionally exempt ing opted for smaller families, the Christians from military service, whose duration was re- would paradoxically pay the price of this duced to 12 years of service only in 1812. The early modernization process with a decrease Christianity of the East by Rite and Country (in thousands) 1995 hundreds of armed conflicts in Ottoman his- in their relative numbers: a phenomenon tory accentuated an exceptionally high which worsened over the generations. C h u r c h E g y p t L e b a n o n S y r i a I r a q J o r d a n I s r a e l P a l e s t i n e T u r k e y A l l death rate among Muslims, who were al- Today, however, the differences in fertility countries ready vulnerable in times of peace. Epi- according to religion are fading. Muslims are Copt (all rites) 3 2 3 8 . 9 1 . 9 0 . 0 1 . 8 1 . 2 0 . 8 2 . 8 0 . 0 3 2 9 8 . 0 demics, indeed, were far more lethal entering, just the same, into the current of Greek Orthodox 4 . 4 2 9 4 . 8 5 0 3 . 0 0 . 8 8 1 . 4 3 3 . 0 4 1 . 6 1 3 . 9 9 7 2 . 9 amongst Muslims than Christians, due to dif- demographic transition. ♦ M a r o n i t e 2 . 5 4 9 0 . 9 2 8 . 0 0 . 0 0 . 0 7 . 3 0 . 3 0 . 0 5 2 9 . 0 ferences in the practices implemented to Greek Catholic 4 . 7 2 5 5 . 2 1 1 1 . 8 0 . 7 2 2 . 1 4 3 . 9 4 . 4 0 . 0 4 4 2 . 8 deal with them. Lastly, the development of Armenian Apostolic 7 . 6 1 9 6 . 4 1 1 1 . 8 2 5 . 0 3 . 5 1 . 3 2 . 9 6 8 . 3 4 1 6 . 8 training and modern medicine, both linked Chaldean Catholic 0 . 5 4 . 9 6 . 7 3 9 0 . 3 0 . 0 0 . 0 0 . 0 6 . 8 4 0 9 . 2 to the institutions of the m i l l e t, would con- J a c o b i t e 0 . 2 1 4 . 7 8 9 . 4 3 7 . 2 2 . 2 0 . 1 2 . 5 3 9 . 9 1 8 6 . 2 tribute to the relatively early decrease in Dr Youssef Courbage is a director of research, Institut L a t i n 3 . 8 2 . 9 1 1 . 1 5 . 2 3 4 . 9 1 3 . 2 1 5 . 2 5 . 7 9 2 . 0 mortality amongst Christians. d’Études Demographiques (INED), Paris, France. P r o t e s t a n t 2 0 . 9 2 0 . 2 2 0 . 1 5 . 8 4 . 4 4 . 5 4 . 8 5 . 2 8 5 . 9 The end of the Ottoman Empire strongly E-mail: [email protected] Syrian Catholic 1 . 3 1 9 . 7 2 2 . 4 5 5 . 5 0 . 0 0 . 1 0 . 5 1 . 7 1 0 1 . 2 marks the end of Christianity in its Turkish N e s t o r i a n 0 . 0 4 . 9 1 6 . 8 8 7 . 7 0 . 0 0 . 0 0 . 9 0 . 0 1 1 0 . 3 Armenian Catholic 0 . 6 1 9 . 7 2 4 . 6 5 . 5 0 . 4 0 . 1 0 . 3 5 . 1 5 6 . 3 component and its decline or eclipse in its N o t e s Arab component. In the Ottoman Empire, or 1 . For more developments, see Youssef Courbage Total Christian 3 3 3 6 . 4 1 3 2 6 . 2 9 4 5 . 7 6 1 5 . 5 1 5 0 . 1 1 0 4 . 3 7 6 . 2 1 4 6 . 6 6 7 0 0 . 6 more precisely, under the Young Turks and and Philippe Fargues, Christians and Jews in Islam, then under the Kemalist Republic, nearly London/New York, Tauris, 1997, 242 p. and Percentage in p o p u l a t i o n 5 . 7 4 3 . 8 6 . 4 2 . 9 4 . 2 2 . 1 3 . 8 0 . 2 4 . 0 3 million Christians were to pay the shock of Philippe Fargues, I cristiani arabi dell’Oriente: una nationalisms and the birth of modern Turkey prospettiva demografica, in Andrea Pacini (ed.); Source: Youssef Courbage and Philippe Fargues, Christians and Jews in Islam, London/New York, Tauris, 1997, p.209 with their lives or by their exile. There were Comunità cristiane nell’islam arabo: la sfida del 1.2 million Armenians in 1914 and only f u t u r o, Fondazione Agnelli, Torino, 1996, 406 p. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 27

East Africa LIDWIEN KAPTEIJNS Somali Women’s

When a Somali woman is about to give birth, older women often arrange a ceremony to call blessings on the mother-to-be, in which they sing s i t t a a t2 – s o n g s of praise for the leading women of early Islam, espe- Songs cially Faduumo (Fatima), daughter of the Prophet. Although there is no doubt that this genre of songs is old – it may even have a relationship to non-Islamic Oromo songs for the goddess of fertility – scholarly references date back only to the late nineteenth cen- for the First Ladies tury and do not include song texts.3 1 There are three reasons why s i t t a a t d i d not receive scholarly attention during the colonial period (c. 1885–1960). Firstly, the o f Early Islam Orientalist paradigm in Islamic studies gave preference to what were regarded as foun- After Eve, the s i t t a a t address the Prophet’s That you take and welcome us, daughter of the Prophet, for that we clamour dational core texts from the ‘Islamic heart- mother (Amina), foster-mother (Halima), That you come and teach us how to walk, daughter of the Prophet, for that we clamour. lands’, written, of course, in Arabic by men. wives and daughters. It is with the songs for You child of the Prophet, most obedient of women, give us that for which we call upon you. African women’s devotional oral poetry in Faduumo (Fatima) that the session reaches [ … . ] Somali, not Arabic, was marginal to this type it climax, for these are the songs that are be- of Islamic studies. Secondly, it was part of lieved to bring about the Prophet’s daugh- especially British colonial strategies towards ter’s actual presence in the women’s midst. Lady Faduumo, lead us with your light Islam to promote an Islamic elite (e.g. Some women get up and dance, at times Lady Faduumo, make us as you are judges) trained outside of Somaliland in Is- carrying incense burners with burning coal Lady Faduumo, give us your musk to smell lamic centres of learning that were solidly on their heads; others are overwhelmed by Lady Faduumo, spread your bed for us under British rule, such as Cairo, Aden or emotion and are lovingly covered with Lady Faduumo, bring us in the presence of the good Muhammad Khartoum. By insisting on ‘upgrading’ local shawls and sprayed with perfume by friends Lady Faduumo, help us climb your ladder Islam, the colonizers undermined represen- trying to calm them. Lady Faduumo, spread your wrap as our bedding tatives of popular local Islam.4 Lady Faduumo, wrap us in your silk. [….] Finally, irrespective of colonial Madaad, madaad,8 Faduumo, daughter of the Prophet policies towards Islam, the Give us that for which we call upon you new educated elite in all the Ecstasy has me in its grip, my body is burning Teach us how to walk, look upon us as your children Somalilands (French, British, Madaad, madaad, Faduumo, daughter of the Prophet Merciful God, don’t keep Faduumo away from us and Italian), even if undoubt- Give us that for which we call upon you.9 May she take us by the hand on the Day on which One is Sorrowful edly Muslim, were deeply in- Make us their [the Sittaat’s] companions, Compassionate God fluenced by secular European culture and In the s i t t a a t Somali women explicitly as- May we all live in one home with their mothers and daughters European languages. While its nationalist sert the common bond and plight of wom- May we all eat together with the Sittaat and the Prophet’s family project included an articulation of the So- anhood in two ways. First, the singers ad- May we come to live in paradise. mali pastoral tradition as cultural authentic- dress their common problems as wives, i t y ,5 older women’s religious songs did not mothers and providers in the urban slums of fall within its purview. underdeveloped and French-dominated The group of s i t t a a t singers with whom I Djibouti. Second, as women, they appeal to In Djibouti, Somali intellectuals and schol- N o t e s became familiar in Djibouti in 1989, held the women of early Islamic history, asserting ars such as Muhammed cAbdillahi Rirash 1 . This article is based on Lidwien Kapteijns, ‘S i t t a a t: small weekly semi-private devotional ses- the values central to their own self-image, and cUmar Macallin (who introduced me to Somali Women’s Songs for the “Mothers of the sions in their leader’s home. They also per- those of good wife- and motherhood. They the s i t t a a t), have begun to reverse the colo- Believers”’. Boston: African Studies Center, Boston formed on special occasions, for example to praise Xaawo (Eve) as humanity’s first wife nial marginalization of Islamic Somali ora- University, Working Papers in African Studies, No. 25 call upon the Sittaat (the first ladies of Islam) and mother, Khadija as the Prophet’s loyal ture and to record and preserve it as part of (1995). See also The Marabout and the Muse, ed. to bless a woman about to give birth, or on and most beloved wife, and Faduumo (Fati- the Somali cultural heritage. However, as Kenneth Harrow (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1996), a much larger scale, to celebrate a religious ma) as the Prophet’s only daughter (as well they undertook this project in the 1980s, pp. 124-141. holiday (such as the Prophet’s birthday). as wife of cAli and mother of Hasan and other middle-class men (merchants, shop- 2 . Sittaat refers both to the distinguished women When s i t t a a t are sung, women sit in a circle Husayn). keepers, teachers and civil servants) adopt- o f early Islam and the songs Somali women sing on mats on the ground, while the leader ed a lifestyle of intensified Islamic piety and for them. The latter are also referred to as X a a w i y o beats a round, low and wide drum with a Reinforcement of looked upon Islamist movements further F a d u u m o (‘Eve and Fatima’), m a d a x s h u b stick. The atmosphere is festive as between the Status Quo? East for guidance. While deeply critical of ( ‘ t h e anointing of the head’) and, especially in songs the women pass around herbal tea, The values that the women singing the any colonial or neo-colonial Western influ- southern Somalia, Abbaay Sittidey or A b b a a y orange sherbet, coffee, popcorn (s a l o o l) and s i t t a a t assert are mostly dominant values ences, the latter share with the erstwhile N e b i y e y. Turkish delight (x a l w a d), as well as bottles of that appear to reinforce the status quo. Orientalists a focus upon a relative small 3 . For an early reference, see Leo Reinisch, D i e perfume and incense burners. The singing They do not complain about difficult hus- number of foundational Islamic texts. As S o m a l iS p r a c h e. Sudarabischen Expedition. Band I always begins with praise to God, the bands, but pray for help to get along with they have resolutely turned their backs on (Vienna: Alfred Holder, 1900) p. 256. Georgio Banti, Prophet, and the a w l i y a (those saintly indi- them; they do not complain about unem- local Somali expressions of Islamic devotion ‘Scrittura’, in Aspetti dell’ Espressione Artistica in viduals of Islamic history who continue to ployed or disobedient children, but pray and wisdom, they appear, for the moment S o m a l i a, ed. Annarita Puglielli (Roma: Bagatto inspire many Muslims today), including the that their children will not go astray. As I at least, to have contributed to the increas- Books, 1988), pp.19-29. The latter gives a twelfth-century founder of the Qadiriyya, watched the participants in these sessions ing marginalization of Somali Islamic ora- photograph of a late nineteenth-century A b b a a y cAbd al-Qadir al-Jilani. – middle-aged and older women, some ture. ♦ S i t t i d e y text (pp.24-25), which is, however, too widows, others divorcees, many the moth- bastardized to deserve the name. God, we begin with God’s bissinka [the phrase ‘in the name of God, ers of grown (often unemployed) children, 4 . Lidwien Kapteijns, ‘Islam in Ethiopia and the Horn’, the Merciful, the Compassionate’] and almost all compelled to still provide in The History of Islam in Africa, eds. Nehemia God, we begin with my heart loving you. for themselves as well as others – one as- Levtzion and Randall Pouwels (Athens: Ohio God, we begin with the blessing of Prophet Muhammad pect struck me as an act of resistance to University Press, forthcoming). God, through the merit of Faduumo, daughter of the Prophet, their status quo. For these women, howev- 5 . See Lidwien Kapteijns, Women’s Voices in a Man’s w e seek succour.6 er old or run down by life, insist vocifer- World: Women and the Pastoral Tradition in ously and explicitly on their own daugh- Northern Somali Orature, c. 1899-1980 Once the women begin to address the Sit- terhood in relation to the Sittaat in heav- ( P o r t s m o u t h : Heinemann, forthcoming). taat, Xaawo (Eve), the ‘mother of the believ- en. Using metaphors such as ‘teaching a 6 . S i t t a a t session led by Luula Saalih, recorded by ers’, is the first to be praised. child how to walk’, and being allowed to Muhammad cAbdillahi Rirash and cUmar Maca l l i n hold onto their ‘mothers’ skirt hems’, they for Radio and Television Djibouti in 1988. The song Before you, [the name] ‘mother’ did not exist ask their heavenly mothers for the love, texts, as are all texts quoted in this article, were Before you, ‘mama’ did not exist care and teaching daughters receive from transcribed and translated by Lidwien Kapteijns Before you, respected one, people did not say ‘mother’ their mothers. By expecting and asking and Maryan cUmar Ali. to each other [ … ] that the Sittaat in heaven take care of 7 . S i t t a a t session led by Luula Saalih, Djibouti, Mother, Eve, don’t sleep, spread a bed of silk for us them in infinite and intimate detail in this 2 October 1989. Mother, Eve, don’t sleep, weave your ropes for us.7 life, on the Day of Judgement, and in par- 8 . This is an invocation often used in Sufi devotional adise, Somali women challenge in song p r a c t i c e . the harsh age and gender-based realities Lidwien Kapteijns is professor of History at Wellesley 9 . S i t t a a t session led by cAsha Muhammad of their daily lives. College, USA. E-mail: [email protected] ( f r o m Hargeisa), Djibouti, 13 November 1989. 2 8 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

East Africa BEATRICE NICOLINI Religion and Trade

Near the coast of equatorial Africa, separated from the continent by a canal some 50 kilometres long, is the island of Zanzibar (U n g u j a). It is the largest of the coral islands of the eastern coast of Africa and forms in the Indian Ocean: part of a coral reef that extends from the near island of Pemba (a l - k h u d r a, the green, or emerald island), to the north, as far as the island of Mafia to the south. It constitutes a type of extraneous coastline to the continent. The city of Zanzibar is situated to the west of Zanzibar in the 1800s the island and its port, one of the best of Africa, allows deep anchorage for the docking of the ships. the Zanzibar tribes, decreased since the Zanzibar has always been strategically important early 19t h century. Inevitably, the presence due to two fundamentally important points: its prox- of Omani governors (l i w a l i) with their imity to the continent and the monsoons. The regular Baluch mercenaries, and of Indian mer- recurrence of these latter allows continuous contacts chants was bitterly resented by the local with India, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf; while p o p u l a t i o n . the closeness of Zanzibar to the coast places it in an The Asiatic community of Baluch warriors ideal position for commerce between the interior of represented strength, the s h a w k a h. They the African continent and the Indian Ocean. were Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school and, those coming from Makran, Zikris; as Notwithstanding a marked heterogeneity they were famous for their tactics and of its population – a polyethnic and a multi- courage, the Arabs always considered the religious society – south-eastern Zanzibar is Baluch more trustworthy than the Arab inhabited principally by Bantu-speaking mercenaries. Another essential and decisive people known as Hadimu (Wahadimu), factor for the extraordinary development of while the Tumbatu (Watumbatu) are found Zanzibar in the 1800s was the even more ac- in the northern part of the island. The tive presence of the Indian mercantile com- Wapemba tribe, however, inhabits the is- munities. The b a n y a n, considered by the land of Pemba. These groups are Sunni Mus- Arabs as m u s h r i k u n (polytheists), were ab- lims of the Shafi’i school, despite strong sorbed into and protected by the institution connections to animism (during times of of a m a n (protection). The first Indian mer- political and economic uncertainty witches, chants to trade in Maskat and in the Persian sorcerers, and an aggressive dwarf with one Gulf were the Bhattia (from b h a t t i, s u b h a t t a, eye named Popobawa played a crucial role Hindu warriors from the Vaishnavi caste), in Zanzibar). Both the Hadimu and the Tum- originally from Rajahstan. Another group of Portrait of Saci d batu are dedicated to fishing, agriculture Bhattia was the Kutchi, also comprised of bin Sultan Al Bu and animal breeding, whilst the Hadimu Hindus who enjoyed great privileges in Sa’idi (1791-1856) women are entirely responsible for the Maskat and who were exempt from paying manufacture of cord made from coconut taxes to the Arabs. Together with this group on the plantations (s h a m b a) in Zanzibar and fascination for the blank spaces on the fibre in villages in the south of the island. of Hindu merchants were the K h o j a s (k h w a- for manual labour for the transportation of world map, together with the archetype of According to James de Vere Allen, the j a h s), Ismailites. They were described by ex- goods. This caused a widespread migration the ‘exotic island’ which Zanzibar represent- spread of Islam in East Africa occurred plorers and English merchants of the 1800s of slaves from the interior of the African ed (rich in spices, perfumes, luxuriant vege- around circa AD 1050-1150.1 Islam undoubt- as being slight of figure, with a lighter com- continent towards the coasts and the is- tation, with drinking water, fruit and good edly made a tremendous impact upon the plexion than that of the Arabs, with long lands. Slavery did not only occur as a result money-making prospects through the com- people of Zanzibar. During the late 13t h- 1 4t h moustaches, no beards and a Chinese pony- of direct capture, but also resulted from mis- mercial trading of slaves, ivory and spices centuries, due to an increasing number of tail at the base of their shaved heads. The leading contracts between the tribes of the and other commercial temptations) opened merchants, travellers and immigrants com- richness and elegance of their clothing, as interior – among others, the Yao and the door to a new world scene. The centre of ing from southern Yemen, from Hadramawt distinguished by silk tunics with long, or- Nyamwezi – and the slave merchants. Fur- this scene was to take the shape of Anglo- and from other non-Shiite areas, a solid nate sleeves, was a sure sign that manual thermore, there were the recurring periods French rivalry for strategic control and polit- Sunni-Shafi’i community emerged. work was foreign to them. Socially isolated of drought along the Mrima coast, opposite ical-commercial supremacy over the Indian from the Arabs, they observed a strict en- the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. Slaves Ocean – a rivalry that developed from the The mercantile power of dogamy and were principally devoted to that came from areas not influenced by the predominance of Great Britain, which virtu- Z a n z i b a r boat construction. The Ismailite Indians Swahili culture were not Muslims (Islam was ally transformed the waters of the Indian At the beginning of the 1800s, the links were numerically the largest group in East the religion of all free Swahilis within the Ocean into an English lake. Britain’s impact between the East African Coast and the Indi- Africa. Yet at the beginning of the 19t h c e n- Arab dominion); these slaves were the prop- on Zanzibar during the 1800s undoubtedly an Ocean opened up a great deal of com- tury, it was the Hindu merchants who main- erty of their owners. They represented a interfered with the social and religious commercial contacts, which then flourished. tained and intensified an undisputed finan- closed caste not yet absorbed into the position of the island; its strategy was based With this in mind, the hegemonic accession cial hegemony. Islam in Zanzibar was often coastal population, either having been on commercial-political control of local of the Omani tribe of Al Bu Sacidi (Ibadhi) to used as a political weapon, defining hierar- transported in their childhood within the mechanisms of power, mainly through the Zanzibar can be seen as highly symbolic. chical differences and ethnic origins. But, it borders of Zanzibar or born into slavery. The banning of slave trade. The power of Al Bu During the 19t h century, the island of Zanz- should be stressed that profit, not power, most privileged were naturally the domestic S acidi in Zanzibar in the 1800s was in- ibar represented one of the four terminals of was what counted.2 slaves. The demand for slaves came from evitably destined to decline. ♦ Oman-Arab mercantile powers of the Al Bu Consequently, the Omani dynasty of Al Bu various quarters: from Arabia, foremost, S acidi tribe, together with the port of Maskat S aci d i respected the Hindu merchants’ wide- where the cultivation of dates demanded a in Oman, the ports of the Asiatic coastal ranging connections in the western Indian high influx of man labour at zero cost; from strip of Baluchistan, Makran, the mercantile Ocean, which allowed them to enjoy the India, where they were used on oases, on centres of the coast of West India and the functions of both mediators and lenders in sugar and tea plantations; from Central Asia, coasts of East Africa. There were clear power the various Indian mercantile communities where they started the practice of cotton connections among the Baluch of Makran, present in Zanzibar, and also to benefit from cultivation; from various areas of the Ot- the Arabs of Oman, the mercantile commu- their widespread presence within Swahili toman Empire; and from America. Another nities of West India and the Africans of Zanz- society. It was this emergence of a political- ‘speciality’ was the eunuch, especially ap- ibar: the Omani were the political leaders, ly powerful elite, in contact with native pop- preciated in the Ottoman Empire. The organ the Baluch the military force, the Indians ulation that gave rise to the commercial mutilation was carried out in totally unhy- Beatrice Nicolini PhD, is a post-doctoral fellow in were brokers, financiers, bankers and tax splendour of Zanzibar. The lucrative trading gienic conditions, resulting in a survival rate t h e History and Institutions of African and Asian collectors, and the Africans were slaves. The of the West Indian Coast constituted all of one in ten of those eunuchs transported Countries, Department of Political Science, Al Bu Sacidi and in particular their most glo- types of merchandise and spices, which in from Africa. C a t h o l i c University of the Sacred Heart, Milan, Italy. rious exponent, Sacid bin Sultan Al Bu Saci d i most cases were valuable. Zanzibar, however, remained undisturbed, E-mail: [email protected] (1791–1856), proposed a division of power – almost non-existent to the Europeans, until thanks also to their ethnic-religious superi- Slavery in Zanzibar the French arrived at the close of the 18t h N o t e s ority, as one is Ibadhi only through birth and The most important ‘product’ brought by century. The influence of the French in 1 . J. de Vere Allen, (1993), Swahily Origins. Swahili not conversion. This division would not be the Arabs in Africa, however, were slaves. Zanzibar was exerted through commercial Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon, London, without conflict, although the Ibadhi sul- Bearing this in mind, the growth in the de- treaties and agreements with the Arabs pre- Currey, p. 16. tans were highly tolerant, and it has to be mand for sugar cane from the Mascarene is- sent on the island concerning trade in slaves 2 . J. Middleton, (1992), The World of the Swahili. remembered that the centrality of Islam, to- lands and for ivory and cloves from East and African ivory – both flourishing and lu- A n African Mercantile Civilization, Yale University gether with the power of magic and ritual of Africa fired the continual demand for slaves crative commodities. Very soon, however, Press, p. 44. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 29

Central Africa XAVIER LUFFIN Muslims in Burundi

Today, mentioning Burundi evokes directly the conflicts which opposed Tutsis and Hutus in 1993 and 1995-6, just as in Rwanda. The Muslim community in Burundi does not exceed two to five percent of the Discretion and population, but their history and their behaviour in the last tragic conflicts between Hutus and Tutsis deserve to be analysed. N e u t r a l i t y

Muslims in Burundi live mainly in cities Africa. The presence of Islam in the city then Away from Politics clerk of Bujumbura stated that the newly such as Gitega, Rumonge, Nyanza, Muyinga, increased with German colonization: a large During the tragic conflicts between Hutus converted insist more than the others on and Makamba. The largest Muslim commu- part of the a s k a r i s – indigenous soldiers in- and Tutsis in 1993 and 1995-6, Muslims their ethnicity and he does not hide his fear nity lives in the capital, Bujumbura, espe- cluded in the colonial troops – were Mus- stayed out of the clashes. In Buyenzi, a man of this new phenomenon. cially in the neighbourhoods of Buyenzi, lims, while Indian and Arab traders has- remembers that ‘during the events, our Issa Ngendakumana is a Muslim and a for- Bwiza and the quartier asiatique ( o r i g i n a l l y tened to the city, wishing to profit from the neighbourhood was called ‘Swiss’, until the mer minister, currently residing in Belgium. created for the Indian and Arab traders by developing site. The Germans also incorpo- army threatened to transform it in a new He remembers very well that he understood the colonial Belgian rulers), where the main rated many Swahili and Banyamwezi into Tchetchenia!’ In 1995, when the army did his ethnic origin only in 1972, when the mosque is situated. The Islamic Cultural the police and the administration. Kiswahili away with the Hutu neighbourhood of Ka- army killed thousands of Hutus. Before this, Centre, built by the Libyan government became German East Africa’s official lan- menge, its inhabitants fled directly to the he never wondered whether he was a Tutsi under the Bagaza presidency (1976-1987), is guage, alongside German of course. When ‘neutral’ Buyenzi, which is now overcrowd- or a Hutu. According to him, this was not also located there. World War I broke out, the majority of Bu- ed. In Rwanda, the situation was much the due to his religion: at the time, a lot of peas- The Muslims in Burundi have miscella- jumbura’s population professed Islam. At same. This does not, however, mean to ants did not really care whether they were neous origins. Besides a small number of this time, the Burundians preferred to live imply that all Muslims completely withheld Hutu or Tutsi. Ngendakumana stresses that converts from among the ‘original’ Burundi- inside the country, far from the lake. A local from participation in the massacres. Certain most of the Muslims are of foreign origin ans – Hutus and Tutsis – an important Con- tradition even held that the King could not Muslims are wanted by the Burundian Jus- and so they do not identify with this dual vi- golese population settled in Bujumbura, look at the Tanganyika Lake, for if so he tice for their participation and some are sion of society. He also recalls that Muslims which lies some kilometres away from the would die. The Burundians started to settle now being judged in Arusha for participa- do not participate in political life. And it is border with Congo. The large Rwandan down in this city with the Belgian colonization in the Rwandan genocide. the politicians who emphasize the so-called community also includes numerous Mus- tion, which began in 1919. But even then, During the last years, conversion to Islam difference between Hutu and Tutsi. To date lims. The W a r a b u – Kiswahili for ‘Arabs’ – are the phenomenon was slow to increase: in in both Burundi and Rwanda has firmly in- there have been only five Muslim ministers, Omani and Yemeni traders who have lived 1957, Burundians constituted not much creased. Of course this could be due to a and this, only since the nineties. in Burundi or in other neighbouring East more than 27 percent of Bujumbura’s popu- general need for spirituality after such a How can the distance from power be ex- African countries since several generations. lation. Besides them, there were more than tragedy. There is also an observable new en- plained? A local Muslim journalist in Burun- Most of them have forgotten Arabic: they 80 so-called ‘tribes’ speaking 34 different thusiasm for Catholic and especially Protes- di asserted that his co-religionists were ex- speak Kiswahili and the national language languages and using Swahili as their lingua tant churches. It is nonetheless obvious that cluded from schools, and thus were exclud- Kirundi, or even French. Other Arabs from franca. And Muslims still constituted 35.6 Islam attracts many for its having been neu- ed from political activities. Some have taken Sudan, Mauritania and Lebanon have come percent of this mixed population. The Bu- tral during the conflicts. How can this neu- a Christian name in order to pursue their more recently to trade in the capital. Muslim rundian Muslims are Sunnis. However, a trality be explained? Many Muslims say it is studies. Again, Ngendakumana placed that B a h i n d i, a name given to the Indians and small Shiite mosque is located in the q u a r t i- due to the fact that they identify themselves assumption into perspective: ‘There has Pakistanis, also settled in the country long er asiatique, mostly frequented by Indians as Muslims, and not as Hutus or Tutsis. This never been a real discrimination toward ago and are often confused with the and Pakistanis. There are also some Ibazi – idyllic point of view, however, is not always Muslims at school, even if we can observe W a r a b u. Swahili for Ibadites – coming mainly from true. Some Burundian Muslims emphasize much less education among Muslims. But Besides those communities, West Africans Zanzibar and Oman. their ‘ethnic’ roots; others do not. A Muslim schools in Burundi have been first created arrived in the country in the last decades. In Burundi, Muslims have a close relation- and managed by the Catholic Church. Thus, Originally, they were traders coming from ship with Kiswahili, a Bantu-language con- Muslim students didn’t feel at ease in these Mali, Senegal and Ivory Coast, importing taining an important vocabulary from Ara- i n s t i t u t i o n s … ’ clothes and fabrics or dealing with gold ex- bic. It is even rare to meet a Muslim who This leads to another part of the explana- tracted from Congolese mines. Most of the does not speak this language. In the same tion. The Catholic Church cannot be sepa- West African traders left the country when way, ‘Swahili’ is the term commonly used to rated from Burundian (and Rwandan) con- conflict broke out in 1993, although some say ‘Muslims’ in Burundi, and the Muslim temporary history. It may be positively or still have small shops in the central market neighbourhood of Gitega, the second city of negatively perceived, but it is never seen as or in Bwiza. the country, is called the quartier swahili. a neutral observer. Catholicism was im- Prayers are uttered in Arabic, as is the read- planted in Burundi and Rwanda as a tool of Diverse Origins ing of the Koran, although believers use colonial power, and it has developed theo- Islam was introduced by Arab and Swahili Kiswahili translations of the m a s a f i ( f r o m ries which reinforced the difference be- traders. Since the early 19t h century, cara- Arabic m u s h a f) and the j u z u (Arabic j u z ’) of tween Hutu and Tutsi. After the indepen- vans coming from the Indian Ocean coast the Holy Book as well. Recently, a local intel- dence, it maintained the role at times of an penetrated as far as Ujiji (today in Tanzania), lectual translated some prayers into Kirundi, ally, at others as an opponent of the govern- on the bank of Tanganyika Lake looking for which were published in Kenya with Saudi ment. The churches were used by some ivory and later for slaves. Around 1850, they funds. It should be said that Kiswahili does priests to exhort or to justify their crimes. created a colony at Uvira, on the Congolese not belong to the Muslims alone: most of But Islam is never associated with political edge of the lake. Both cities became the Bujumbura’s inhabitants understand it. It is events in the area. On the other hand, the meeting points of the caravans and traders even used for mass in some churches, and few Muslims who took part in the massacres – Arabs as well as Africans like Swahili, television and radio programmes are broad- generally acted as individuals, never as be- Banyamwezi, Bamanyema – began to ex- cast in this language. lievers using their faith to exterminate their change their products with Nyanza and Ru- brothers. A last point to put forward is that monge, coastal cities located in Burundi. Muslims are traders and live in towns. They Little by little, Islam penetrated the coun- are not directly involved in land possession try. In 1885, the governor of Ujiji, Mo- and exploitation, both key elements in the hammed Bin Khalfan (called R u m a l i z a i n understanding of the conflict in an over- Kirundi, ‘the one who takes everything’), de- crowded and agricultural area. Whatever cided to extend his power to the North, aim- the reasons, the behaviour of Burundian ing to reach more ivory and slaves. Bin Khal- Muslims is worth mentioning. It is a proof fan was a member of the Barwani’s, a fa- that the ‘ethnic’ scission is not a fatality in mous Omani family that had settled in East B u r u n d i . ♦ Africa. He multiplied his incursions on the Burundian coast of the lake – although he never succeeded in penetrating the country in a long-lasting way – firmly defended by King Mwezi Gisabo. In the 1890s, when the first missionaries arrived in what is now Bujumbura, they Xavier Luffin teaches Arabic at the Vrij Universiteit found some W a n g w a n a, a name given at Brussel, Brussels, Belgium. Quartier asiatique this time to the Muslim Africans in Central E-mail: [email protected] 3 0 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

West Africa GEERT MOMMERSTEEG Qur’anic Teachers

‘May God give him a long life. May God give force to his mother’s milk. May God make him strong so he will join our ranks. May God let him lead the live of a Muslim. May God give him a good life when he will and Magico- stay in our town and may He give him a good life when he will settle elsewhere.’ When seven days old, a baby is blessed by a Qur’anic teacher. After he has first announced the name of the newborn child, the marabout asks God to give it a long life, health and Religious Specialists strength.

The town in which an infant is welcomed in this way is the ancient town of Djenné, situated in the Inner Niger Delta in the rein Djenné public of Mali. Djenné was once an important commercial centre. Although the town m ô d i b o (from the Arabic m u ’ a d d i b) in Ful- slightly hesitating, translated the French Regarding the practice of divination, whose was never as famous as its ‘sister’, the leg- fulde. Young children are entrusted to an p r i e r with the Songhay d y i n g a r; the verb status is comparable to that of amulets in endary city of Timbuctoo, during its heyday a l f a for instruction in reciting the Qur’an. which stands for performing the s a l â t. At terms of ambivalence, the following may be in the 15t h and 16t h centuries Djenné played Older students seek his guidance in their that moment the m a r a b o u t burst out laugh- noted. When a marabout examines the ‘situ- a important role in the trans-Saharan trade. pursuit of Islamic knowledge. In French, the ing and said: ‘D y i n g a r? G a r a I suppose he ation’ of a client, the outcome of the divina- It was here that the salt merchants from the language of the former colonizer, the teach- means!’ tion frequently includes instructions for the desert in the North met the gold traders ers are known as m a r a b o u t, a term which is Gara is the Songhay term for what is called client to give away a specific present in from the South. Islam was part of urban life employed throughout Muslim West Africa. in Arabic d ucâ ’: a ‘prayer of request’ or ‘per- order to favour the outcome of his or her af- in Djenné from an early date. When at the Marabouts, as my research assistant Bou- sonal invocation’. The difference between fair. In this sense, the act of charity, which is beginning of the 13t h century, the 26t h c h i e f bakar Kouroumanse once told me, ‘teach d y i n g a r and g a r a is essential. As a follow-up in and of itself religious and meritorious, is how to follow God and marabouts know to the incident in which the marabout juxta- of an unequivocal purposive character. ‘Giv- how to ask God’. In this concise way, he re- posed the two terms, Boubakar and I (first ing’ goes explicitly together with ‘asking’. ferred to the two kinds of knowledge mara- together and later on with some marabouts) Not only the receiver of the gift will bless bouts possess. A distinction is made be- elaborately discussed the issue. In these dis- the generous giver so that God may recom- tween so-called ‘public’ knowledge and ‘se- cussions, more than once reference was pense him or her, but also the marabout cret’ knowledge. Public knowledge is asso- made to the Qur’anic verse ‘Call upon Me will, subsequent to the divination, write an ciated with the praxis of education at the and I will answer’ (40:62) or to the h a d î t h amulet to ask God to approve the specific Qur’anic schools and secret knowledge is ‘Petitions are the weapons of the believer’. request of his client. applied in ‘maraboutage’ – the complex of Given these sayings, so my interlocutors ar- In Djenné, the marabouts’ knowledge magico-religious practices of which amulet gued, it is possible to attain certain things covers the entire realm of well-being. The production and divination are the most sig- by asking God for them. various features of the human plight, from n i f i c a n t .1 existential problems to the uncertainties of Blessings, amulets and daily life, are dealt with. Their knowledge Marabouts and the individual’s d i v i n a t i o n concerns as much the religious rules the be- w e l l - b e i n g Blessings pervade social life in Djenné. liever has to follow in order to be rewarded Marabouts play an important role in the Unremittingly, God is asked to take care of in the afterlife as it does the ways in which life of the individual in Djenné. This be- His servants. ‘May God save us.’ ‘May God prosperity can be obtained in the here and comes especially clear at the critical stages protect you during your trip.’ ‘May God ap- n o w . ♦ of life – birth, circumcision, marriage and prove it.’ ‘May God give you strength.’ ‘May death. At an infant’s naming ceremony a God protect our town.’ These and numerous marabout announces the child’s name and other benedictions can be heard during blesses it. At the time of their circumcision, special occasions as well as in everyday life. young boys are provided with amulets to Everyone can call upon God and everyone’s protect themselves against evil and dan- request may be granted by Him. gers. When the boys return to their families, God, however, has many names by which after a fortnight of seclusion, a marabout He can be invoked and some of these are pronounces benedictions for them. A mar- more powerful than others. Making a partic- riage is contracted by a marabout and, final- ular request to God using a powerful name ly, it is a marabout who leads the last will bring about a quick and certain result. prayers over a corps and directs the reading Moreover, everywhere in His Holy Qur’an, of the Qur’an or the Dala’il al Khairat – a pan- God has spoken powerful words. If em- egyric in honour of Muhammad – at the ployed properly, the inherent powers of condolence gatherings to facilitate the af- these words can be used for all kinds of pur- terlife of the deceased. poses. Dissolved in a potion of ‘holy water’ The individual’s well-being, however, is or written in an amulet, the powers ascribed not only taken care of at the critical stages to Qur’anic words can be applied for differ- of life. In everyday existence, marabouts ent curative, protective or causative purpos- of Djenné proclaimed his conversion to also render a variety of services to ensure a es. Yet, neither the special names and the Islam, 4200 u l a m a were present, as written person’s health, to offer security and to specific Qur’anic passages, nor the often in- by the West African historian es-Sa’di in ap- guarantee spiritual and material welfare. By tricate techniques to apply them are com- proximately 1650. Although the writer, him- means of divination, supererogatory pray- mon knowledge. These are the secrets in self once imam of the town, may have exag- ers and amulet production they may con- which the marabouts are specialized. This gerated, clearly Islam was significant in the tact and employ the hidden powers of the knowledge enables them to ask God to ren- city at that time, and it remains so today. supernatural world for the benefit of their der a trader successful in his business, to Djenné is now a small town with about c l i e n t s . provide a woman with a long desired child, Geert Mommersteeg is assistant professor at the 13,000 inhabitants of ethnically diverse ori- The following fieldwork experience was a to cure someone from a disease or to let a Department of Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht gin – mostly Marka/Sonray, Fulani and Bozo. revelatory incident in this context. During woman fall in love with a man who has his University, Utrecht, the Netherlands. It is of only minor economic importance to one of our weekly visits to a marabout, I was eye on her. E-mail: [email protected] the region. But Djenné’s famous mosque asked to read a letter for him. He handed me In West Africa, the legitimacy of amulets (placed on UNESCO’s world heritage list) the letter, which he had received that day, is a matter of debate, as elsewhere in the N o t e s and its many Qur’anic schools still reflect and I began to read the short French text. Islamic world. According to orthodox opin- 1 . In the second half of the eighties and the early the glorious days of the past. Each time when I had read a couple of ions – in particular the Wahhabiyya – mag- nineties I conducted anthropological fieldwork The town has some 35 schools for elemen- words I took a short pause to allow ical practices corrupt the Islamic religion. among the marabouts of Djenné. See my PhD tary Qur’anic education as well as a dozen Boubakar to translate into Songhay. The let- The true believer has to refrain from them. thesis Het domein van de marabout. Koranleraren schools for ‘secondary’ education where ter was sent by a man from Bamako (the However, when amulets are defined as ‘re- en magisch-religieuze specialisten in Djenné, Mali law, Arabic grammar, rhetoric and literature, capital of Mali) and contained a request for quests to God’, justification for them can (Proefschrift Universiteit Utrecht) Thesis theology, the traditions of the Prophet and the marabout’s help in obtaining a job at a be found in the Qur’an and in the sayings Publishers, Amsterdam 1996. A popular version Qur’anic exegesis are taught. Teachers at certain company. The man literally asked of the Prophet. Thus the activities of the appeared as In de stad van de marabouts, these schools are known as a l f a ( d e r i v e d the marabout to ‘pray’ for him to get the marabouts in this field acquire a religious Prometheus, Amsterdam 1998. A French from the Arabic al faqîh) in Songhay, or job. When I read this aloud, Boubakar, b a s i s . translation of the latter is anticipated. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 31

The Balkans MICHAEL SELLS Balkan Islam and

The curse below was revived with a vengeance at the 6 0 0t h anniversary commemoration of the death of Serb Prince Lazar at the battle of Kosovo in 1389. Re- ligious nationalists in Serbia accuse not only the Ot- the Mythology toman Turks who fought Lazar, but also the Balkan Muslims of today of being stained with the blood of Christ-prince Lazar.1

Whoever is a Serb of Serbian blood o f K o s o v o Whoever shares with me this heritage, And he comes not to fight at Kosovo, people and request a ‘godfather’ (K u m) cer- million volumes and a hundred thousand national community can support the many May he never have the progeny emony through which blood feuds were rare books) and the Oriental Institute (with who still refuse the ideology of religious His heart desires, neither son nor daughter; healed. When Serb elders reply that the cer- over 5,000 manuscripts in Arabic, Persian, apartheid or it can betray them by ratifying Beneath his hand let nothing decent grow emony requires baptism, the Muslims sug- Turkish, Slavic, and Aljamiado). One goal of ‘ethnic cleansing’. The stakes are high, both Neither purple grapes nor wholesome wheat; gest baptism for the Christian child and ritu- destroying the evidence of shared civiliza- for the moral universe we will inhabit and Let him rust away like dripping iron al tonsure for the Muslim child. The inter-re- tion was to help establish as fact the Serbian for the already delicate relations between Until his name be extinguished.2 ligious K u m ceremony is rejected and the nationalist myth, which holds that Muslims the Islamic world and the West. ♦ Muslims are driven away as ‘Turkifiers’ and and Christians never were ‘one people’ and ‘spitters on the cross’. The play ends with a are doomed to repeat age-old antagonisms. In a Passion play, the actors who kill the glorification of the Christmas extermination Tragically, Western policy makers and espe- martyr (Jesus, for example, or Imam Hus- of the Muslims, the annihilation of all traces cially UN commanders adopted the aggres- sein) exit the stage quickly to avoid being of their existence, followed by ritual com- sor mythology of inevitable age-old hatreds pummelled by the audience. When an excit- munion (without the confession obligatory to excuse their refusal to protect the victims ed crowd rushes the stage to beat the actor, after all killings) for the Serb knights. In the of ‘ethnic cleansing’ or to allow them to de- time is collapsed. The crowd reacts not as an view of the Njegosˇ, the antagonism be- fend themselves. In Kosovo, Serbian reli- audience watching a representation of a tween Christian and Muslim is not only age- gious nationalists have been equally me- past event, but as if they were actually living old: it is eternal, built into the very structure thodical in effacing identity – from libraries the original event. While stage re-enact- of the cosmos. The Mountain Wreath w a s and mosques to wedding rings and identity ment was not an important part of the Koso- reprinted and disseminated in 1989. Later, c a r d s .5 vo pageant of 1989, a similar collapse of Serb nationalists celebrated the ‘cleansing’ Bosnian Serb leader Biljana Plavsˇic´, a bi- time was evident. The relics of Lazar were of villages in Bosnia by posting on the Inter- ologist and former head of the Academy of transported around Serbia, arriving at the net verses from The Mountain Wreath c e l e- Natural Sciences in Sarajevo, announced in monastery nearest the battle site on the brating ‘the extermination of the Turkifiers’.3 1994 that: feast day of Lazar (Vidovdan). There they were ceremonially unveiled for the first time […] it was genetically deformed material in history. Slobodan Milosˇe v ic´ then mount- that embraced Islam. And now, of course, ed a stage on the battle site and, with a with each successive generation this gene backdrop of Kosovo symbolism and before simply becomes concentrated. It gets worse an excited audience of more than a million and worse. It simply expresses itself and people (some of them waving his picture dictates their style of thinking and behaving, alongside images of Lazar) boasted of his which is rooted in their genes.6 plan to revoke Kosovo’s autonomy. This time collapse was tied to other pow- As shown by Plavsˇic´ and her formerly sec- erful symbols: 1) the sacred space of the ularist and communist colleagues, the effec- ‘Serb Jerusalem’ – as Kosovo, with its mag- tiveness of the Kosovo nexus of religious nificent monasteries of the medieval Serb and historical mythologies is not dependent kingdoms, is called by Serb nationalists; 2) upon self-conscious beliefs or sincerity. For the historical memory of atrocities suffered leaders like Plavsˇic´ and their followers, it Michael Sells, author of The Bridge Betrayed: by Serbs in World War II – a memory height- provides an alternative system of logic that Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (University of Burning of the ened by ritual disinterment in the late 1980s makes plausible their sudden conversions California Press, second edition, 1998) is professor National Library of remains of Serb victims amidst calls for and justifies their acts to themselves and o f Comparative Religions at Haverford College, USA. in Sarajevo by revenge and the stereotyping of all Bosni- their audience. Serb shelling in ans, Albanians, and Croats as genocidal; and A Bosnian refugee told me the following N o t e s late August 1992. 3) false claims by Serbian bishops and acad- story: When her Serb neighbours protested 1 . The full argument and documentation for the emics that Albanians in Kosovo were en- against their participating in ‘cleansing’ the following remarks are found in Michael Sells, gaged in mass rape, systematic annihilation This concept of ‘Turkifier’ reflects Chris- Muslims, Serb paramilitaries shot them dead T h e Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia of Serb sacral heritage, and genocide. Reli- toslavism, the notion that a Slav who con- in front of their son and then forced the son (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2n d gious nationalists exploited the mythology verts from Christianity is transformed ethni- into the army. The Muslim woman’s husband edition, 1998) and at the Bridge Betrayed War of Kosovo throughout the ‘ethnic cleans- cally into a Turk. Twentieth-century writers was the K u m (godfather) of the Serb son. Crimes and Human Rights documentary page at ing’. Paramilitaries wore shoulder patches (both Catholic and Orthodox) combined Break the inter-religious K u m bond, which http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/reports.html depicting the battle of Kosovo, sang songs Christoslavism with racial ideas. Conversion presupposes that Christians and Muslims are 2 . Translated by Milorad Ekmecic, ‘The Emergence of about the Kosovo battle, forced their cap- was simultaneously a race-betrayal and ‘one people’, is the currently the goal, just as St. Vitus Day’, in Wayne Vucinich and Thomas tives to sing songs, and decorated them- race-transformation that left one perpetual- it was in The Mountain Wreath. Proposals to Emmert, eds., Kosovo: Legacy of a Medieval Battle selves with medals named after heroes of ly outside of the ‘people’ and placed one validate that goal and partition the Balkans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), the Kosovo battle. alongside those with the blood of the along religious lines, placing Balkan Muslims p. 335. The nexus of primordial time, historical Christ-prince Lazar on their hands. Ottoman in economically and politically untenable 3 . Bishop Petar Petrovic II (Njegosˇ), The Mountain memory, sacred space, and accusations of rule was portrayed as one of unremitting enclaves (landlocked equivalents of Gaza) W r e a t h, translated by Vasa Mihailovich (1986). present genocide – all brought together savagery in which the Ottomans ‘stole the would lead to further violence or – if the con- 4 . This essentialist view of Islam has been adopted around the 1989 Kosovo commemoration – blood’ of Serbs and Serb culture and de- sistent history of non-Christian ghettos in by the popular writer Bat Ye’or, who bases many was inflamed further by a particularly viru- stroyed the great monasteries of Kosovo. Europe since 1096 is any guide – to an even of her generalizations on the writings of Serbian lent form of Orientalism. In the 19t h c e n t u r y , Ironically, the latter claim is often made on worse outcome. Meanwhile, the Bosnian nationalists. Bat Ye’or, The Decline of Eastern Serbian nationalists made explicit the por- tours of the monasteries that in fact sur- Muslim family has preserved the home of Christianity under Islam (Madison: Farleigh trayal of Prince Lazar as a Christ-figure: a vived very well the five centuries of Ot- their Serb friends for the return of the son, Dickenson University Press, 1996), p. 239. Last Supper with twelve knight-disciples, in- toman rule.4 for whom they are now searching. 5 . See Andras Riedlmayer, ‘Bosnia’s Cultural Heritage cluding one traitor, and a Mary Magdalene The monasteries also survived centuries After years of propaganda, Njegosˇ- s t y l e and Its Destruction’ (Philadelphia, 1994), figure. The most important work of 19t h c e n- surrounded by Kosovar Albanians. Yet, mo- mythology, and complicity in genocide, Ser- videocassette, and the photo essays on tury Serb nationalism was T h e M o u n t a i n tivated by repeated false claims that the bian society has been radicalized. Serbia’s t h e Community of Bosnia Web page: W r e a t h , a verse drama published in 1857 by ‘Turks’ (i.e. the Albanians) were destroying most popular politician is Vojislav Sˇesˇelj, an h t t p : / / w w w . s t u d e n t s . h a v e r f o r d . e d u / v f i l i p o v the Montenegrin Orthodox bishop known the monasteries, Serbian militias destroyed open proponent of annihilation of Kosovar 6 . Biljana Plavsˇic, S v e t , Novi Sad, September 1993, as Njegosˇ. It opens with Serb bishops and thousands of Islamic monuments in areas of Albanians, and its most popular celebrity is cited and translated by Slobodan Inic, ‘Biljana knights deciding to ‘cleanse’ Montenegro of Bosnia they controlled, including major the indicted war criminal Arkan. Even so, P l a vsˇic: Geneticist in the Service of a Great Crime’, non-Christians. The Vlad (Prince-Bishop) masterworks of the 16t h century such as the when the radical elements in a society are Bosnia Report: Newsletter of the Alliance to Defend summons the Slavic Muslims and offers Ferhadiya in Banja Luka and the Coloured defeated, a society can turn quickly to its B o s n i a - H e r z e g o v i n a 19 (June-August 1997), them a last chance to convert. The Muslims Mosque of Foc˘a. In Sarajevo, the Serb army better values (witness the transformation of translated from H e l s i nsˇka povelja ( H e l s i n k i reply that Orthodox and Muslims are one burned the National Library (more than a formerly fascist states after WWII). The inter- Charter), Belgrade, November 1996. 3 2 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

B a l k a n s NATHALIE CLAYER ALEXANDRE POPOVIC A New Era for

Sufism has always marked the practice of Islam in the Balkans, since the Ottoman conquest, especially through the implantation of brotherhood networks. With the withdrawal of the Ottomans, from the end Sufi Trends in of the 17t h up to the beginning of the 20t h c e n t u r y , part of these networks disappeared, since a lot of their members either perished in the wars or fled to Turkey. Another part of these networks remained – especially on the western side of the Peninsula – and t h e B a l k a n s continued to regulate the religious as well as the social life of significant Muslim groups. However, in the The third important evolution is Shiite latter half of the 20t h century, the communist regimes proselytism, which is particularly effective in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania en- among Sufi milieus of the Western Balkans. deavoured to weaken the religious institutions. In Al- In fact, in the same way that they are trying bania, they were even completely dismantled by the to introduce their doctrine in Turkey authorities in 1967. among the Alevi groups, the Shiites are working to diffuse Shiism in the Balkans, es- Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the new pecially through the re-emerging Sufi net- political situation is fraught with ‘positive’ works. In Albania, for example, the Shiites consequences for Muslims in the Balkans: approached the representatives of the Bek- liberty of expression and of circulation, in- tashis, the Halvetis, the Rifa‘is and other tensification of contacts with the Muslim Sufi brotherhoods (whose mystical knowl- world, and the possibility for foreign mis- edge is as poor as their financial means). sionaries to come and proselyte. On the They help them to publish Shiite-oriented other hand, these Muslims, and their Christ- books and offer fellowships to allow for ian neighbours, are confronted with ex- young Albanians to study in Iran. In Kosovo tremely troubled economic and social situa- and Macedonia, Shiite groups from Iran as tions, and even with conflicts – sometimes well as from Western Europe get in touch armed (e.g. Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo). also with Muslims who are now convinced Religious practices, those of the Sufis in par- of seeing in Shiism the ‘true Islam’ of the ticular, are dependent on developments in third stage, which is to succeed Sufi Islam – local history, as well as on the present polit- itself considered the second stage after ical and social context in each country or re- Sunni Islam. gion. We will not give here a complete and It is difficult to know how the Sufi cur- detailed panorama of the Sufi reality in the rents, which remain somewhat marginal Balkans of today (whose importance is quite with respect to the mainstream of Islam, limited in comparison with the size of local will develop in the Balkan Peninsula in the Muslim communities), but rather shall try to future. Already it is clear that they have en- emphasize the main characteristics of its tered a new era. The Muslim community of evolution – from the surviving ancient net- these regions is closer to the rest of the works to the appearance of new ones. U m m a than before. New trends are being introduced, not only from the East as in the The weight of the past past, but also from the Muslim diasporas of In the eastern part of the Peninsula, in Bul- Western Europe. The Sufi networks in the garia, Romania and Greece (i.e. Western Balkans will certainly carry out the same Thrace), ancient Sufi networks have been al- transformations that were undergone in most totally destroyed in the 20t h c e n t u r y , other parts of the Muslim world concerning except for the special case of the Alevi-Kizil- the adaptation of their social role in mod- bash communities, which in fact have their ern society. Furthermore, internally, be- own heterodox and syncretistic religion. On cause of the important political changes, B e k t a s h i - d e r v i s h the western side, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, it they will have to re-position themselves vis- in Korçë, seems that the Sufi tradition, which despite à-vis the new Muslim religious (and politi- S o u t hA l b a n i a . much suffering since the end of the Ot- cal) authorities. ♦ toman domination, survived mainly through Mathnawi ‘lessons’, m e v l u d ceremonies and The case of Albania differs greatly for two ter wearing white veils for the occasion. The the activities of a few Nakshbandi t e k k es and reasons. There, the Sufi current, which con- i l a h i (religious hymns) had also been Rifa‘i and Kadiri circles. This tradition has ex- tinued to flourish even after the end of Ot- learned and sung to greater perfection. perienced a certain revival in the last years. toman domination, was totally smothered Did the Sufi members play a role, as such, in during the communist period, as were all re- Recent evolutions the recent events? This we do not know, but ligious manifestations. The second reason is However, besides the restoration or con- Sufism and Sufi networks could have been that, one of the Sufi brotherhoods – the fer- solidation of ancient networks, three impor- utilized for certain political and ideological vent heterodox and syncretistic Bektashiyye tant evolutions in the Balkan Sufi scenery reasons. In the other ex-Yugoslav provinces, – became an independent religious com- are noteworthy: first was the introduction of that is to say in Kosovo and Macedo- munity alongside the Sunni community. new networks, via ‘missionaries’ who come n i a , where the bulk of the Muslim population When, at the end of 1990, religious practices to the Balkans, as well as the young Balkan speaks Albanian (and not Slavic as in Bosnia were re-authorized by the government, the Muslims who go to study in different Mus- and Herzegovina), the Dervish brotherhoods Bektashi community as well as the other lim countries where some establish contacts were, to a certain extent, less challenged mystical brotherhoods tried to re-establish with Sufi groups; and second was the intro- than those in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Especially themselves. Descendants of shaykhs first reduction and development of movements in in the second half of the 1970s, a Rifa‘i built t ü r b es (mausoleums) in order to regain the region, which can generally be consid- shaykh of Prizren had the possibility to give legitimacy via the saints’ b a r a k a and there- ered as ‘neo-brotherhoods’, such as the Sü- a new impetus to the local t u r u q, by unifying by to obtain believers’ donations for financ- leymanjis or the Nurjus-Fethullahjis, both them within an organization, and by using ing. Some of them then attempted to gath- having originated from Turkey and having the funds offered by emigrant workers. Nev- er small congregations and to perform ritu- been issued from the Nakshbandiyye. For ertheless, in these regions, an interesting als. Certain new ‘shaykhs’ came to be example, the Süleymanjis are implanted in phenomenon is the appearance of gypsy helped by Albanian Sufi shaykhs from Koso- Albania, where they have begun religious networks, whose members are often in vo, as was the case for the Rifa‘iyye, or for classes and have opened a Turkish-Albanian search of a greater legitimacy within the those from other regions. It is often like a religious centre. The followers of Fethullah Muslim society. Although these networks slow re-apprenticeship of practices and Gülen, for example, extended their network are linked with different t u r u q ( H a l v e t i y y e , doctrines, as can be witnessed in the Kadiri and activities in various countries such as Rifa‘iyye, Sa‘diyye, etc.), we have to admit t e k k e of Tirana, where in 1993 men and un- Romania, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania. Dr Nathalie Clayer is researcher at the CNRS, Paris, that the practice of rites tend to be homoge- veiled women performed the d h i k r in the They are publishing local editions of their France. nized, with the i j r a h, a very spectacular ritual same circle, while two years later there was newspaper (Z a m a n) and have opened pri- Dr Alexandre Popovic is senior researcher at the of mortifications, becoming for all of them already a clear segregation of men and vate secondary schools – in some cases also CNRS, Paris, France. the central point of the d h i k r. women during these ritual prayers; the lat- religious schools. E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 33

R u s s i a ALEXANDER G. SELEZNEV The Northern-

According to certain legends still very much alive today in the local collective memory, the first Muslim missionaries came to the territory of Western Siberia and began to disseminate the true belief in Allah m o s t Outpost among locals in 1394-1395. Today, amidst conditions of burgeoning ethnic, cultural and religious self-awareness of the citizens of Russia, this legend has taken on the character of a genuine historical fact. The Siberian cities of Omsk and Tyumen – cen- of Islamic tres of dense Siberian Muslim populations – celebrated the 600t h anniversary of Siberian Islam as national and religious holidays, which were accompanied by festivals of traditional culture and scientific confer- e n c e s . C i v i l i z a t i o n

Islam is the official religion of an over- River. There they fought a great battle to the framework of the Kazakh Khanate. The traces of a fire cult, preserved among the whelming majority of Turkic language spread the Islamic faith to the Siberian in- Siberian Khanate was transformed into an Kazakhs and Tartars, can be explained by speakers living in the south of Western habitants, consisting in the Khotan, Kara- independent state in the second half of the the influence of Middle Asian cultures. The Siberia. More specifically, this population Kypcjak, and Nogaj. The Muslim missionar- 1 6t h century, a period which saw the begin- word Q u d a i (H u u d a i), signifying God, is Per- professes Sunnism. There are three large ies coming to Siberia were said to be disci- ning of Tartar’s ethnic groups. The distribu- sian in origin and is known to Western Siber- Muslim ethnic groups in the Siberian region: ples of the mystic Hadji Baha ad-Din Naqsh- tion of Islam was the external expression of ian Muslims and Sajan-Altai shamanists. An- Siberian Tartars (over 180,000 persons), band (1318–1389). these social and ethnic processes. For exam- imistic beliefs are also connected with the Western Siberian Kazakhs (over 160,000), Another version of this legend, still alive in ple, the forming of Baraba Tartars (one of ancient shamanic beliefs. They are ex- and the Volga-Ural Tartars (60,000 persons). the national memory of Siberian Tartars, the ethnic groups of Siberian Tartars) oc- pressed in the form of hunting-fishing cults Siberian Islam draws its historical signifi- holds that all 366 sheikhs were treacherous- curred in the 17t h and early 18t h c e n t u r i e s . of the spirits (i j a s y, e s e): the spirits of the cance from the fact that it constitutes the ly killed and then buried by disciples in spe- Baraba Tartars practised shamanism in the water (su ijasy), the forest (p i c i n, p i c h i n, northernmost outpost of Islamic civilization cial sacred cemeteries – o s t a n a. Some mod- beginning of the 18t h century. However, al- u r m a n - i s a s y), houses (oj ijasy), fire (ot ijasy) in the world. Siberian Muslims are compact- ern surnames of Siberian Tartars and names ready by the mid-18t h century, Islam had and others. ly settled in national villages (Aul, Jurt) and of their settlements stem from the word spread extraordinarily quickly among this Shamanistic beliefs were preserved to the also live in large cities together with repre- sheikh (preacher), such as the surname group. Interestingly, the Chulym Turks (a greatest extent by Baraba Tartars. Ethno- sentatives of various nationalities such as: Shihkov, and the village Shykhcha. All small group of Turkic-language speakers, graphic sources at the end of the 17t h– e a r l y Russian, Ukrainian, German, Latvian, and Es- groups of Siberian Tartars have legends of surrounded by Muslim and Christian popu- 1 8t h centuries, offer detailed descriptions of tonian. The national culture of Tartars and old religious wars, during which Muslim lations) have maintained shamanism as the Baraba shamans (k a m), shamanic practice, Kazakhs has been preserved in villages. It is missionaries destroyed old idols – q u r c h a k main form of religious practice, not super- attributes of a shamanic cult, and shamanic thus still possible to observe traditional (dolls). These legends are found in relation seded by Christianity or Islam. rituals and customs. modes of cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, to information about the Naqshbandi Sufi The dissemination of Islam promoted the Shamanistic notions penetrate the whole as well as traditional dwellings, food, cloth- order, one of the most widespread Sufi establishment of a basis of Muslim culture complex of Siberian Tartar’s spirit culture. ing, and art. Almost every Tartar and Kazakh brotherhoods in the 15th century. The Naqsh- among Siberian Tartars and Kazakhs: The For example, Siberian Tartars’ burial build- settlement has a mosque and Muslim priest bandi order was characterized by a high de- norms of Muslim justice and morals, Muslim ings comprise frames (k i r t m e, s u k k y, o j) and – m u l l a h. Western Siberia is an example of gree of socio-political activity. The members rituals and holidays, and even Muslim poles (b a g a n, o r m a), which have deep and the peaceful coexistence of different cul- of the order played an important role in the names became tradition for these peoples. very ancient analogies among the non-Is- tures and religious systems: Orthodoxy, final establishment of Islam in Central Asia Muslim schools were founded to offer edu- lamic peoples. Poles on graves symbolize Protestantism, and Islam. and East Turkestan, as well as among Kirghiz cation to the Kazakhs and Tartars, and to ac- the ‘world tree’, connecting in one unit: the Islam entered the Siberian Khanate as an and Kazakh tribes. Intervening in secular au- quaint them with Arabic and Persian lan- universe; the shamanic stairway, used by official religion in the 1570s, the time of thority and contact with the various political guages. Furthermore, mosques were built in shamans for contacting the upper spirits; Khan Kuchum. Archaeological findings tes- circles form the most important postulate of Siberian cities and villages. and the sex distinction of buried persons. tify that subjects of Islam in Western Siberia this brotherhood. In the 1920s and 1930s, the terror Stalin Frames on graves symbolize the house of in the 17t h and 18t h centuries are practically Surely, the dissemination of Islam was a exerted upon the Tartar and Kazakh peoples the deceased. On the other hand, Islamic non-existent. It is probable that Islamic very long, inconsistent and tragic process, was directed especially against the Islamic features (invitation of m u l l a h, non-partici- ideas did not spread among the population and undoubtedly cannot be reduced to any preachers. It is interesting to note here that pation of the women at the burial ritual) are groups in this period. However, in the mid- one legendary event or historical episode. the people of Siberia were long acquainted typical for the rituals of Siberian Tartars as 1 9t h century a legend was recorded which However, the spread of Islam among Siber- with the regional religions up to the spread well. stated that in 797 of the Muslim Era (1394- ian Tartars and Kazakhs meant important of Islam. The medieval Central Asian state The formation of an original Muslim- 1395 AD), 366 horse-riding sheikhs and their changes in their political and ethnic struc- associations – the Old Turkic Khanate I and II shamanist syncretism based on the organic Funeral prayer, ally Sheibani-Khan, together with 1,700 sol- ture. The nucleus of the Kazakh people was (552–630 and 682–745), the Uygurian synthesis of Islamic and pre-Islamic beliefs Siberian Tartars diers, arrived on the banks of the Irtysh formed in the 15t h and 16t h centuries within Khanate (745-840) and the state of Yeni- and cults of the Turkic-language population seien Kyrghyzs (6t h– 1 3t h centuries) – all of the Western Siberian plain. The strata in- played an important role in the history of clude not only traces of the early religious these peoples. Shamanism served as the forms (e.g. shamanism), but also of relics of ideological basis of the Old Turkic Khanates. pre-Islamic religious systems, which have Manichaeism, however, was the official reli- found expression in the worldviews of these gion within the frameworks of the Uygurian p e o p l e s . ♦ confederation of the peoples of Central Asia and Southern Siberia, and then among the ancient Kyrghyzs. Manichaeism constitutes a religious-philosophical system, based on a synthesis of Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, and Christianity. Thus, the peoples of Siberia had experience in interacting with ancient religious systems and with the world religions. This experience is reflected in the ethnogra- phies of Siberian Muslims. But shamanism has left the greatest mark on Siberian Muslim culture. For example, the term t e n g r e (meaning God, deity) has been maintained among Kazakhs and almost all groups of Siberian Tartars. The same word meant ‘supreme deity’ in the Old Turkic epoch and in modern times it has spread among the followers of shamanism Dr Alexander Seleznev is deputy director of the Omsk in the Sajan-Altai region. Other deities and Division of the Institute of Archaeology and spirits known to Siberian Tartars and Kaza- Ethnograpy, Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy khs (j e r ’ - s u, Earth/water, u m a j, q u t, n a t i g a j) , of Sciences, and is senior lecturer at the Department were considered sacred by Medieval sha- of Ethnology and Museology at Omsk State manist-Turks and Mongolians as well. The University, Russia. 3 4 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Eastern Europe GEORGE GRIGORE Muslims in Romania

Romanian principalities, once known as the ‘gates of b e y l i r b e y l i k of Rumelia. Dobrudja had been cessive emigrations, there are three Tartar have remained in Romania for a while, the Levant’, have a history of religious and ethnic di- under unceasing Ottoman domination until dialects in Dobrudja: the Crimean dialect or which makes these communities very unsta- versity. In Romania today, the Muslim population 1877 when, after the Russian-Romanian-Ot- the steppe dialect (in Tartar: k r i m or sol tili, ble. On the other hand, many Turks from traditionally lives together with the Romanian ma- toman War, Romania gained independence 70%), the Noghai dialect (in Tartar: n o g h a i Turkey have joined the old Turkish commu- jority (Christian-Orthodox) in an area called Dobrud- as a state, subsequently acknowledging Do- t i l i, 20%) and the seaside dialect (in Tartar: nity in Romania and consolidated it. There is ja, a territory bordered to the east by the Black Sea, brudja’s annexation by the Treaty of Berlin yaliboyi tili, 10%). also a small number of Romanians that have to the west and north by the Danube River and to the ( 1 8 7 8 ) . In order to accentuate the element of recently become Muslims, yet have not south by the Romanian-Bulgarian frontier. The first Muslims – a group of 10-12,000 Islam in Dobrudja, the Ottomans brought in formed a unified community. Anatolian Turkomans led by Sari Saltik – set- other populations from all over the Empire: The Muslim community from Dobrudja, tled down in Dobrudja in 1263-1264. The fa- Persians, Kurds, and Arabs. The latter, for in- Culture and education which is Sunni, Hanafitic rite, is composed of mous Arab traveller, Ibn Battutah (1334), stance, consisted in 150 Syrian families of Dobrudja is a place with lots of vestiges of two major ethnic groups: the Tartars and made the first documentary attestation of f e l l a h s who were brought to Dobrudja be- the Ottoman domination period, such as the Turks. Nowadays, Muslims from Dobrud- Tartars living in this area. According to the tween 1831-1833. All these populations mausoleums and tombs of some Muslim ja or from abroad live in all the important discovered traces, the first groups of Tartars, mingled with the Turks, being assimilated saints and Ottoman magistrates that can be Romanian cities, being structured in more as part of the empire of the Golden Horde, within a short period of time. found at Isaccea, Cernavoda and Babadag. or less stable communities. According to the seem to have settled here during the time of In Medgidia are the ruins of one of the old- official census of 1992, there were 29,533 the Tartar leader Noghai (1280-1310), who Turks, Tartars, Albanians and est Muslim schools (m e d r e s a) in the region. Turks and 24,649 Tartars registered, mean- ruled over the northern side of the Balkan G y p s i e s There are also some mosques, still in use, ing that the Turks as well as the Tartars rep- Peninsula up to Dobrudja. The name of At the beginning of the 20t h century, as a which are real masterpieces of architecture, resent each an approximate percentage of Noghai assumed by a part of Dobrudja Tar- result of the deterioration of the economical such as Esmahan Sultan Mosque in Man- 0.1% of Romania’s 22,760,449 inhabitants. tars must have its origins in the colonization conditions, Turkish and Tartar populations galia (constructed in 1590); Ghazi Ali Pasa of that time. migrated massively to Turkey, so that many Mosque in Babadag (constructed in 1522); Ottoman presence Sultan Bayezid I brought Tartars to the villages were left entirely abandoned. The and Hunkiar Mosque (constructed in 1870) The Muslim presence in Dobrudja is ex- area of Babadag. Later on, Sultan Mehmet I number of religious shelters can also demon- and Anadolkoy Mosque (constructed in plained by the fact that this territory was (1413-1421) colonized in Dobrudja both strate the decrease of the Muslim popula- 1860) in Constanta. During the Ottoman under the domination of the Ottoman Em- Tartars and Turkomans from Asia Minor. An- tion. Whereas in 1900 there were 260 times, education was mostly religious. In pire for almost five centuries. The Ottomans other stage of the colonization in Dobrudja mosques in Dobrudja, at the end of World Dobrudja, the oldest m e d r e s a was built in conquered Dobrudja in several stages. The is connected with the Sultan Bayezid II who War II there were only 151 left. The decrease Babadag in 1484, by the order of the Sultan first stage is represented by the conquest of invited Volga Tartars to settle in the south- has remained in process up to the present Bayezid II. After 1878, the Romanian State the strategic points of Inisala and Isaccea b y ern Basarabia (Budjak) and northern Do- day, the number of functional mosques reorganized the educational system in Do- the Sultan Bayezid I (1389-1402). After a brudja. During several stages, Anatolian coming down to about 80. The number of brudja, secularized it and introduced the short re-conquest of these territories by the Turks were colonized in Dobrudja. During Muslim graveyards has also decreased from Romanian language in schools. The theo- v o i v o d e of Wallachia, Mircea the Old, most the 17t h and 18t h centuries, the Crimean Tar- 300 to 108, which are still in use. logical seminary in Medgidia, which had of Dobrudja was conquered by the Sultan tars continually migrated to Dobrudja. This Apart from the Turks and the Tartars, been moved from Babadag in 1903, was Mehmet I between 1419-1420. This marks migration grew to a considerable size at the other Muslim ethnic groups can also be abolished in 1965. School education in Tar- the second stage in the process of settling time the Crimea was annexed by the Rus- found in Romania, such as the Albanians tar and Turkish was gradually eliminated Ottoman power in the region. The third and sians in 1783, after the Russian-Turkish War. who emigrated in great number after World after 1959, and the study of these languages last stage is represented by the conquest of After the Crimean Tartar emigrants had es- War I from many regions of the Balkan became optional. After the fall of the com- the fortresses Chilia and Cetatea Alba by the tablished themselves in Basarabia, as a first Peninsula. According to certain studies, munist regime in Romania in 1989, the Turk- Sultan Bayezid II (1481-1512) in 1484. As a stage of the emigration process, they then there are approximately 3,000 Muslim Alba- ish language was reintroduced as study lan- result, Dobrudja became a constituent of crossed the Danube and settled down in nians in Romania. They are fully integrated guage for both Turkish and Tartar ethnic the Ottoman Empire, belonging to the great Dobrudja in 1812. As a result of these suc- into the Tartar-Turkish community, not only groups in the schools with Tartar and Turk- by means of marriage, but also through the ish pupils. Furthermore, in 1993 the Muslim bonds of custom and tradition and by the theological and pedagogic secondary school sharing of mosques and graveyards. This ‘Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ opened its doors, makes it very difficult to establish their continuing the tradition of old seminary. ♦ exact number. A fact that is worth mentioning is that the first translation of the Koran to modern Albanian (written with Latin letters), entitled K o r a n i (K e n d i m i n i) was published by Ilo Mitko Qafezezi – an Albanian Dr George Grigore is professor at the Arabic from Romania – in 1921 in Ploiesti. Department of the University of Bucharest and Another Muslim group in Romania is com- research fellow at the Center for Arab Studies, prised of Muslim gypsies living in Dobrudja. Bucharest, Romania. E-mail: [email protected] These are local gypsies who converted to Islam during the Ottoman domination, or There are two monthly publications, issued in Muslim gypsies who emigrated from other Constanta, worthy of mention: H a k s e s (in Romanian parts of the Ottoman Empire. Some of them and Turkish) and K a r a d e n i z (‘The Black Sea’; in seem to have mixed with the vagrant Anato- Romanian, Turkish and Tartar). In addition, the lian Turks who were present in Dobrudja, Kriterion publishing house in Bucharest has been becoming an ethnic group now called ‘Turk printing books in Turkish and Tartar languages since gypsies’. Their number is not exactly known 1980. In the High Institutions of the State, there are as they generally declare themselves Turks two deputies in Parliament representing two political in the census. organizations of the Turkish-Tartar community in After 1989, new Muslim ethnic groups ap- Romania, namely the Democrat Union of the Turkish peared in important cities of Romania such Muslim Tartars in Romania and the Democrat Union as Bucharest, Iasi, Cluj, and Timisoara. Such of the Turks in Romania. groups are the Arabs (who came mostly from the countries of the Arab Mashriq like R e f e r e n c e s Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine); the – Ekrem Mehmet Ali, 1995, Din istoria turcilor Iranians; the Kurds (who came from north- d o b r o g e n i, Bucuresti, Editura Kriterion; ern Iraq and south-eastern Turkey), etc. – Mehmet Ablay, 1997, Din istoria tatarilor, Bucuresti, Some of these communities have their own Editura Kriterion; mosques, schools (such as the Iraqi School – R. Florescu, 1976, Prezente musulmane în România in Bucharest), bilingual periodicals (Roman- / Muslims in Romania. Past and Present / Maca l i m ian-Arabic) such as Al-’Usbu’ Al-’Arabi ( T h e Islamiyya fi Rumaniya. With a Preface by Iacub Arab Week), and cultural and religious cen- Mehmet, Mufti of the Muslim Cult in the Socialist tres (especially in Bucharest). These new Republic of Romania, Bucharest, Meridiane communities have not joined the old Mus- Publishing House; lim community in Romania, the two groups – N.A. Gafer, Vladimir Drimba, ‘Quelques problèmes living almost parallel lives. Very few of these relatifs au developpement culturel de la newcomers to Romania have obtained Ro- population tatare de Roumanie’, Bucharest, The King Carol I manian citizenship and those that have, S t u d i e et Acta Orientalia, I (1958), 339-343; Mosque in generally did so through marriage; most of – Müstecib Ulküsal, 1966, Dobruca ve Türkler, Ankara, C o n s t a n t a them emigrate to Western Europe after they Türk Kültürünü Arastirma Enstitüsü Yayinlari. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 35

S c a n d a n a v i a JONAS OTTERBECK ’A School for All’

The limits of normality in Swedish public schools are defined by the majority society.1 Structures that are somewhat invisible to participants in the school system uphold a structural marginalization of Muslim Muslim Pupils pupils and exclude them from normality. This is not only a question about what is taught in class as subjects or how questions about diet are resolved, it is also about how symbolic Muslim identities are viewed. This can be seen in the light of how time and i n S w e d e n space are structured in school.

In 1975, the Swedish government made a background. Furthermore, they also carry beautiful. The girl turned that teacher into declaration that from then on Sweden was to subcultural identities formed around musical her new idol and followed her around for al- be a multicultural society. A programme of styles, consumer patterns, political engage- most a week. As the teacher claimed, this three goals was put forward. Equality, free- ment, etc.2 At the same time, however, ‘Mus- was probably the first time she had ever dom of choice and partnership were the key- lim’ is a symbolic identity that connects a per- heard a non-Muslim adult saying something words. Since then, Sweden has changed in son to discourses on ‘Muslim-ness’ among positive about her veil or even about her many ways, and institutions to support the both Muslim and non-Muslim groups. faith. multicultural society have been created, be- In Swedish schools there are no special ac- Amongst pupils I think the veil is seen come obsolete, reformed or closed down. tivities in connection with religious feasts more as a part of normality than amongst The discussion on the role of multicultural- other than traditional Swedish Christian the adults at schools. For several teachers, ism has affected the curriculum of the o n e s .3 Thus, Id al-fitr and Id al-adha are not especially female, the veil symbolizes fe- Swedish public school. Today the school is celebrated by a break in the normal time- male oppression. They find it hard to accept described as nondenominational and multi- flow of the week. Teachers do not read from it as something normal to wear the veil. This cultural. The school is ‘for all’, no cultures or a s i r a of Muhammad, or talk about the im- dislike may be well hidden, but is some- religions being subject to discrimination. The portance of the pilgrimage to Mecca. In- times detected by the pupils. When the school is, however, not neutral. Certain key stead Muslim pupils (and their parents) above-mentioned teacher expressed some- values are to be honoured, for example equal- have to negotiate for the right to be free on thing positive about the veil this came as a ity and democracy. The school is also meant certain extra days every year. Slowly, prag- surprise for the girl. to protect the freedom and integrity of the in- matic solutions have developed. As late as The school is connected to the larger soci- dividual, and the teachings and atmospheres 1993, the board of the Schools of Stockholm ety’s understanding of time and space. In it, there are to be characterized by pluralism, tol- sent out a recommendation, advising the the time and space normalities of the major- erance, openness and respect for the dignity schools to give Muslim pupils some days off ity society are enacted. Being Muslim (com- of each human being. for the Ids if they so desired. The paper sent mitted or not) means to have a symbolic The idea of a nondenominational school out by the board was called ‘Fundamentalis- identity connected to time and space nor- was put forth in the curriculum of 1962, and in tic Muslims’ demands on the School’. The malities other than those of the majority so- that of 1969 the instruction in ‘Religion’ choice of words signals that these demands ciety. My point is that it is possible to see changed its profile from Christianity to all reli- are made by ‘difficult’ persons excluded that in the socialization process of Muslim gions (but with the main focus on Christiani- from Swedish normality. youth their symbolic identities as Muslims ty). These reforms were not made to meet the Some pupils want to try to fast during Ra- are often denied in school. But it is not as demands of immigrant parents. Instead they madan. It is common for parents (if they simple as it is sometimes presented: If the mirrored the ideas of the Swedish majority place importance on Ramadan) to encour- schools meet the needs and demands based society, especially the Social Democratic Party age their children to try to fast a couple of on normative Islam, everything is fine. The who then had political hegemony. Today the years before it turns into a religious duty. symbolic identities will still be a problem. situation is different. Actual pluralism exists in This begins with a day or two and then in- This is not about Islamic theology, nor is it the schools. The rest of this article will devel- creases over time. The children get feed- very much about the practice. It is rather op the difficulties of implementing the back and encouragement if they succeed in only about certain parts of the faith and above-mentioned ideals in the everyday life fasting. It is part of growing up and of taking practice that have consequences on behav- of schools. on a grown person’s responsibility. iour and symbolic identities that contrast One boy told me how he had to go to the the time and space normalities of the major- The rhythm of the majority school nurse during Ramadan. He had stom- ity. If schools are to be multicultural and In school there is a certain rhythm of time ach-ache and head pain. The nurse suggest- ‘schools for all’, this will have to be looked for the day, week and year. It consists in pub- ed that he take a painkiller, but the boy said into, especially since Islam as a phenome- lic holidays, feasts, working hours, etc. It cre- that he could not because he was fasting. non is highly disliked by the general public ates ideas of what normal distribution of The nurse then told him that it was not (we have good statistic material to prove time is. The rhythm reflects a Swedish secu- good for the body to fast and that all it re- t h a t ) . lar worldview, but also a Swedish Christian sulted in was that pupils had difficulties fol- Some adjustments could easily be made. heritage. It includes Christmas celebrations, lowing the lectures. She obviously became An important part of this is communication. Lucia, the Easter celebrations, a ceremony in irritated because her proposed solution Both the schools and the parents have to a local church at the end of the term, etc. could not solve the problem. take their responsibility. On the one hand, This idea of a normality of distribution of This is only one example amongst many, parents could inform the school about reli- time is one plausibility structure of the ma- but it fits into a pattern where Muslims are gious feasts. On the other, schools could jority society and as such it is often taken for excluded from normality. The Ramadan buy a multicultural calendar (there are at Jonas Otterbeck is a PhD candidate in Islamology granted. Parents, teachers and educators fasting period and its rituals do not fit into least two Swedish ones) with the dates of a t Lund University, Sweden, and a lecturer in from the majority culture presuppose this the time flow at school (I am not arguing the main religious celebrations. Clearly, a International Migration and Ethnical Relations at normality and when they meet with other’s that it should or should not). Significant well thought out strategy is necessary in Malmö University. E-mail: [email protected] opinions and traditions, they are forced to persons for the secondary socialization of changing the everyday experience of time relativize their own tradition. There is a wide the pupils, like teachers and other staff at and space normalities that tend to margin- N o t e s range of reactions, from protectionism to a school, generally do not confirm this kind alize Muslim pupils into one which is truly 1 . ‘Normality’ refers to everyday practices that are will to change. One common reaction is: ‘But of normality. m u l t i c u l t u r a l . ♦ sanctioned as normal in a given group. The it is important for all pupils to get to know practices are ordered in discourses. ‘The view of the Swedish traditions to be able to partici- To move in school space the Swedish majority society’ refers to values or pate in the society’. Besides presupposing a At certain schools in Sweden there are quite systems of values promoted as representative for fixed ‘Swedish culture’, this is a kind of pro- a few girls who wear the veil. As a female the majority of Swedes. In connection with tectionism. Other things that are likewise im- pupil from Eritrea recounted: ‘When you go schools, this often reflects middle class values. portant to understand in Swedish society are out, there are a lot of people who stare at you 2 . There are at least 250,000 persons with a Muslim taught in class and not enacted as rituals. It when wearing the veil. I mean outside of background in Sweden (no unobjectionable sanctions some pupils’ normalities; while school’. The girl felt that inside the school no statistics are available). The largest groups are the others that would like to see, for example, one cared if she wore a veil. But outside, she Bosnians, Iranians, and Turks. There are also other time normalities, are excluded. frequently had to deal with conflicts. numerous groups from Iraq, Somalia, Palestine, At another school with many Muslim Kurdistan, and smaller groups from several other The rhythm of the minorities pupils, a teacher conducted an experiment c o u n t r i e s . Muslim pupils are not just Muslim pupils. after a discussion that I had with her about 3 . Some changes have occurred during the last year. They carry other identities apart from the re- positive recognition. She noticed that a girl Certain schools in Malmö have rescheduled to fit ligious: national, ethnic, gender, and class had a new veil and remarked that it was in Ramadan. 3 6 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

Western Europe MOCH. NUR ICHWAN Prayer in the

The Surinam-Javanese community in the Nether- lands is divided over the question of the prayer direction; some perform their prayers facing the East, but most turn to the West. The majority are k e j a w e n, S u r i n a m - J a v a n e s e following the syncretic practices and beliefs of Java. In this community the keblat (qibla) expresses a unique diasporic experience and identity. Diasporic Experience

The main route of Javanese diaspora in cize the practice of praying to the West as Muslim Eropa) the Young Muslim Associa- her soul. Religious devotion is regarded as the Netherlands was through Surinam. most of the Javanese Muslims continued to tion of Europe, an organization which enter- having no value when one hurts and of- From 1890 onward, the Dutch colonial au- do; hence they are called Wong Madhep tains relations with the large Indonesian tra- fends others. Some refer to the Qur’an (S 2 : thorities in the Dutch East Indies (now In- N g u l o n ( w e s t -k e b l a t p e o p l e ) .1 ditionalist organization, the Nahdlatul Ula- 177): ‘Righteousness is not to turn your donesia) recruited villagers from Java as ma. Members of the reformist Rukun Islam faces towards the East or the West; the contract workers for the plantations in an- Javanese prayer in organization in The Hague are associated righteous is he who believes in Allah, the other Dutch colonial land, Surinam. Most of t h e N e t h e r l a n d s with the main reformist movement in In- Last Day, the angels, the Book and the them were k e j a w e n Muslims. K e j a w e n I s l a m , When Surinam became independent in donesia, the Muhammadiyah. prophets.’ The leader of the Sido Muljo, a k e- which was dominant in Javanese villages, is 1975, a number of Javanese opted for the The k e j a w e n Muslims conceive the re- j a w e n organization in Rotterdam, holds that a syncretic Islam which incorporated old Ja- Dutch nationality and migrated to the formists as belonging to an ‘Arabic Islam’. In one can face in any direction, not just west vanese beliefs, including Hindu-Buddhist el- Netherlands. At present, over 22,000 Suri- their attempts to preserve their Javanese or east, because God is omnipresent. In a re- ements. The Javanese arrived in Surinam nam-Javanese live in this country, concen- identity, the question of k e b l a t occupies an cent radio broadcast, however, he stated without persons learned in religion. It was trated in the cities of The Hague, Amster- important position. The debate on the k e- that to be a devout Muslim one should ap- not until the beginning of the 1930s that – dam, and Rotterdam.2 The majority of Ja- b l a t that began in Surinam has been contin- parently behave like an Arab and abandon partly through contacts with Hindustani vanese in the Netherlands adhere to k e- ued in the Netherlands, but the debate is his or her Javanese identity. He pointed to Muslims – some realized that the Kacba was j a w e n Islam, although a number of reformist not as heated as it was in Surinam. One of the practice of rendering certain prayers in not located to the West, but to the north- organizations have gained some ground the reasons for this is that mosques do not Arabic and to the fact that some Javanese east of Surinam. Subsequently, a number of within the community. The organizations of serve as the centre of activities for the k e- texts are written in Arabic script (p e g o n). Javanese Muslims started praying in that di- k e j a w e n Muslims in the Netherlands are j a w e n Muslims in the Netherlands: there are The head of the Pitutur Islam pleads for rection. This small group, led by Pak Samsi, generally cultural organizations, but sever- no k e j a w e n mosques in the country. Thus as the continuation of the western k e b l a t: encouraged people to change their direc- al, like Pitutur Islam, carry religious names. yet they are not confronted with the ques- ‘Facing East is done according to the peo- tion of prayer to the Northeast, usually sim- Unlike their counterparts in Surinam, they tion of the direction of mosque’s m i h r a b. ple of Saudi Arabia. We heard that in In- plified as East. Since then, this small group do not have their own mosques. There are Despite praying towards the West at home, donesia our ancestors faced to the West, in has been called Wong Madhep Ngetan ( e a s t - several active organizations amongst the Ja- when visiting a mosque, k e j a w e n M u s l i m s the direction of the so-called Kacba. That k e b l a t people). Later some became very crit- vanese Muslims praying to the East. One follow others and pray facing East. This was in Negari Jawi [the land of Java].’ ical of what was seen as the superstition and such organization is the Al-Jamica t u l small group argues that it is not the direc- religious innovation (b i dca) among the Ja- Hasanah, which shares its mosque in Rotter- tion of west or east that is of prime impor- vanese Muslims. Others did not openly criti- dam with the PPME (Persatuan Pemuda tance, but rather the way one purifies his or Continued on page 43

A D V E R T I S E M E N T I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Regional issues 37

North America RICHARD BRENT TURNER Mainstream Islam

Mainstream Islam has deep roots in the African- American experience, roots that reach back to the history of slavery and early 20t h-century black Sunni communities in the United States. How has the issue in the African- of race in the United States affected the practices and the community experiences of black Sunni Muslims who traditionally see Islam as ‘a colour and race- blind religion?’ American Experience

Malcolm X’s hajj in 1964 and Warith Deen southerners to northern and midwestern ty; aid its members in case of death or ill- temples were renamed ‘mosques’ and Mohammed’s transformation of the Nation cities during the World War I era, provided ness; and unite with the Muslim communi- ‘m a s j i d s ’. The community’s lucrative finan- of Islam into an orthodox community in the social and political environment for the ties in the United States. This mainstream cial holdings were liquidated and main- 1975, are two of the more recent visible rise of African-American mainstream com- community was the result of a spiritual stream rituals and customs were adopted. signs of the importance of mainstream munities from the 1920s to the 1940s. The metamorphosis after its previous associa- Although Warith Deen Mohammed’s posi- Islam in the African-American experience. Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, a heterodox tions with the heterodox philosophies of tive relationships with immigrant Muslims, African Americans comprise about 42% of missionary community from India, laid the the Moorish Science Temple and the Ah- the world of Islam and the American gov- the Muslim population in the United States, groundwork for mainstream Islam in black madiyya. In the 1950s, they established ernment are important developments in the which is somewhere between four to six America, by providing African Americans Young Muslim Women’s and Young Men’s history of mainstream Islam in the United million; and Sunni African-American Mus- with their first Qurans, important Islamic lit- Muslim Associations which provided social States, his group has diminished in mem- lims are the predominant community in the erature and education, and linkages to the services to the local community. Eventually, bers since the 1980s. United States today. Yet, the involvement of world of Islam. the First Mosque of Pittsburgh issued sub- Darul Islam, founded in Brooklyn, New black Americans with mainstream Islam is Black Sunni Muslims can trace their roots charters to African-American Sunni commu- York in 1962 and having branches in many not a recent phenomenon. It reaches back in the United States, in the early 20t h c e n t u- nities in several other cities. major American cities, is probably the to the earliest days of the transatlantic slave ry, to two multi-racial communities: the Is- In the early 20t h century, there is strong largest and most influential community of trade and has roots in early 20t h- c e n t u r y lamic Mission of America, led by Shaykh evidence of a vibrant multi-racial main- African-American Sunni Muslims. The Dar’s African-American Sunni communities. Dauod Ahmed Faisal in New York City and stream Islamic community in New York City practices and community experience focus the First Mosque of Pittsburgh. Influenced which included black Americans, African, on the utilization of the Quran and hadith, Mainstream Islam and slavery by the Muslim immigrant communities, by Turkish, Polish, Lithuanian, Russian, Indian, as such the members of the community do Muslim slaves – involuntary immigrants, Muslim sailors from Yemen, Somalia, and Albanian, Arab, Persian, and Caribbean peo- not follow the teachings of a particular con- who had been the urban-ruling elite in West Madagascar, and by the Ahmadi translation ples. However, this multi-racial model, temporary leader. Prestige and leadership Africa, constituted at least 15% of the slave of the Quran, Shaykh Daoud, who was born which also developed among Sunni Mus- are based on knowledge of the Quran, the population in North America in the 18t h a n d in Morocco and came to the United States lims in the midwestern United States, does hadith and the Arabic language. Darul Islam 1 9t h centuries. Their religious and ethnic from Grenada, established the Islamic Mis- not suggest a race and colour-blind com- is a private decentralized community, which roots could be traced to ancient black Islam- sion of America, also called the State Street munity experience, as immigrant Muslims did not allow immigrants in its midst until ic kingdoms in Ghana, Mali, and Sohghay. Mosque, in New York City in 1924. This was were noted for their ethnic, racial, and lin- the mid-1970s. The Hanafi Madh-hab Cen- Some of these West African Muslim slaves the first African-American mainstream com- guistic separation from African-American ter, founded by Hammas Abdul Khalis in the brought the first mainstream Islamic beliefs munity in the United States. Muslims during this period. Finally, these 1960s, is an African-American Sunni group and practices to America by keeping Islamic Shaykh Daoud’s wife, ‘Mother’ Khadijah early African-American Sunni communities that made headlines in the 1970s because names, writing in Arabic, fasting during the Faisal, who had Pakistani Muslim and black were overshadowed by the successful mis- of its conversion of the basketball star, Ka- month of Ramadan, praying five times a Caribbean roots, became the president of sionary work of the heterodox Ahmadiyya reem Abdul Jabbar and the assassination of day, wearing Muslim clothing, and writing the Muslim Ladies Cultural Society. The Is- and later by the ascendancy of the Nation of Khalis’ family in their Washington D.C. head- and reciting the Quran. lamic Mission of America published its own Islam in the 1950s. Mainstream Islam did not q u a r t e r s . The fascinating portrait of a West African literature, including S a h a b i y a t, a Muslim become a popular option for African-Ameri- Although African-American Muslims pop- Muslim slave in the United States who re- journal for women. This influential commu- can Muslims until the 1960s. ulate multi-ethnic Sunni m a s j i d s and organi- tained mainstream Islamic practices was nity spread mainstream practices among zations across the United States, reportedly that of the Georgia Sea Island slave, Bilali. black Muslims on the East Coast in the 1920s Mainstream Islam in there are subtle racial and ethnic tensions He was one of at least twenty black Muslims and 1930s and has continued to be signifi- contemporary Black America between African-American and immigrant who are reported to have lived and prac- cant to African-American Sunni Muslims for Large numbers of African Americans have Muslims today. Immigrant Muslims talk tised their religion in Sapelo Island and St. the remainder of the 20t h century. turned to mainstream Islamic practices and about ‘a colour and race-blind Islam’ and Simon’s Island during the antebellum peri- The First Mosque of Pittsburgh, Pennsyl- communities since Malcolm X’s conversion the American dream, while African-Ameri- od. The Georgia Sea Islands provided fertile vania was established in 1945, by African- to Sunni Islam in 1964 and his establishment can Muslims continue to place Islam at the ground for mainstream Islamic retention American Muslims who wished to spread of the Muslim Mosque, Inc. in New York City. forefront of the struggles for social justice, thanks to their relative isolation form Euro- the teachings of Islam; build mosques; es- Like Malcolm X, African-American Sunni Mus- as the United States enters a new century of American influences. Bilali was noted for his tablish the Jumah prayer in their communi- lims see themselves as part of the main- frightening racial violence and corruption. devotion, for wearing Islamic clothing, for stream Muslim community in the world of Certainly, African-American and immigrant his Muslim name, and for his ability to write Islam and study Arabic, fast during the Muslims have a lot to learn from each other and speak Arabic. Moreover, available evi- month of Ramadan, and pray five times a and need to present a united front on social dence suggests that he might have been day. The dramatic growth of Sunni Islam in justice issues, as mainstream Islam’s appeal the leader of a small local black Muslim black America is also related to the arrival of and ascendancy in the United States in the community. Islamic traditions in his family more than one million Muslims in the United next century may depend on American were retained for at least three generations. States after the American immigration laws Muslims’ ability to claim a moral and politi- By the eve of the Civil War, the old Islam of were reformed in 1965. cal high ground on those social justice is- the West African Muslim slaves was, for all Elijah Muhammad’s son, Warith Deen Mo- sues that have historically divided the practical purposes defunct, because these hammed, has played an important role American Christian population. ♦ Muslims were not able to develop commu- within mainstream Islam in the United nity institutions to perpetuate their religion. States. He became the Supreme Minister of When they died, their version of Islam, the Nation of Islam after his father’s death in which was African-American, private, with 1975. During the first years of his leadership, mainstream and heterodox practices disap- he mandated sweeping changes, which he peared. called the ‘Second Resurrection’ of African Americans, in order to align his community Richard Brent Turner is associate professor at the Early 20t h-century mainstream with mainstream Islam. He refuted the Na- Department of Religious Studies, De Paul University, communities tion of Islam’s racial-separatist teachings, Chicago, Illinois, USA. In the late 19t h-century, the Pan-Africanist and praised his father for achieving the ‘First ideas of Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912), Resurrection’ of black Americans by intro- Information is derived from: Richard Brent Turner, which critiqued Christianity for its racism ducing them to Islam. But now the commu- Islam In The African-American Experience, and suggested Islam as a viable religious al- nity’s mission was directed not only at black (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997); ternative for African Americans, provided Americans, but also at the entire American Aminah Beverly McCloud, African American Islam, the political framework for Islam’s appeal to environment. The new leader renamed the (New York: Routledge, 1995); Sulayman S. Nyang, black Americans in the early 20t h c e n t u r y . Nation of Islam the ‘World Community of Al- Islam In The United States of America, (Chicago: Moreover, the internationalist perspective Islam in the West’ in 1976; the ‘American ABC International Group, Inc., 1999); Allan D. Austin, of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Im- Muslim Mission’ in 1980; and the ‘Muslim African Muslims In Antebellum America: provement Association and the Great Mi- American Community’ in the 1990s. Minis- Transatlantic Stories and Spiritual Struggles, gration of more than one million black ters of Islam were renamed ‘imams’ and ( N e w York: Routledge, 1997). 3 8 Regional issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

The Carribean GUSTAV THAISS Muharram Rituals

Beginning in the 19t h century, a wave of indentured workers were brought by the British from India to Trinidad to work the plantations which had been abandoned by former slaves who had been freed by and the the abolition of slavery in 1838. By 1917, the end of indentureship, nearly 144,000 workers had been brought to Trinidad. The majority came from the North Indian areas of Agra and Oudh (Awadh), and while most were Hindu, there were Muslims among Carnivalesque them, a minority of whom were Shi’a.

The Muslims brought their devotional practices with them to the Caribbean and they continued to commemorate the Mu- in Trinidad harram rituals on the plantations. Workers on the estates, including Muslims, Hindus, Interestingly, despite the violence often The battle drums evoke a feeling of great the broader multicultural unity of the coun- Creoles and Chinese, donated funds for the associated with Muharram rituals, the day of excitement and are evaluated by the spec- try and hence a value to be exploited. In construction of the t acz i y a h s, which were cAshura itself (the tenth of Muharram) has a tators in terms of the ‘sweetness’ of their many respects the t acz i y a h has become a carried in processions. Competition (some- somewhat ambiguous meaning in the Mus- sounds. Many of the t a s s a drums have iden- moving, processional exhibit, an objectifica- times violent) often arose between the es- lim world. It is a day on which numerous rit- tifying ‘names’ painted on them as do the tion not only of the architectural beauty, tates for the most attractive t acz i y a h, or uals of joy and happiness have been cele- p a n or steel drums in Carnival. Some are tra- colours and display of the t acz i y a h, but also, Hosay as it was often called (a colloquial brated for centuries throughout the Sunni ditional such as ‘Husayn’, ‘Karbala’, or to the government of Trinidad as well as to pronunciation of Husayn). In Trinidad, as in world, especially in North Africa and Egypt. ‘Hasan’, while others have such ‘names’ as the people themselves (the Shi’a and non- India, a t acz i y a h (also known as t a d j a h) is an On the other hand cAshura, for the Shi’a, is a ‘Conan’, ‘Rock and Roll’, or ‘Poison’. The lat- Muslim participants), an embodiment of the elaborately decorated, colourful simulacrum day for rituals of remembrance and mourn- ter is an interesting double-entendre in the ethos of the f ê t e – the oneness and brother- of the tomb of Husayn which is conveyed in ing commemorating the tragic martyrdom best tradition of Calypso, representing both hood of a heterogeneous society. p r o c e s s i o n s .1 In Iran, of course, t acz i y a h r e f e r s and self-sacrifice of Husayn at the battle of a significant word in the Muharram tradi- to ritual dramatic performances or ‘passion- Karbala in 61/680. Indeed, some medieval tion, namely the poison associated with the To whom does the Hosay plays’. scholars such as Ibn Taymiyya and al- death of Hasan, as well as being the name of b e l o n g ? The Muharram rituals quickly became the Maqrizi have even suggested that the joy- a currently popular hard-rock group. As the What is presently occurring in Trinidad is main symbol of Indian nationalism in the ous celebration of cAshura among the Sunni Shi’a chant ‘Hosay’, ‘Hosay’, ‘Hosay’, specta- an implicit process of negotiation, which is face of British colonialism and of a sense of was a later ‘innovative’ attempt to insult the tors join in with slight, quickly spoken mod- defining and socially creating the reality of identity vis-à-vis Indian minority status in Shi’a followers of Husayn ibn cAli, since such ifications such as ‘Hosay, I say’, ‘Hosay, I say’, Hosay. But who ‘owns’ the ‘rights’ to a reli- the Black Caribbean. Despite their differ- joyful practices are not supported by au- the rhyming patterns of which are bor- gious ritual? It may seem a patently ridicu- ences, however, the Creoles, Indians and thentic h a d i t h.3 In India, many of the Muhar- rowed from the Calypso tradition in lous question, but the issue of authenticity others joined together in the Hosay proces- ram commemorations bring together both Trinidad. and multi-vocality lies at its very core. If vari- sions to protest various injustices, including sorrowful and festive features. Popular foods, soft drinks, rum and beer ous religious and ethnic groups participate the reduction of wages on the plantations are available from street vendors, unlike in a ritual such as the Hosay and give it idio- and the concomitant increase in workload. Muharram and the water, which was traditionally available as a syncratic meanings, is it then not ‘theirs’, as It has even been said that the Hosay gave carnivalesque in Trinidad remembrance of the thirst of the martyrs. well as belonging to organizers and spon- symbolic form to a growing working-class Over the last century or so, what has been The Shi’a recognize that changes are occur- sors, who have a different meaning of its consciousness throughout the Caribbean.2 the major tragic event in the Shi’a Muslim ring over which they seem to have little con- ‘truth’? In a very real sense the Hosay is an ar- Such activities began to cause anxiety be- ritual calendar has been increasingly trans- trol; but at the same time they say ‘We are ticulation of socio-cultural differences and cause of the allegedly increasing tendency formed into a ‘ f ê t e ’ with a carnival-like ambi- living in Trinidad where 45% of the popula- similarities. In the discursive process, a ritual to riotous behaviour. Throughout the 19th ence, second only to the main carnival in tion is Negro and 42% is Indian, we must in- and social world is given meaning, but one century, great alarm was expressed by the festival schedule of Trinidad. The Shi’a tegrate. I’ve always maintained that the which is always contestable and open to re- British authorities and other colonists over Muslim organizers deeply believe in the reli- t acz i y a h in itself is a form of togetherness. It articulation. It is a never-ending process of the threat to public order of the Muharram gious significance of this event while the 30- keeps us together’. This new multicultural negotiation. What t acz i y a h once was in India, rituals (as well as Carnival celebrations) cul- 40,000 spectators/participants have little interpretation of the Hosay is also reflected it is not today; and what it is today, it will not ‘Hosay’ domes minating in the Hosay massacre of 1884 (re- knowledge of its religious purpose. The in the views of others. A Hindu Sadhu, for be tomorrow, although in that process vari- u n d e r ferred to by the British as the ‘Coolie Distur- non-Muslim spectators/participants (Afro- example, understood the Hosay to be a ritu- ous participants try to fix its meaning to re- c o n s t r u c t i o n bances in Trinidad’). Trinidadians, Hindus, some Sunni and oth- al remembrance of a conflict between two flect their view of the world. ♦ ers) treat it as a f ê t e, using terms borrowed brothers, Hasan and Hosayn, one of whom from carnival such as ‘bacchanal’, ‘jump-up’, had been a Muslim and the other a Hindu, ‘shake-up’, and ‘mas’, which are appropriate and ‘they died together battling over their to their definition of the situation. They Faiths. People now make the tadjahs to view the Muharram rituals in this way par- commemorate their deaths, and “to show tially because of the actions of the Shi’a we should all live in unity together”.’5 themselves who borrow aspects of Carnival Sunni Muslims in Guyana, Fiji and else- Gustav Thaiss is professor at the Department of in the construction, style of public presenta- where were able to have similar t acz i y a h e d- Anthropology, York University, Toronto, Canada. tion and decoration. The Hosay is built in ifices and processions banned in their coun- H e has conducted research on Shi’a rituals in Iran the I m a m b a r a in the ‘y a r d ’ of the builder tries as un-Islamic and a ‘mockery’ of a ‘pure’ and Trinidad. E-Mail: [email protected] and when they ‘come out’ onto the streets Islam. The Sunni in Trinidad, despite pro- on Tasuca and cAshura, the event is trans- tests for the past century, have not been N o t e s formed into public entertainment, into successful in banning the Hosay. One rea- 1 . On the t acz i y a h in India, see Shakeel Hossain, street theatre. son for this is government recognition, es- ‘Tazia: Ephemeral Architecture in India’, M i m a r : The Hosay/t acz i y a h structure varies in pecially in recent years, of the value of Architecture in Development, 35, June, 1990, height, averaging 10 to 15 feet and is totally t o u r i s m . p p .1 0 – 1 7 . covered with brightly coloured tinfoil with While the government acknowledges the 2 . Rodney, Walter (1981) A History of the Guyanese added variations depending on the design Sunni Anjuman Sunnatul Jamaat Associa- Working People 1881-1905, Baltimore: Johns in a given year, sometimes with strings of tion as the official spokes-group for Muslims Hopkins University Press. coloured lights, flowers, mirrors, or coloured in Trinidad, it nevertheless has turned to 3 . Maribel Fierro, ‘The Celebration of cAshura in cloth creating a dazzling display.4 The upper tourism to gain needed foreign currency Sunni Islam’, in: The Arabist: Budapest, Studies in section is decorated with domes of varying and has not hesitated to exploit its ‘natural’ A r a b i c, vols 13-14, 1995, pp. 193-208. shapes and sizes and other impressive deco- cultural resources – the cultural perfor- 4 . Excellent colour photos of the Hosay can be found rative features (Interestingly, while re- mances and tourist ‘productions’ of its het- in Judith Bettelheim and John Nunley, ‘The Hosay searching the construction of the Hosay/ erogeneous society. Carnival and the music Festival’, in: John W. Nunley and Judith Bettelheim t acz i y a h, I noticed the builder was copying of the steel band or Pan are two of the most (eds.), Caribbean Festival Arts: each and every bit of the dome-style of St. Basil’s Orthodox important ethnic practices which have be- d i f f e r e n c e, Seattle, University of Washington Press, Church in Moscow from the cover of a N a- come objectified and displayed as heritage 1988, pp. 119-206. tional Geographic magazine sitting on his objects, distinctive of Trinidad as a national 5 . Gustav Thaiss, ‘Contested meanings and the workbench). entity. Thus, while Carnival is largely an politics of authenticity’, in: Akbar Ahmed and As the procession gains momentum on Afro-centric spectacle reflecting the very Hastings Donnan (eds.) Islam, Globalization and the streets, it is met by more participants essence of the Trinidadian colonial experi- P o s t m o d e r n i t y, London: Routledge, 1994, p. 60, who join in the rising emotional tension. ence, the Hosay represents the Indian and f n . 1 8 . I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Research 39

F i e l d w o r k HELENE BASU Going for Visits

Among the diverse practitioners of Islam in Gujarat, the Sidi stand out for their unique combination of a Sufi saint cult with the veneration of their African an- cestry. Members of the small African Diaspora num- with a Woman- bering ca. 6–7000 in Gujarat, trace their origins to slaves from the hinterlands of the East African coast captured and sold to India by Gujarati, Arab and Per- sian traders till the late 19t h century. Today their descendants, the Sidi, live in ramshackle houses in F a k i r : urban slums or villages at the fringes of Gujarat society.

Amongst the regional Muslim population, the Sidi belong to the poor who are exempt- the African Diaspora ed from undertaking the h a j j or giving alms. Rather, they themselves are receivers of z a k a t and other types of alms. Considering the unsteady and low income men and women derive – mainly from domestic ser- i n G u j a r a t vice – some resort to begging, which is at times the only way to meet the daily de- The visit mands for food in the household. However, Once Madina suggested I accompany her individual begging outside a ritual context is to a ‘brother’ whom, she said, was a Hindu considered shameful, whereas gifts received but a stout follower of Bava Gor, filled with for group performances of dancing or other sympathy for her and whom he treated as activities related to the cult are seen as ex- his ‘sister’. She was full of praises for the pressions of emotion and respect accorded man’s generous and sympathetic ways and to the Sidi ancestors. Therefore, in times of insisted that I meet him myself. The next day need, people seek to develop strategies of we left, Madina carrying a shabby bag that begging that allow for avoiding the shame looked rather empty. After having travelled and humiliation associated with standing at by bus some thirty kilometres, we walked the roadside with open hands. This latter ap- from the road through dry fields until we plies typically to women who ultimately reached the village. It took some time behave to feed men and children, even when fore Madina found her destination, the the men are unemployed or otherwise inca- house of Rambhai, which was larger com- pable of supplying enough money. In addi- pared to the other houses in the street, but tion, there are quite a number of households by no means resembling a rich peasant’s run by women without a husband. During shelter. A middle-aged woman sat near the my fieldwork (1987-1989), I often wondered door and looked apprehensively at the tall about the hundreds of little sources women and dark figure of Madina approaching. She could mysteriously tap when a household gave no sign of knowing her. Madina greet- seemed at the verge of a major collapse. As ed the woman with a broad smile and asked an instructive example of Sidi women’s inge- for Rambhai. He was expected to return Sidi girls nuity in mobilizing social obligations to give from the fields at lunchtime. Only after Mad- gifts or alms, I would like to present the fol- ina had introduced herself as a B a v a g o r v a l i lowing case which also sheds light on how and me, the foreigner who, she said, wanted other people can not – and look, he said, was told that since we had come together I the presence of the fieldworker may be used to meet all sorts of people in villages and now roaring with laughter, at how black was no different from Madina and therefore tactically by the people studied in following therefore she had thought it a good idea to they are, almost like demons! I looked at had to accept whatever was given, other- their own pursuits. take me to Rambhai, were we asked inside Madina who sat somewhat behind the wise they would have to suffer the evil con- Throughout my fieldwork I spent much the house and offered a glass of water. young man and who, though she did not ex- sequences of improper response to a sister’s time in the village neighbouring the main While we waited, the woman busied herself actly understand the words, smiled broadly tying the string to her brothers wrist. This shrine of the Sidi, the d a r g a h of Bava Gor in in the background and talked extensively at me while making an obscene gesture could not be argued. Back in the Sidi village, the South of Gujarat. The twenty Sidi families about this year’s bad crop due to the pointing with her finger to the lower parts Madina was quite satisfied with the out- of this village all basically see themselves as draught (the rains had failed), the loss of a of her body. Then the meal was ready and come of our trip and kept reminding me of religious virtuosos involved in f a q i r i , a l- buffalo cow and the general difficulty of the young man disappeared. her nice ‘brother’. though they also grow some grain and do making a living these days. Madina agreed. With the Sidi, one is likely to encounter sit- odd jobs here and there. But whereas in the Finally, Rambhai turned up. Startled by the A sister’s right to a gift uations such as these during fieldwork, past the income of the shrine was distrib- strange foreigner sitting in his living room Meanwhile, I had become increasingly when one’s own estimation of the interac- uted equally amongst the resident Sidi next to an unmistakably poor Muslim confused about the whole venture of our tions observed seem contrary to people’s f a q i r s, nowadays it is in a process of expand- woman, recognizable from the long dress visit, not seeing any point in Madina’s want- rationalizations of what has happened. For ing its clientele and one family has managed Madina wore over her loose trousers, Ramb- ing to come here in the first place. After example, the Sidi consciously reject the to control the d a r g a h and its income more or hai asked the other woman, apparently his lunch, though, things became clearer. While name ‘Habshi’ (from Arabic ‘Habash’) be- less to the exclusion of the others. Amongst wife, who these visitors were and what they Rambhai fulfilled his obligations as host sit- cause it is used with a derogatory and often the latter was Madina, a woman who was wanted. She did not know either. Madina re- ting with us through the final cup of tea, racist meaning such as the young man had around sixty years old when we first met. minded him of his visit at the d a r g a h s o m e Madina produced a red string with some deployed. However, Madina and other Sidi Madina had no children of her own but lived four to five years back when he had brought glittering silver paper at one side from her have their own ways of countering conde- with her brother’s recently divorced daugh- a female relative possessed by an evil spirit. bag and confidently announced that now, scending attitudes and racism – the as- ter and her two daughters and one son be- Didn’t he remember, Madina asked undis- like a true sister, she would give r a k s h a- sumed superiority of the Other is ridiculed tween the ages of three to ten. In addition, turbed, that she had looked after his relative b a n d h a n to her brother. Although the prop- and debased. By exploiting custom and cul- there was the old husband of Madina who and that he, Rambhai, had called her sister? er day for this Hindu ritual – when the sister tural values such as gift giving, the Sidi are suffered from tuberculosis. Formerly, he had It seemed, Rambhai had forgotten about it. ties a string round the wrist of her brother able to re-interpret and thus subvert atti- been one of the main f a q i r s at the shrine but Still, he ordered his wife to prepare a meal who reciprocates the gesture with a gift ac- tudes and behaviour that would otherwise then became ill and contributed nothing to for us. cording to his means – had passed since undermine the self-respect and dignity of the household subsistence. They owned a A neighbour dropped in, a young man several weeks, Rambhai could not but ac- the people. ♦ small plot of land on which the women grew who spoke a little English and said he was ‘B. cept Madina’s sisterly act. Our departure lentils, sufficient for about four to five Com’. He explained to me that ‘these peo- then was postponed for another half an months a year. Madina and the younger ple’ (the Sidi) are rather good-for-nothings hour. First, the wife filled Madina’s bag with woman worked occasionally as domestics in and beggars and I should be very careful as- grain and then brought another sack for me. one of the nearby towns in order to feed the sociating with them but that they are very My protests, from utter embarrassment and children, the sick husband and themselves. powerful when it comes to evil spirits which thinking of the dead buffalo, the draught On jumma rat, holy Thursday, which was the may harm ‘good people’ like himself and his and all the rest, went unheard (I secretly busiest day at the d a r g a h attracting up to caste. This is, the young man clarified, be- thought I could just buy for Madina what 150 visitors (many of whom seek a cure from cause these Habshis are much closer to she would have lost by my refusal). On top Dr Helene Basu is associate professor at the Institut possession), they sat with other Sidi women demons and spirits than ordinary people. of it, we were both given a fifty-rupee note. für Ethnologie, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany. near the tomb hoping for alms. Therefore, they may control them in a way When I tried, at least, to return the money, I E-mail: [email protected] 4 0 Research I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

A p p r o a c h e s CONSTANT HAMÈS Magic, Islam

Scientific research, especially in the social sciences, is extremely tributary to the ideas and the practices in the societies where researchers live. It is thus that studies conducted on religious phenomena, and no- and Scientific Research tably on Islam, experienced an eclipse characteristic of the sixties and seventies. The reason for this, situation is no longer true today. It is thus amongst others, was that the class of intellectuals that Shaykh Mâl’aynîn (died 1910), great re- and politicians were essentially preoccupied with ligious man of letters and man of politics of struggles and a social utopia of progress without ref- western Sahara, openly took up and re- erence, and even in opposition, to the traditional re- worked, in certain works published in Fez at ligious institutions. In an inverse yet equally exces- the turn of the century, the magical formu- sive movement, the eighties and nineties were wit- las attributed to al-Bûnî. In the same sense, ness to a veritable explosion of these same studies in we observe that certain West African mara- the context of identity, political, and social re-vindi- bouts no longer hesitate to demonstrate cation, particularly coming from the Muslim world their skills in astrology, despite the fact that and advocating an overtly religious ideology. this ‘science’ had been formerly subject to formal religious condemnation. In the eighties and nineties a ‘pendulum’ It seems important, theoretically, to return phenomenon can be observed in terms of all scientific autonomy to the concept of magic, both in practice and in studies con- magic and to consider it as a complete secrated to it. However, comparison with re- structure of the human relation to the ligious phenomena allows a significant dif- world. That notably implies not defining ference to appear. Research on all that is magic negatively, in relation to religion as qualified as ‘Muslim’ abounds, except that well as to science. Many domains of re- which concerns the sector of magical prac- search on Islamic magic have yet to be cov- tices and ideas. It is not that the latter do not ered. In addition to field investigations on exist: on the contrary, all the indications at- the process of consultations, and of mak- test to their dynamism and vitality. In ing/carrying out magical rituals, it is neces- France, since some 20 years, the West sary to complete the inventories of ancient African – and now North African – Muslim texts, and gather data on the transmission marabouts counsel numbers of people in and teaching of the occult sciences about their homes and some by means of radio margins of folklore. However, it seems that magical activities and consequently the which we know almost nothing. And be- communication. These same practitioners European colonialism, which was launched scientific studies thereof. yond the numerous ‘technical’ questions, in Senegal, for example, prescribe recipes at that time, with that rationalist frame of such as the analysis of the printed transfor- and talismans for years on end, which can mind – as lay as it was religious – had natu- Magical Rituals and mation of the Quran when used in a talis- I l l u s t r a t i o n s be found by the hundreds in rubbish bins rally been tempted to classify into the cate- C o n s u l t a t i o n s manic way, we must compare the ‘powers’ taken from after use.1 Private manuscript libraries in gories of magical thought a substantial part With some distance, in relation to the of holy figures to those of magicians. Fur- Ahmad al-Buni West Africa almost always have their fair of the beliefs of the colonized peoples, in- ideas of the colonial period and equally in re- thermore, we must reflect upon the signifi- Shams al-Maca r i f share of manuals on magic, divination, cluding Muslims. In the colonial period, lation to the rationalist simplifications, the cance and impact of all the practices con- a l - K u b r a prayers of request, Quranic talismans, etc. works on magic experienced an hour of moment may seem favourable for placing cerned at a societal level: is magic genuinely w a-L a t a ' i f So-called ‘Islamic’ book stores all over the glory, all the more significant since they also anew the concept of magic within Islamic ‘a battlement against social destructions’ as a l-cA w a r i f Muslim world publish and republish small placed within an evolutionist theory the thought into perspective. The materials R. Girard4 h o l d s ? ♦ ideas of magic as an inferior or primitive have been gathered – notably concerning stage of an evolution of beliefs. Here reli- talismans with written engravings – and the- gion and, according to some, science repre- oretical analyses such as those contained in sented superior or ultimate stages. While the collective work of Mirecki and Meyer3 Islam was well recognized as a religion in have progressed. It is time to fit the Islamic the field, colonial thinking deemed it em- practices and ideas that M. Mauss did not broiled in a jumble of ‘survivals’ and magical have at disposition in his time into E s q u i s s e behaviours. The European discourse in d’une théorie générale de la magie ( 1 9 0 2 ) . which magic (inferior stage of religion) is Our own analyses bring us to certain ob- the concern of ‘others’ (in other words the servations and hypotheses. Utilization of a colonized) is found in many examples, in magic containing Islamic, oral, or more some respects erudite and elaborate, such often written elements is found to be pre- as Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord sent in every period and in every region of (1908) by E. Doutté, or more unexpectedly, the Muslim world. What is so surprising? The in the analyses of the sociology of religion notions of magic-witchcraft (s i h r), of the ma- by Max Weber (1864-1920).2 gician or sorcerer (s â h i r), or the bewitched Europeans’ rationalist and normative way person, are strongly attested to in the Quran of looking at certain beliefs and practices of and the hadith and constitute part of the Constant Hamès is researcher at the Centre National the colonized peoples provoked in turn, at- psychological and social realities of the uni- de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Paris, France. titudes of censorship, discomfort and sup- verse of Muslim thought. The questions E-m a i l :h a m e s @ e h e s s . f r and large books on magic – encouraged to pression by the latter when faced with be- posed by the Muslim world concerning do so by the tangible benefits that create haviour and ideas that earned them accusa- these realities often concern knowing how N o t e s belief in an increased social demand. It is tions of credulity, charlatanism, and back- to benefit from these available forces or 1 . Corpus ALEP, constituted by Alain Epelboin (CNRS- also not that research on magic is faltering; wardness. Taking upon themselves these how to use them in such a way that is MNHN). See Hamès C. and Epelboin A. ‘Trois on the contrary, its development follows, al- value judgements – made in the name of canonically licit. From this point of view, the vêtements talismaniques provenant du Sénégal beit in smaller proportions, the rising curve reason, science, and progress – the intellec- Quranic condemnation of s i h r, completely (Décharge de Dakar-Pikine)’, Bulletin d’Etudes of studies on the ‘religious’. But oddly tual and political elite of the Muslim world, unclear in terms of those practices which Orientales, XLIV, ‘Sciences occultes et Islam’, enough, its point of application concerns at the moment of decolonization, took their were in fact condemned, often accentuated Damas, 1992 (1993), 217-214, phot. societies of antiquity. Henceforth, it must ideas even further and contributed to the si- the secrecy of this sector of activity and 2 . M. Mauss(1872-1950) is one of the few researchers b e questioned whether there are obstacles lencing of a substantial part of social prac- thought. Thus, the position of an author of not to adhere to an evolutionist vision of the to developing the study of magic within the tices to which the populations turned to treatises of magic was most likely not al- relation between magic and religion. See Hubert framework of Islam. find solutions to or relief for their problems ways comfortable, if seen the light of re- H. and Mauss M., ‘Esquisse d’une théorie générale and anxieties. course to pseudonyms (pseudo-Aristotle, de la magie’, L’Année sociologique, VII, 1902-1903. Magic and European That Europe itself suffered from this at- pseudo-Hermès, pseudo-Ghazâlî, pseudo- 3 . Meyer M. et Mirecki P., Ancient Magic and Ritual R a t i o n a l i s m mosphere of censorship and avoidance of Suyûtî, etc.) or in terms of the difficulty in P o w e r, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1995, 476 p. In reality, all that was considered pell- magic is not at issue here. The point is the determining whether a well-known author 4 . R. Girard, interview accorded to the weekly journal mell, magic, superstition, and witchcraft particular discredit that – for Muslims and such as, for example, al-Bûnî, represents L’événement du jeudi, n380, 13-19 February 1992, was, in Europe, subject to reprobation, even Europeans alike – adversely affected all more than a name. It is noteworthy that this 7 1 - 7 3 . condemnation, by triumphant scientistic thought at the end of the 19th and early 20t h centuries and by Christian churches anxious to eliminate, or at least relegate, a non-institutional and uncontrolled ‘sacred’ to the

M A T B A c AT HALABI, CAIRO 1927 I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Institutes 41

C F E Y FRANÇOIS BURGAT The French Center for Yemeni Studies

R e s e a r c h tion of the research project and a letter of (reviews of the centre’s annual activities com- I S S N 1248-0568, ISBN 2-9 0 9 1 9 4 - 0 5 - 1 . Since 1982, the mission of the French recommendation, must be submitted to the plemented by original articles) and Les cahiers The following are forthcoming: Center for Yemeni Studies (CFEY) is to initi- centre at the beginning of the university’s du CFEY (monographs or travel literature). It also – Al-Hadrami, Abd al-Rahmân, H i s t o r y ate, coordinate and to support the works of academic year. The CFEY is also able to facil- publishes in conjunction with scholarly journals o f Zabid and the Tihama, CFEY-IFEAD the French, Yemeni, or foreign teams in the itate the stay of students wanting to attend (Monde Arabe Maghreb-Machreq, Peuples Médi- ( i n A r a b i c ) ; Social Sciences and Archaeology focusing intensive sessions or individual courses on terranéens) or commercial publishers (Actes – R a y d â n, 7, IREMAM-CFEY: Revue des on Yemen and its neighbouring countries Arabic language at local language insti- Sud), as well as independently or in association antiquités et de l’épigraphie du Yémen (Oman, Saudi Arabia, Eritrea). The fields of tutes. Lastly, the CFEY may offer internships with other research centres such as IFEAD antique (in French and Arabic); current research are broad: from South Ara- to interested students (e.g. office work, pub- (Syria), IREMAM (Aix-en-Provence), URBAMA – Jazem, Mohamed, Les registres de l’Etat bian civilization to the construction of the lic relations, documentation and research). (Tours), American Institute for Yemeni Studies r a s o u l i d e. (edition of a 13t h century Arabic modern State; cultural heritage, identity The conditions of the internships (i.e. salary, (Sanaa), Deutsches Orient-Institute (Hamburg), M a n u s c r i p t ) ; and change in Yemen; the archaeology and accommodation, etc.) vary according to the etc. Recent publications include: – Ory Solange-Maury Bernard, Les ors du history of Southern Arabia in the pre-Islam- nature of the requirement and the time Sultan. La mosquée al-‘Abbâs à Asnâf, ic and Islamic periods; the study of the so- needed to complete the assignment. – CFEY-Centre de Recherche franco- CFEY-IFEAD; and cial significance of traditional practices and allemand de Berlin–Deutsches Orient – Tuchscherer, Michel, Chronique de of the evolving dynamics in contemporary S t a t u t e s Institut de Hambourg, Le Yémen ‘ A b da l-Rahmân al-Bahkali (1182/1768- Yemeni society. The French Center for Yemeni Studies is a c o n t e m p o r a i n, Franck Mermier, Rémi 1 2 4 8 / 1 8 3 2 ), CFEY-IFEAD (in Arabic). research body in the social sciences which de- Leveau, Udo Steinbach (Director) Paris, The CFEY provides students and re- pends administratively on the French Ministry Karthala, 1999; Publications may be ordered from searchers the scientific, documentary, ad- of Foreign Affairs’ Department of Social Sci- – Al-‘Ansi, Yahya, Traditional agricultural t h e CFEY or f r o m : ministrative and accommodation services ences and Archaeology. It is part of a world- knowledge in Yemen, CFEY-American – Librairie Avicenne, 25 rue de Jussieu, necessary for their projects. In the social wide network of 28 French research centres Institute for Yemeni Studies, 1998 (in 7 5 0 0 5 Paris. France E-mail: and political sciences, the CFEY attempts to and institutes. Its management is supervised Arabic) (This is a collection of Yemeni L i b r a i r i e _ A v i c e n n e @ c o m p u s e r v e . c o m train specialists on Yemen and to encour- by a scientific council of 12 members. Under popular local practices in Agriculture – Librairie de l’Institut du Monde Arabe, age researchers on the Arab cultural area to the initiative of Pr Christian Robin, the CFEY related to Astronomy); 1 rue des Fossés Saint Bernard, 75236 more systematically integrate comparative was created in 1982. Its current director, – Mercier, Eric, Aden. Un parcours Paris Cedex 05, France contributions on this country, which is François Burgat, a political scientist, succeed- i n t e r r o m p u, Sanaa-Tours, CFEY-URBAMA ♦ often seen as the ‘historical matrix’ of the ed anthropologist Franck Mermier (1991- (Villes du Monde Arabe collection), 1997, Arab and Muslim world. Research results, 1997) on 1 October 1997. ISSN 0247-8498, ISBN 2-86-106-1080. whether preliminary or final, are regularly (This is the first scientific French- presented to interested audiences through Library and Publications language work on the city of Aden, public lectures given in French, Arabic or CFEY’s library comprises close to 3000 works, a preliminary work for a doctoral thesis in For more information on the CFEY and for the online English. These conferences take place ei- half of which are in Arabic (including periodi- geography, interrupted by the premature version of the 1998-1999 Chroniques Yéménites, ther at the centre itself or in other locations cals), which focus mainly on Yemen and about death of the author in October 1996.); novelties of the library, etc., please visit: in Sanaa. twenty running titles from the Yemeni press. – Mermier, Franck (directed by), L’Etat face h t t p : / / w w w . u n i v - a i x . f r / c f e y CFEY is currently computerizing this collection à la démocratie, Monde arabe Maghreb- Cooperation and Formation (software DAD) and planning its progressive ex- M a c h r e k, 155, January-March 1997, ISSN CFEY Bayt al-Ajami, 26th September Street, The CFEY cooperates in its research mis- pansion to other countries of the Arabian Penin- 1241-5294. (This is a multidisciplinary P.O. Box 2660 Sanaa, Yemen sions with several Yemeni, French and/or sula. approach to contemporary Yemen by By pouch: Ambassade de France à Sanaa, foreign academic institutions. These collab- In the attempt to further critical discourse and a French-Yemeni research team.); Min. des Affaires Étrangères,128 bis, orations can develop into partnerships with the exchange of ideas on Yemen and the Arabi- – Zayd Ali Muhammed, Trends of mu’tazilite rue de L’Université, 75351 Paris, France the establishment of joint programmes. an Peninsula, it is CFEY’s policy to organize lec- thought in Yemen, CFEY, 1997 (in Arabic); Tel: (967 1) 275 417 Alongside its own programmes or in coop- tures and produce scholarly material. The CFEY a n d Fax (967 1) 270 725 eration, the CFEY is able to support individ- publishes in French, and occasionally translates – Al-Akwa’ Ismaïl b. Ali, Les hijra et E-mail: [email protected] ual projects of students or researchers who into Arabic, the works of its own researchers and l e s forteresses du savoir au Yémen are designated by their universities. The re- its Yemeni colleagues on the Arabian Peninsula. ( t r a n s l a t e d from Arabic by Brigitte Dr François Burgat is director of the CFEY, Sanaa, quests, accompanied by a brief presenta- The centre produces Les Chroniques Yéménites Marino), Cahiers du CFEY 2, 1996, Yemen. E-mail: [email protected]

Universidad Islamica Averroes ALI KETTANI Re-establishing Islamic Learning

The revival of Islam in Al-Andalus, the Spain of today, i n Al-Andalus, Cordoba has been a cherished ideal of many Muslims. After the fall of Granada in 1492, the brutal persecution, forced conversion and expulsion of the Andalusian In 1989 the government of Spain granted bouring buildings were purchased since then, gramme identical to that which is conduct- Muslims (and Jews) by the Spanish Catholic Church official recognition to Islam, thus acknowl- allowing sufficient space for expansion in the ed in situ. The university has a dedicated and royal court obliterated a famed multicultural so- edging its roots in Spain. The government future. The founders of this private Andalu- staff and faculty, most of whom are Spanish ciety. Today, Islam – and with it Islamic learning – is requested the Muslims to organize national- sian Spanish university consider it to be the Muslims. Students have to pay a tuition fee; making a comeback. ly, which they did under the auspices of the resurrection of the medieval university situat- however, for the studies carried out in situ ‘Comision Islamica de España’ (The Spanish ed in the Great Mosque (Mezquita Aljama) ($2000 per year) no valid candidate has In spite of the horrors during and after the Muslim Commission) which represents the during Muslim times. The university is run by been rejected on the grounds of inability to Christian Castellan Conquista, apparently Muslim community. The commission nego- a board, which is headed by Prof. A. Mahtar pay. The university has a scholarship pro- wiping out any presence of Islam in the tiated an agreement (signed in 1992) with M’Bow (Ex-Secretary General of UNESCO). The gramme to aid deserving students. The fee country, a feeling of identification with a the government over the rights of Muslims, university is a member of the Federation of for the correspondence course is very mod- Muslim past remained alive in the hearts of the most important aspect of which con- the Universities of the Muslim World and has est ($400 per year), but no scholarships are many Spaniards, especially in the Andalu- cerns education. It stipulates the right to es- cooperation agreements with several univer- available in this case. ♦ sian south. This historical identification also tablish Muslim schools and universities. sities in Europe and the Muslim world. finds expression in an increasing number of Moreover, the State committed itself to in- The Universidad Islamica Averroes offers conversions to Islam, a process that began clude Islam and Arabic in the curricula of the Islamic education to all those desiring it, be soon after the death of Franco and the republic schools for those students desiring to they Muslim or not. Its plans of education turn of democracy and freedom of con- follow the courses. The Comision Islamica are adapted to the Spanish system by using science to the country. Thousands embraced de España devises the curricula and recruits credit hours. The academic year is divided For further information write to: Islam within a short span of time and their t e a c h e r s . into two semesters, giving 21 credit hours Universidad Islamica Averroes numbers continue to increase. By the 1980s The Universidad Islamica Averroes was es- per semester, i.e. a total of 168 credit hours 3, Calleja de la Hoguera the new Muslims started to form associa- tablished within the 1992 agreement. Named for the 4-year course. The courses are divid- 14003 Cordoba – Spain tions. Mosques were opened, mainly in An- after the famous Andalusian philosopher Ibn ed into three important themes: Arabic lan- Fax & Tel: 0034-957-483235 dalusia, but also in other places like Madrid, Rusd, the university was opened in 1995 in guage and literature, Islamic studies and E-mail: [email protected] also for the benefit of the rising number of the old medina of Cordoba, near the famous Andalusian studies. The languages of edu- migrant Muslims. The autochthonous Mus- Mezquita Aljama, the Great Mosque (now a cation are Arabic and Spanish, but Persian Ali Kettani is vice-chairman lims include people from all walks of life, Catholic Cathedral). Attached to it, a new and Turkish are also taught. of the board and rector of men and women, the majority being in their beautiful small mosque was built, with its An- In September 1996, the university initiat- Universidad Islamica Averroes, twenties at the time of their conversion. dalusian minaret on the street. Some neigh- ed a correspondence course offering a pro- Cordoba, Spain. 4 2 Institutes I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

C S I C JØRGEN S. NIELSEN Centre for the Study of Islam and The CSIC was founded in 1976 as a central teaching department of the federation of Selly Oak Colleges. Christian-Muslim Relations Its roots lay in a lectureship by the Edward Cadbury Charitable Trust (ECCT) in the 1930s, when Dr Alphonse Mingana was the first incumbent. With training colleges, which in itself tended to higher education, the first two are based on a Details can be found on the project web- Cadbury family support he had been able to collect a raise questions about academic credibility combination of taught courses and a short site at www.sellyoak.ac.uk/csic/research. large amount of Arabic and Syriac manuscripts still and hence support had to be earned. dissertation completed altogether in 12 At the same time, it has been possible to housed today in the library at Selly Oak. Dr Mingana It is probably safe to say today that both months of full-time study. The MPhil and PhD revive the areas of study with which Drs started a tradition of text-based study of Islam and targets have been reached. Academic staff, are research only leading to submission and Mingana and Sweetman were identified. Christian-Muslim relations which was notably con- today counting five lecturers and three re- examination of a thesis. We are now begin- Since 1990, we have hosted three ‘Wood- tinued by Dr John Sweetman in his magisterial work searchers, have academic recognition at the ning to develop an MA in Middle Eastern brooke/Mingana Colloquia on Arab Chris- on Islam and Christian Theology. University of Birmingham through its De- Christianity, which should be available from tianity and Islam’, and our website is now partment of Theology, and the academic de- September 1999, and as we become part of the home for a newsgroup on the subject In the early 1970s, the existence of an in- grees are awarded by the University. For the the University of Birmingham, we are looking (contact [email protected]). creasingly self-aware Muslim community in first decade or so, student numbers were at working in conjunction with other depart- The Centre’s interests determine that we Britain was becoming obvious. At Selly Oak low, seldom exceeding 20. Today there are ments and faculties, particularly education, cannot be limited to academic work narrow- Colleges in Birmingham the then lecturer in nearly 70, all on postgraduate degree pro- law and social studies. The Centre has also ly defined. From the beginning, staff have Islamic Studies, Dr John Taylor, became in- grammes. For the first many years only very gradually expanded its cooperation with been involved in both Christian and Muslim volved in the ecumenical discussions on few Muslim students came. Today 80% of other academic institutions around the world. agencies as consultants or members of Christian approaches to other faiths, which students are Muslims. Two thirds of all stu- Some of these links have taken the form of working groups and the like. As the field of led to his becoming the first officer for dents come from Africa and Asia, including joint seminars – a list with related publica- Christian-Muslim relations has broadened Christian-Muslim dialogue at the World countries like Malaysia, Iran, Turkey, Saudi tions is available from j.nielsen.islam@sell- into and become part of wider social and po- Council of Churches in 1973. His successor, Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan and Lebanon. yoak.ac.uk. Formal agreements with the Uni- litical processes in the 1990s, so has the CSIC Dr David Kerr, confirmed this change of em- The process has now reached culmination: versity of Jordan and Al-Azhar involve ex- become more widely involved with govern- phasis from the traditional orientalist to the after successful completion of negotiations, changes of students and staff. ments – local and national – and internation- contemporary when he was able to call to- on 1 August 1999 the CSIC will become an In terms of research and documentation, al agencies. gether an international consultation in integral part of the University of Birming- the Centre has had a particular interest in While the first almost quarter century has 1 9 7 5 . ham’s Department of Theology, retaining its Africa and Europe. We can fairly claim to been a period of establishing ourselves and This joint meeting of Muslims and Chris- specific identity and programmes within a have been among the earliest to direct at- getting our feet firmly on the ground, it tians recommended the creation of what new graduate institute for theology and reli- tention towards Islam in Europe. Apart from seems probable that the coming merger was to become the CSIC. The idea was for g i o n s . numerous publications in this field, this into the University of Birmingham will pro- the Centre to comprise a joint venture of As a postgraduate teaching and research focus has now led to the award of a research vide a foundation for both expansion of the Christians and Muslims, true to both tradi- centre, the CSIC for many years concentrated project grant from the Economic and Social existing work and the development of new tions while also meeting the criteria of the on developing its teaching programmes and Research Council within its Transnational programmes of teaching and research. ♦ British university system. Given the institu- a couple of quite specific research and docu- Communities Programme (reported in the tional context of the Centre, both of these mentation projects. The teaching pro- last issue of the ISIM Newsletter by Dr targets were problematic. The various col- grammes include a Postgraduate Diploma, a Steven Vertovec). This project, which deals Jørgen S. Nielsen is professor of Islamic Studies leges of the federation at Selly Oak are of Master of Arts, a MPhil and a PhD. As general- with a transnational Sufi order, includes a n d CSIC Director, Birmingham, UK. Christian foundation, some of them mission ly is the case throughout the British system of fieldwork in Britain, Dagestan, and Lebanon. E-mail: [email protected]

I D S SAMY S. SWAYD The Institute of The Druzes are a Middle Eastern minority group with their formal origins in 11t h century Fatimid Cairo, Druze Studies where they began as a reform movement within the esoteric Ismaili tradition during the caliphate of al- Hakim Bi-Amr Allah (r. 996–1021). The Druze doc- Today, there are nearly one million Druzes on Druze history, society, and faith, (2) en- cludes a concise 50-page introduction to trine contains specific moral lessons and rules of in- living in mountainous regions in Lebanon, courage research and studies on historical Druze society, history, and faith. The second dividual and communal conduct that are embodied Syria, Israel, and Jordan. During the 19t h a n d and contemporary Druze communities and book in the IDS publication series by the in approximately 30 manuscripts, some of which early 20t h centuries, smaller Druze immi- (3) promote academic discourse and other same author, The Druze Scriptures: Exoteric have been lost. Political and religious power were grant communities established themselves public forums about Druze-related topics. and Esoteric Hermeneutics, will be published normally separated within the Druze communities, elsewhere around the world and can be The IDS will pursue these objectives in late summer 1999. It examines the study the religious specialists forming a class of initiates in found in Australia, Canada, Europe, the through an international annual confer- of Druze scriptures and includes annota- the esoteric principles. In contrast to related reli- Philippines, South and Central America, the ence, a publication series, and a newsletter. tions of more than 80 Druze manuscripts, gious groups, women were traditionally initiated. United States, and West Africa. Since World The annual conference will bring together and provides a compendium of Druze be- War II, small communities can also be found senior and junior scholars who are working liefs and practices. in the Gulf States. In order to preserve their on Druze-related topics. In collaboration The newsletter, which is scheduled to be traditions and maintain frequent contact with the G.E. von Grunebaum Center for published tri-annually beginning this sum- with their co-religionists, they have formed Near Eastern Studies, University of Califor- mer, will provide updates about published associations, organized conventions, and nia, Los Angeles (UCLA), the Institute’s first works and public talks, as well as research published pamphlets and newsletters. In International Conference will take place at reports on Druze villages and towns, promi- the United States, for example, the Ameri- UCLA Faculty Center on June 11-12, 1999. nent families and individuals, and other ac- can Druze Society (ADS) has convened an- The theme of the conference is: The Druzes: tivities and programmes that are relevant to nual gatherings since 1946 and, more re- 1000 Years of History, Reform, and Tradition. the Druzes. ♦ cently, established a main cultural centre in More than 20 scholars from 15 universities Eagle Rock, California. Other established im- and other research institutions are partici- migrant Druze societies include the British pating in the conference. Conference panels Druze Society (BDS), the Canadian Druze So- include the following themes: Deconstruct- ciety (CDS), and the Sydney Druze Society ing 11th Century Cairo; History and Histori- (SDS) in Australia. The Druzes are generally ography: Perceptions and Misconceptions; one of the most understudied Middle East- Cosmology and Theology; Identity and ern minorities and Islamic sects. Due to the Community; and Identity, Solidarity, and ubiquitous misconceptions of the Druzes in Nationality. The conference proceedings both medieval and especially in 18t h a n d will be published subsequently as the third 1 9t h-century literature, the Institute of Druze volume in the Institute’s publication series. Studies (IDS) was established. The first book in the IDS publication series The IDS encourages submissions of book The IDS was founded in early 1998 as an was published in May 1998 by Samy S. manuscripts for consideration in the Institute’s international academic research institute Swayd who is the founder of the IDS. The publication series. It also encourages articles or and then, in September of that year, was in- book is titled: The Druzes: An Annotated Bibli- research reports for inclusion in the newsletter. corporated as a non-profit organization of ography (Kirkland, WA: ISES Publications, IDS Internet: www.idspublications.com the state of California. The IDS board of di- xx+199pp.). In addition to a bibliography of rectors consists of more than 20 members 328 books and 427 articles, a chronology, Samy S. Swayd teaches religion in the Department from seven countries and 15 universities. glossary, selected translations, maps, ge- o f Religious Studies at San Diego State University The Institute aims to (1) provide information nealogical tables, and plates, this book in- (SDSU), California, USA. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Organizations 43

D A V O GÜNTER MEYER German Middle East Studies Association The Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Vorderer Orient für Gegenwartsbezogene Forschung und Dokumen- Research and Documentation tation (DAVO) was established in 1993. Since then, more than 500 scholars and other persons interested in the Middle East have become part of DAVO. Mem- and international Middle East studies. The In addition, DAVO operates a weekly up- bership does not only consist in those from Germany, publication includes a roster of members, dated homepage ‘DAVO-Info Aktuell’ on the but also from other European countries, North Amer- announcements of meetings, conference World Wide Web (http://www.geo.uni- ica and the Middle East. reports, introduction of new research pro- mainz.de/davo). It contains a global calen- The Sixth Annual Congress of DAVO will take place in jects, presentations of institutions en- dar of Middle East conferences, information Hamburg from 2–4 December 1999. The deadline for DAVO is a scholarly, non-political and non- gaged in Middle East studies, internet on research centres and other institutions, a the registration of papers is 2 November 1999. For profit professional association open to all per- news, and book reviews. Furthermore, the register of websites, recent articles in jour- further information on this congress contact the sons with an interest in the Middle East. The guide contains an overview of the latest nals, announcements of grants and other re- DAVO Conference Organization: Deutsches Orient- main aim of DAVO is to improve the exchange publications of DAVO members and cur- cent information relevant to Middle East Institut, Mittelweg 150, D-20148 Hamburg, Fax: of information on Middle East studies be- rent articles in journals on the Middle East. s t u d i e s . 040/441484, e-mail: [email protected] tween its members and various national and Each issue of the D A V O - N a c h r i c h t e n c o n- DAVO also organizes an annual congress international institutions. Middle East studies tains up to 200 pages of information; many which is gradually changing from a German Those interested in the activities of DAVO may obtain include disciplines relevant to the study of an articles are in English and French. General- conference to an international meeting with a trial copy of the latest issue of D A V O - N a c h r i c h t e n area comprising all Arab states and territories, ly, less than two weeks transpires between rapidly growing numbers of participants free of charge by contacting the DAVO secretariat: Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, the Mus- the deadline for contributions and the dis- from all over the world. Although the major- Centre for Research on the Arab World (CERAW) lim states of the former USSR and Israel, as tribution of the printed issue. Recipients ity of the papers are still delivered in Ger- Institute of Geography, University of Mainz well as the impact of this region on the devel- include DAVO members, almost 200 li- man, English papers and discussions are D-55099 Mainz, Germany. opment of other parts of the world. braries, research centres and other institu- strongly encouraged. ♦ The association publishes the D A V O - tions in the Middle East, Europe and North Prof. Dr. Günter Meyer is president of DAVO. N a c h r i c h t e n, a biannual guide to German A m e r i c a . E-mail: [email protected]

P U B L I C A T I O N S Continued from page 36: Prayer in the Surinam-Javanese Diasporic Experience / b y Moch. Nur Ichwan

Arabic Literature Having migrated to Surinam, they still Javanese prediction and other popular ele- maintained the westward direction of prayer. ments, including Islamic ones. However, Saudi teachers told them: ‘No, you should young people show less interest in litera- o f A f r i c a not do that. In Surinam you should face East.’ ture. But the people from Java replied: ‘No, in the Above all, in their resistance to the per- land of Java we faced to the West, we can not ceived Arabization of the Javanese, the k e- A Contribution to make a change. I also follow my parents. Be- j a w e n Muslims attempt to Javanize Islam, cause originally our ancestors faced to the the preservation of the western k e b l a t West, we do so too. If we are forced to do oth- serves as the clearest example of this t h e Intellectual History erwise, we absolutely say: No!’ quest. In the Netherlands this tendency is The equation of Islamization with Ara- even stronger than that in Java at the pre- bization is foreign to the reformist Javanese sent time. Moreover, the diasporic experi- o f I s l a m Muslims in the Netherlands. In their eyes, ences and challenges in the Netherlands the change of prayer direction follows from force them to contextualize their tradition. religious imperative and rational reasoning. It can even be argued that they have creat- John Hunwick and R.S. O’Fahey have em- present Republic of the Sudan and their writ- They quote the verse (2:144): ‘Turn your ed a new identity that is a ‘Surinam-Ja- barked upon a joint project in collaboration ings, as well as the writings of the Idrisiyya face then to the Sacred Mosque; and wher- vanese’ identity, which differs in some of with a number of other scholars, for the pub- tradition both within the Sudan and outside ever you are, turn your faces towards it.’ its manifestations from that of the Indone- lication of a seven-volume work under the it, and the Sanusiyya tradition. Volume II is Since Mecca is located southeast of the sian Javanese. ♦ general title ‘Arabic Literature of Africa’. The sub-titled ‘The Writings of Central Sudanic Netherlands, they see no alternative but to work is being published by E.J. Brill of Leiden Africa’ (i.e. Nigeria, Chad, Niger, Cameroun). oblige. They argue that praying and recit- and the first two volumes of the series have It was compiled by John Hunwick with the ing in Arabic should not be considered Ara- already appeared (1994 and 1995). The se- collaboration of Razaq D. Abubakre, Hamidu bization because it is part of religion, not of ries is under the joint general editorship of Bobboyi, Roman Loimeier, Stefan Reichmuth c u l t u r e . Hunwick and O’Fahey. and Muhammad Sani Umar. Within each The editors take it as axiomatic that we chapter writers are grouped according to Preserving Identity cannot understand the trends and currents their family, tariqa, or teaching affiliation The debate on the k e b l a t is part of a of Muslim discourse in Africa, its relationship and also (so far as is possible) chronological- much longer discourse on Javanese identi- to wider Islamic discourses and its local ly. Information on works in Fulfulde and ty. Almost from the beginning of the Is- shaping by historical and cultural factors un- Hausa (and some Yoruba) by the authors lamization of Java, attempts have been less we consider the broader picture of Is- who wrote in Arabic is also given. Currently made to reject the centrality of Mecca and lamic scholarship in the region. For this we in preparation are volumes on Ethiopia, – what is seen as – the Arabization of the need to know not only who the scholars Sudan and Eastern Africa, which includes Is- Javanese. Preserving identity has become were and what they wrote, but also how lamic literature in Swahili and volumes on an important and complicated problem for they are related to one another intellectual- the Arabic writings of scholars in Ghana, Javanese Muslims in the Netherlands as ly, and how learning was nurtured, transmit- Mali, Senegal and Niger. Yet another will well. This is primarily due to the fact that This article is based upon observation of meetings ted, explicated, revived, revised, contested. deal with Mauritania. A supplementary vol- most of the second and the third genera- o f various Surinam-Javanese organizations and It is the task, then, of the several volumes ume will treat the writings of Central Sudan- tions no longer speak Javanese, although interviews with a number of their members. A larger of the series ‘Arabic Literature of Africa’ to ic Africa and will be prepared in collabora- some still understand it. Being a creator and more detailed article will be published in explore this intellectual heritage. The aim of tion with Nigerian scholars. ♦ and re-creator, and transmitter of culture, S h a r q i y y a t, journal of the Netherlands Organization the series is to produce for sub-Saharan the loss of the original language marks an for the Study of Islam. Africa a guide to its Islamic literature and important transformation. Moreover, they scholarly production in Arabic and in certain do not have diasporic memories of Java, as Moch. Nur Ichwan is an MA student of Islamic Studies African languages that goes beyond a mere they were born and raised in Surinam or at Leiden University and a fellow of the Indonesia- enumeration of scholars and their writings. the Netherlands. Netherlands Cooperation in Islamic Studies (INIS), Rather it aims to open up the intellectual his- Today, Java is represented as a Holy the Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected] tory of the region’s Muslims and to relate it Land, but also as an experience of the past to the intellectual history of the larger world generation, the first generation of the Ja- N o t e s of Islam. vanese in Surinam, who are regarded as 1 . On the Javanese in Surinam, see Joseph Ismael, Volume I, compiled by R.S. O’Fahey is sub- the original Javanese (Jawa Tus o r J a w a D e Immigratie van Indonesiers in Suriname. PhD titled ‘The Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa A s l i). The k e j a w e n Muslims demonstrate a dissertation of Leiden University 1949; Annemarie to c. 1900’, and it was prepared with the col- far stronger commitment to the preserva- de Waal Malefijt, The Javanese of Surinam: Segment laboration of Muhammad Ibrahim Abu John Hunwick, Department of History, tion of the Javanese culture than the re- of a Plural Society. Assen: Van Gorcum Com. N.V., Salim, Albrecht Hofheinz, Yahya Muhammad N o r t h w e s t e r n University, Evanston, USA. formist Javanese. Their organizations focus 1963; G.D. van Wengen, The Cultural Inheritance of Ibrahim, Berndt Radtke and Knut Vikør. It R.S. O’Fahey, Department of History, on Javanese dances, music and songs and the Javanese in Surinam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975. deals with authors living in the area of the U n i v e r s i t yo f Bergen, Norway. on the Javanese literature like the Primbon 2 . See Yvonne Towikromo, De islam van de Javanen and Mujarabat literature, which combine uit Suriname in Nederland. Den Haag: Amrit, 1997. 4 4 Conference Reports I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9

AAS OMAR KHALIDI Differentiation and Homogenization among Differentiation and homogenization was the theme of a panel at the Association of Indian Muslims Asian Studies meeting in Boston on 12 March 1999. Sponsored by the South Asian Muslim Studies Association (SAMSA) and themselves and others on a large scale. Kha- Harvard University (panel discussant) in a improve their conditions, but the question is chaired by Prof. Theodore P. Wright, Jr (re- lidi argued that if the present trend contin- 1987 paper on the Khojahs, an Ismaili de- beset by the problem of group definition of tired, State University of New York-Albany), ues, it is likely that this group will be fully nomination similar in many ways to the backwardness, which has the potential of the panel brought four papers, one read in homogenized with the Urdu speaking com- Bohras. Asani had concluded that within the splitting Muslims along quasi-caste lines. the absence of the presenter, and a discus- munities of North India and the Deccan. short span of half a century, the Khojah Jenkins’ paper thus shows the persistence of sant, Prof. Ali Asani of Harvard University. Similarly, Jonah Blank (a recent Harvard sense of identification with the larger Islamic differentiation based on caste or caste-like The ideology of Muslim nationalism in India PhD and presently with US News & World Re- tradition has become so strong that many clusters among Indian Muslims, particularly dominant during the 1940s held that Mus- port) presented a paper on the Islamization young members have come to regard their if some groups benefit from inclusion in the lims constituted a nation distinct in every and modernization of the Daudi Bohras of community’s earlier beliefs as belonging to a OBC category and others not. respect from other Indians. The fieldwork of Mumbai and western India. Over the past phase in history when the early missionaries Finally, the paper by Frank Fanselow (Uni- the anthropologists published in the 1970s decades, the clergy of the Bohras has at- had to make concessions to the Hindu mi- versity of Brunei-Darussalam), read in his ab- contended that contrary to the ideology of tempted – with great success – to establish a lieu. At present, they affirm that they are sence by Khalidi, described and analysed the ‘two nations,’ Muslims were regionally, lin- group identity that is at once universally Is- merely returning to their proper fold in conversion of Dalits to Islam in the early guistically, ritually and behaviourally di- lamic and unique to the denomination. It has Islam. 1980s. Although it was a local affair confined verse, in addition to the division by sect. done so not by rejecting modern or Western The third paper delivered by Laura D. Jenk- to an obscure village called Minakshipuram Our panel re-examined this issue, interro- ideas and technologies, but rather by em- ins (University of Cincinnati) was on ‘Caste, in Tamilnadu, the publicity surrounding the gating both differentiation and homoge- bracing them: the Bohras have used moder- Class and Islam: Debating the Boundaries of conversion drew national attention souring nization in recent decades. nity as a tool to reinvigorate their core tradi- “Backwardness” in India.’ While normative Hindu-Muslim relations in a state known for Omar Khalidi (MIT) presented a paper on tions. Jonah’s case study should serve as a Islam is caste-free, educationally and eco- inter-communal harmony, thus negatively the homogenization of Konkani Muslims of powerful refutation to those who would es- nomically poor Muslim groups are often as- homogenizing it with the national trend. ♦ coastal Maharashtra to Urdu, a language sentialize Islamic revivalism or even (to use a sociated with low social status, some of spoken in North India and the Deccan. more ideologically-laden term) Islamic fun- whom are grouped as Other Backward Class- Dr Omar Khalidi is an independent scholar at the Konkani Muslims are adopting Urdu instead damentalism as anti-modern. es (OBC), a bureaucratic category compris- Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Aga Khan of native Konkani for education, formal Jonah’s argument seems to confirm some ing both Hindu and Muslim poor. Many Mus- Program for Islamic Architecture, Cambridge, USA. speech, and mass communication amongst of the conclusions reached by Ali Asani of lim OBCs are seeking affirmative action to E-mail: [email protected]

University of Chicago SCOTT LUCAS The 14t h Annual Middle East History The 14t h Annual Middle East History and Theory Conference held at the University of and Theory C o n f e r e n c e Chicago from 10-11 April 1999, was both an educational and enjoyable event for all those involved. Twenty graduate students tional movements as a tool for the achieve- ern socio-political issues in Jordan, Algeria, eties, as well as serious underestimations of and professors from thirteen different ment of political legitimacy, while another and Egypt. the political power which revivalist Islamic American universities presented papers in panel stimulated discussions about the dra- The keynote address was delivered by groups wield. The conference closed with its seven panels, which took place over a two- matic rise in international stature of Iranian Professor John L. Esposito and consisted in a annual lamb roast, which was satiating for day period. Five of these papers covered is- art films as well as the possibilities inherent critique of the dominant ‘secular fundamen- participants and attendees alike. ♦ sues concerning Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, in the study of the vernacular architecture talist’ attitude of the Western academia, such as vulnerability management, state of Gecekondu neighbourhoods in modern which refuses to study Islam and Muslim so- and identity formation, and the decoloniza- Istanbul. The remaining papers were related ciety as a dynamic religious phenomenon Scott Lucas, Department of Near Eastern Languages tion of national discourse. One panel ex- to the interpretation of pre-modern/early- and, thus, finds itself issuing wildly inaccu- and Civilizations, University of Chicago, USA. plored how Palestine was used by other na- modern classical Islamicate texts and mod- rate explanations of modern Muslim soci- E-mail: [email protected]

University of Helsinki HOLGER WEISS Social Justice, Social Welfare and Praxis in In April 1999, the University of Helsinki’s research project on ‘Zakât: poverty, social wel- Islamic Societies in Africa fare and Islamic taxation’ arranged a two-day workshop, together with the Department of Asian and African Studies of the University of connection of Islamic economics and John nomads not only with economic aid in terms previously highly autonomous form of wel- Helsinki, on ‘Social justice, social welfare and Hunwick’s idea of a ‘moral economy of salva- of lending land for cultivation or handouts, fare now fell outside the area of responsibility praxis in Islamic societies in Africa’. Re- tion’. Stiansen remarked upon the rather di- but it also offered symbolic capital by means of the local community. searchers from the Nordic countries and Ger- vided character of the current debate in the of attachment. Roman Loimeier (University of Bayreuth, many presented papers dealing with issues Sudan, where some forms of Islamic banking Tuomo Melasuo (Tampere Peace Research Germany) gave an analysis of the campaign such as the possibilities of Islamic economy have been criticized by Muslims themselves. Institute, Finland) gave an overview of the Al- against the Quranic schools in Senegal be- and Islamic banking as well as case-studies of Ruediger Seesemann (University of Bay- gerian Ulama Movement and Social Action tween 1992 and 1996. The secular State and how various forms of social welfare pro- reuth, Germany) presented a welfare project during French colonialism. The focus of his global development agencies such as grammes have worked in Islamic communi- run by the Tijaniyya shaykh Ibrâhîm Sîdî in El presentation was on the Ulama Movement’s UNICEF, as well as Islamic reformers were ties in Africa (including North Africa). Seven Fasher. The programme is namely one of so- establishment of schools, through which it united in their attempt to dissolve the exist- scholars presented papers at the workshop: cial rehabilitation for problem children and sought to restore Muslim society in Algeria as ing Islamic system of socialization as main- Holger Weiss (University of Helsinki, Fin- street kids. He underlined the problems of well as to improve Islamic civilization. Thus, tained by the Quranic schools. They were all land) pointed out that much of the debate in the insufficient attempts by the Islamist gov- the Ulama Movement combined a cultural of the opinion that the autonomy of the the field of Islamic economics has been deal- ernment in the Sudan to improve the living call with social action but was, at a later Quranic school as a central institution of Is- ing with morals and ethics rather than pure conditions of the northern Muslim popula- stage, to have political implications as well. lamic society had to be destroyed and the so- economics. He presented in his paper the potion. Instead, the long-neglected social wel- Franz Kogelmann (University of Bayreuth, cial and political influence of the marabouts, sition of two Nigerian scholars, Sule Ahmad fare activities of the various Sufi orders are Germany) discussed the possibilities of reli- the established religious scholars, must be Gusau and Ibraheem Sulaiman, and under- providing an informal social security system. gious-motivated welfare institutions, such as eliminated. ♦ lined that most of their writings are critiques Knut Vikør (Centre for Middle Eastern and pious endowments (waqf/habus) in pre-mod- of the present military rulers in Nigeria, but Islamic Studies, Bergen, Norway) discussed ern societies. His case study was based on the are vague in their dealings with social or eco- how and why the economic and social effects development of Sidi Fredj in Fez, which was nomic questions. of the Sanûsîya order was the result of an in- the most important endowment complex in The participants of the workshop are revising their Endre Stiansen (Nordic Africa Institute, Up- terplay between choices made by the broth- Morocco and had devoted itself exclusively to papers for a collective volume, which is to be psala, Sweden) gave an overview of Islamic erhood and by the social actors of the sur- social welfare activities. He pointed out that published in late 1999. banking in the Sudan as well as an overview rounding community. The brotherhood’s under French colonial rule, the pious endow- of the network of Islamic economics. He pre- role in providing ‘social welfare’ was in- ments became more tightly organized and Dr Holger Weiss is docent in African History, sented the problems connected with r i b a scribed into this dynamic relationship. For economically efficient. However, the adminis- University of Helsinki, Finland. and its translation and reflected upon the example, the brotherhood provided former trative centralization process meant that this E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Conference Reports / Publications 45

C I R A KAMRAN DADKHAH The 17t h Annual Conference of the C e n t e r The 17th annual CIRA conference, jointly sponsored by CIRA and Northeastern Univer- for Iranian Research and Analysis sity, was held April 23 and 24 in Boston, Mass- achusetts, USA, with the theme of ‘Iran at the Threshold of the New Millennium’. More than mocratic candidate for the presidency in post-revolution decades. Homayoun Katouz- poetry, and Hamid Mossadegh, who recently 100 researchers, journalists, students, poets 1988, chaired a session on foreign and de- ian addressed a plenary session and present- passed away, was remembered. Four sessions and artists from several countries participat- fence policies of Iran, where the relationship ed a theory of Iranian revolutions. In sessions had the format of ‘author meets critics’ in ed. between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan, devoted to the Iranian economy, analysis was which the author of a book on Iranian society The CIRA conference was opened with a and the conflict with Afghanistan were dis- provided on monetary policy and the inde- engaged in a dialogue with a number of crit- welcome address delivered by Dr Richard cussed. James Bill gave a keynote speech on pendence of the central bank, Iran’s member- ics. Participants were treated to a showing of Freeland, President of Northeastern Universi- the United States-Iran relationship, character- ship in the World Trade Organization, bank- The Pear Tree, a film by Darius Mehrjui. ♦ ty. Sessions were held in the mornings and af- izing it as a conflict between two hegemones, ing laws, the agrarian question, development ternoons in the Egan Research Center at one global and the other regional. In another problems, and the role of foundations that The 18th annual CIRA conference will be held Northeastern University, which boasts a num- session, Ali Jalali of the VOA, Stephen Fair- are gigantic economic conglomerates. One of A p r i l 28–29, 2000, at the Hyatt Regency, Bethesda, ber of state-of-the-art facilities for research banks and Iraj Gorgin of Radio Free Europe, the most popular sessions was on assimila- Maryland, USA, with the theme of ‘Iran 2000: and conferencing. The most popular sessions and Baqer Moin and Setareh Alavi of the BBC tion, identity, and community among Iranians T h e Challenges Ahead’. were those dealing with the current political discussed the effect of foreign broadcasting in diaspora. In addition to current economic situation in Iran, its relationship with the Unit- on Iranian society. and political questions, the agenda included Dr Kamran Dadkhah is associate professor at the ed States, media coverage of Iran, and issues Other topics included Islam and modern- talks on literature, cinema, architecture and Department of Economics, Northeastern University related to Iranians abroad. Michael Dukakis, day problems, women, human rights, civil so- history. In one session, two poets – Ahmad and Executive Director of CIRA, USA. former governor of Massachusetts and De- ciety, and evolution of Iranian society in the Ghazinoor and Morteza Rezvan – read their E-mail: [email protected]

S a m a r k a n d REUEL HANKS Uzbekistan in the 21s t C e n t u r y

The international conference ‘Uzbekistan Issues’. The first session included commen- One paper dealt with the concept of ‘eastern techniques. The speakers were in general in the 21s t Century: Transition and Integra- tary on strategy for economic reform, invest- democracy’ in Uzbekistan, an attempt to agreement that Uzbekistan’s educational tion’ convened at Samarkand State Institute ment potential, the possibility of creating cast the country’s authoritarian administra- system, particularly higher education, is in for Foreign Languages on 12-13 May 1999. ‘free economic zones’ in Uzbekistan, and the tion in the most favourable light possible by need of restructuring, but the suggested The conference was co-sponsored by the in- future development of tourism in the coun- redefining the character of ‘democracy’. The methods and means of achieving reform stitute and the Association for the Advance- try. This spectrum of topics certainly is cru- most interesting and enlightening presenta- were quite varied. Many participants, both ment of Central Asian Research (AACAR), cial to economic development, but many tions dealing with ‘spirituality’ focused on Uzbeki and foreign, expressed enthusiasm with Yusuf Abdullaev (Rector, SSIFL) and commentators avoided the most serious is- the traditional role of Sufism in Uzbek soci- for the rare chance to dialogue directly with Reuel Hanks (Editor, Journal of Central Asian sues: a rapidly-expanding workforce without ety, the role of the m a h a l l a, and the difficul- colleagues working on similar issues and S t u d i e s) serving as co-directors. Several hun- corresponding economic expansion, the ties of reconstructing the country’s history problems. Select papers from the confer- dred people were in attendance, and the lack of substantial and geographically-dis- and the creation of a ‘national awareness’ ence will be considered for forthcoming is- event was extensively covered by local and persed foreign investment, and political in- among Uzbekistan’s citizenry. sues of the Journal for Central Asian Studies. national media in Uzbekistan. stability, as evidenced by the February bomb- The final session included a detailed pre- The co-directors envision organizing a simi- A total of 45 scholars participated from ings in Tashkent. sentation on educational reform by Yusuf lar conference for the spring of 2001. ♦ Uzbekistan, the United States and the Unit- The session on political issues included pa- Abdullaev, the country’s leading specialist ed Kingdom, with papers organized into four pers on the mass media in Uzbekistan, on Western educational systems, and two Dr Reuel Hanks is assistant professor of Geography at broad sessions: ‘Economic Issues’, ‘Political women’s role in the political process, and papers on the challenges of training educa- Oklahoma State University, USA. Issues’, ‘Spirituality Issues’ and ‘Educational the status of Karakalpakstan, among others. tional specialists in modern pedagogical E-mail: [email protected]

Book Presentation LAILA AL-ZWAINI Legal Pluralism in the Arab World

The notion of legal pluralism is known to tors of the book), wanted to develop an ap- of Western law studies on Arab-Muslim coun- Status Law of 1985 (Nagla Nassar); financial both lawyers and social scientists. From the proach to the legal phenomenon in the Arab tries (Jörn Thielmann). law and practices between Islamic law and the lawyers’ point of view, it expresses the recog- world which, from a sociological perspective, Part Two presents case studies from a com- current Egyptian legal system (Ziad Bahaa- nition by the State (the legislator) of the exis- takes into consideration the complex of social parative perspective: a comparison between Eldin); the use of several legal sources in tence of a multiplicity of legal sources, which fields adhered to by the individual, as well as the court systems of Belgium and Egypt, espe- Egyptian courts regarding the rights of apos- either constitute the official legislation, or are the normativity and type of interaction they cially with regard to the interpretation of tates (Ahmed Seif al-Islam Hamad); and the admitted as subsidiary sources in case of a develop. From the different case studies that norms presented as Islamic (Marie-Claire secular reconstruction of Islamic law by the legal lacuna. These sources can be religious were presented, it became apparent that al- Foblets and Baudouin Dupret); a discussion of Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court in its law, customary law, or international treaties, though the theory of legal pluralism is a handy Palestinian law as a clear case of internal plu- decision regarding the veil in state-run amongst others. This concept thus assumes a tool for analysing socio-legal activities, there is ralism of state law (Bernard Botiveau); the con- schools (Kilian Bälz). ♦ more or less ideological dimension, by which not only ‘one’ such theory. Legal pluralism is a flict between legal pluralism and cultural unity the State wishes to accentuate its pluralistic model for analysis that necessitates modifica- in Morocco (Lawrence Rosen); the dissonance About the Editors orientation, yet does not call into question its tion according to each specific case. between Islamic law and the International – Baudouin Dupret is educated in Law, Arabic and legal monopoly. In order to grasp the subject from its multi- Convention of the Rights of the Child (Murielle Islamic Sciences at the Catholic University of Several socio-legal scientists have refuted ple angles, contributors from a wide variety of Paradelle); the shortcoming of legal pluralism Leuven, Belgium, and has a PhD in Political this prescriptive approach to law, and refor- disciplines and nationalities were invited: soci- to approach an emotionally-charged subject Sciences from the IEP (Institut d’Etudes Politiques), mulated the concept of legal pluralism as the ologists, anthropologists, political scientists, like Islamic law, as in the Syrian context (Mau- Paris. He is currently a researcher at CNRS parallel existence of a plurality of legal norms legal theoreticians, and practising lawyers rits Berger); and the effects of legal pluralism researcher at CDEJ, Cairo. that are produced by different autonomous originating from France, the Netherlands, Bel- in the treatment of unfair contractual terms in – Maurits Berger studied Dutch Law and Arabic ‘social fields’. These social fields possess their gium, Great Britain, Germany, the United the United Arab Emirates and Egypt (Hassan Studies with a specialization in Islamic Law at own normative and regulatory capacities, and States, and Egypt. Starting with a preface by Gemei). t h e University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. are capable of enforcing these on their mem- John Griffiths, whose seminal article on legal Finally, Part Three deals with the phenome- He has practised as a lawyer and is currently bers. This implies that external legislation has pluralism denoted the starting point of the non of legal pluralism in Egypt: a case of feud- a P h D student at the University of Amsterdam. not and cannot have the impact that it pre- seminar, the present publication consists of ing families in 19th-century Egypt involving – Laila al-Zwaini studied Dutch Law and Arabic sumes to have. Studying law in this theoretical three main parts: statute, and Islamic and customary law Studies at Leiden University, the Netherlands has context therefore means reversing the per- Part One discusses the various theories of (Rudolph Peters); the working of haqq al-arab, a degree in Islamic and Middle Eastern from SOAS, spective from the legislator to the social fields. legal pluralism (Gordon Woodman); the im- i.e. customary arbitration in Upper Egypt London. She presently works as a PhD student In December 1996, the Centre d’Etudes et possibility of sorting out norms, law, and prac- (Sarah Ben Nefissa); the responsibility of legal a t Leiden University. de Documentation Economique, Juridique et tices (Jean-Noël Ferrié); the implications of ter- pluralism in the setback of modernity in Egypt Sociale (CEDEJ) and the Netherlands-Flemish minology on the study of legal pluralism, as (Nabil `Abd al-Fattah); the enclosure of the Legal Pluralism in the Arab World Institute in Cairo (NVIC) jointly sponsored a well as the need to develop an anthropology Egyptian legal field as illustrated by the edited by Baudouin Dupret, Maurits Berger, two-day round table in Cairo on the theory of the actors of the norms, especially in the Youssef Chahine-case (Nathalie Bernard-Mau- Laila al-Zwaini and practice of legal pluralism in the Arab Arab world where law is intertwined with reli- giron); the interplay of Islamic law, family law ISBN 90-411-1105-0 Hardback, 304 pages world. The organizers of the round table (edi- gion (Baudouin Dupret); and a critical survey and social customs in the Egyptian Personal Kluwer Law International, February 1999 4 6 Info Pages I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Art & Culture Agenda

THE NETHERLANDS UNITED KINGDOM 9 October 1999 M u s i c Hassan Massoudy Atelier British Museum and through 2 January 2000 18 Quai de la Marne Museum of Mankind Exhibitions Victoria and Albert • A Grand Legacy: Arts of the Ottoman Stichting Kulsan 75019 Paris Great Russelstreet Empire. Founded seven hundred M u s e u m Bijbels Openluchtmuseum WG-plein 126 Tel/fax: +33 1 42031551 London WCIB 3DG years ago, the Ottoman Empire 1 0 5 4 SC Amsterdam Open: Every last Saturday of Cromwell Road Tel: +44 171 4127111 (1299-1922) as its zenith stretched Profetenlaan 2 London SW7 2RL 6564 BL Heilig Landstichting T e l / F a x : +31 20 6182164 t h e month from 2pm – 7pm. Fax: +44 171 3238614/8480 onto the continents of Africa, Europe U p o n appointment by telephone Tel: +44 171 9388500 and Asia. The ambition, grandeur ( N i j m e g e n ) h t t p : / / w w w . v a m . a c . u k Tel: +31 24 3823110 20 – 30 October 1999 on other days. • Permanent Oriental collection and complexity of the empire were Fax: +31 24 3823111 • Turkish pop star Sezen Aksu & brilliantly expressed in the arts. As a t h e Dutch Willem Breuker Kollektief. January – June 1999 • At the Indian and South-East Asian UNITED STATES complement to Letters in Gold, this Through 2 November 1999 • Original Calligraphies, lithographies Department, the collection covers exhibition will examine the grand • The World of Islam. The exhibition, RasaNetwerk Non-Western the arts of South and Southeast Asia, The Art Museum legacy of Ottoman painting, ceramics, textiles and metalwork, with photographs by Isphording and m u s i c F i l m s including India, Pakistan, Bangla- Princeton University using works from the permanent objects of art, depicts Islam today in Pauwstraat 13a desh, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Tibet, Princeton, New Jersey 08544-1018 collection at the Art Museums. the Middle East and Far East. 3512 TG Utrecht C i n e - I M A Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Burma, Tel: +1 609 258-3787/3788 Tel: +31 30 2319676 Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia. G e m e e n t e m u s e u m A t Metalwork, Silver and Jewelry The Arthur M. Sackler Fax: +31 30 2315507 Auditorium Autumn 1999 or Spring 2000 Gallery and Freer D e n H a a g Tel: +33 1 40513814 Department, the collection includes a • Islamic Art Stadhouderslaan 41, rich collection of Islamic metalwork G a l l e r y of Art Through June 1999, Saturdays and Letters in Gold Ottoman Calligraphy Smithsonian Institution 2517 HV Den Haag and collections of ironwork, L e c t u r e s / S o c i e t i e s Sundays at 3 and 5 pm. from the Sakip Sabanci Collection, Washington, D.C, 20560 Tel: +31 70 3381111 Continental silver, arms and armour, I s t a n b u l . Tel: +1 202 3572700 (voice); N e d e r l a n d s - A r a b i s c h e • The Arab Cinema at the Cannes enamels, brasswork, pewter and • Draws upon one of Turkey’s leading 3 5 7 1 7 2 9 Continuing exhibition medieval metalwork. • Islamic crafts. The renewed K r i n g Festival 1946–1998 private collections to display 70 S e c r e t a r i a a t : exceptional examples of Ottoman- 23 January 1999 – 8 August 1999 exhibition from its own collection, in Brunei Gallery particular ceramics. Other objects H. Zwaardecroonstraat 17 M u s i c era calligraphy. • Masterworks of Indian Painting III. School of Oriental and African illustrating Islamic art. 2593 XK Den Haag. On view is a changing selection of NAK Magazine: The IMA in L’Abbaye S t u d i e s Joslyn Art Museum 16th- through 19th-century Indian Museum of Ethnology Korte Jufferstraat 42 d e R o y a u m o n t Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square 2200 Dodge Street 68102-1292 paintings from the Mughal dynasty Willemskade 25 3512 EZ Utrecht London WC1 Omaha, Nebraska (1526-1858) and the Rajput courts that controlled northern and western 3016 DM Rotterdam Tel: +31 30 2319553 13 June through 11 July 1999 Tel: +44 181 7802815 Tel: +1 402 3423300 India between the 17th-19th Tel: +31 10 2707172 e-mail: [email protected] • Temps de Maroc. Six concerts of Fax: +1 402 3422376 Fax: +31 10 2707182 July – September 1999 centuries. Included are pages from arab-andalusian music. i n f o @ j o s l y n . o r g the Kevorkian Album, a page from a m e d i a t h e e k @ w e r e l d m u s e u m . • Organizes lectures and other • Royal Persian Paintings: The Qajar r o t t e r d a m . n l Epoch, 1785-1925, a period where manuscript of Hamzanama, a page activities in four regional branches: G E R M A N Y 27 March – 25 July 1999 from a manuscript of the Amsterdam, The Hague, Groningen, figural painting flourished. The show • Egypt, Gift of the Nile: Ancient • Due to renovations the museum will Mahabharata, a page from a Nijmegen, and Utrecht. Museum für Islamische includes, among others, loans from Egyptian Art and Architecture from be closed until October 2000. It will manuscript of the Ramayana, a page K u n s t the Hermitage, the Louvre and the the University of Pennsylvania reopen with a permanent exhibition from a Shahjahan album, and F R A N C E M u s e u m i n s e l Royal Asiatic Society. The first major Museum. Displays highlights of the of Islamic art from its own collection. o t h e r s . Am Kupfergraben exhibition exclusively devoted to university’s century-old archeaology Qajar art shown in Europe. A De Nieuwe Kerk Grand Palais Eingang Pergamonmuseum p r o g r a m m e . 3 May 1998 – Indefinitely Porte Champs-Elysées, B e r l i n - M i t t e Conference on the Culture, Art and • Arts of the Islamic World. Some 60 D a m Architecture in Qajar Persia will be A m s t e r d a m 3, Avenue du Général-Eisenhower Tel: +49 30 20905401 Metropolitan Museum works – Koran pages, metalwork, held at the School of Oriental and Tel: +31 20 6386909 75008 Paris o f A r t ceramics, glass, paintings, and African Studies in London from 2-4 e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +33 1 44131717 • Large collection of Islamic Art in 1000 Fifth Avenue at 82nd Street calligraphy – from the 9th to 17th Fax: +33 1 45635433 G e r m a n y . September 1999 (see also ‘Academic New York, New York 10028 centuries explore Islamic artistic 26 June – 17 October 1999 Meetings’ in this issue of the ISIM Tel: +1 212 5357710 traditions. Themes include the forms and functions of the works of art, the • The dancing demons of Mongolia. 9 April through 12 July 1999 Ifa-Galerie Stuttgart N e w s l e t t e r ) . role of calligraphy, the use of Over 100 art treasures from • Egyptian Art in the Age of the Charlottenplatz 17 17 March 1999 – 18 July 1999 Mongolia such as textiles, masks, Egee Art Consultancy figurative decoration, and the Pyramids spans from the third 70173 Stuttgart • The Nature of Islamic Ornament, Part meaning of abstract designs. paintings and sculptures to be shown through the sixth dynasty, covering Tel: +49 711 2225173 9 Chelsea manor studios III: Geometric Patterns explores the for the first time in the Netherlands. Flood Street the first great era of Egyptian art Fax: +49 711 2225194 history of complex patterns derived The Los Angeles County with some 200 works from reliefs and h t t p : / / w w w . i f a . d e London SW3 5SR from simple figures (circles, triangles, Forthcoming Winter 1999 – 2000 Tel: +44 171 3516818 Museum of Art unpainted limestone heads to polygons). The third of a four-part 5905 Wilshire Boulevard • Treasures from Islam Fax: +44 171 3763510 furniture and monumental sculpture. • Exhibitions and contemporary art series on Islamic ornament dating Los Angeles, CA 90036 h t t p : / / w w w . e g e e a r t . c o m from the Middle East. from the 9th to the 18th centuries. Tel: +1 323 8576000 Thermenmuseum Heerlen Open: Monday – Saturday 2–6pm Coriovallumstraat 9, Institut du Monde Arabe Some 25 objects that feature 1, Rue des Fosses St-Bernard, K U W A I T predominantly geometric 13 June – 10 August 1999 6411 CA Heerlen, C o n t i n u i n g Tel: +31 45 5604581 75236 Paris. decoration, drawn from the • The Ardabil Carpet. This carpet, Tel: +33 1 40513960/3310 Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah • Contemporary and Antique Middle Metropolitan Museum’s own whose better-known mate hangs in Eastern Art. 3 October 1998 – January 2000 Ramadi Theatre collection, including illuminated London’s Victoria and Albert • The bathhouse. Bath culture 18 May – 29 August 1999 Midan Hawalli manuscripts, rugs, carved and inlaid Museum, is arguably one of the most i nE a s t and West • Bahrain, a civilisation of two seas. K u w a i t Soni Gallery woodwork, and pottery, reflect the important works in LACMA’s From Dilmun to Tylos. This exhibition Tel: +965 5653006 25 Connaught Street Marble Arch variety of production of Islamic art collection. Brought to England sometime in the late nineteenth T r o p e n m u s e u m traces the history of Dilmun London W2 and the wide range of application of century, the carpets were reported to A m s t e r d a m (2500–1200 BC), recently of renewed Until 24 June 1999, Tel/fax: +44 171 2629101 geometric patterns. Linnaeusstraat 2 h t t p : / / w w w . s o n i g a l l e r y . c o m have come from the Safavid shrine at interest to archeologists and e v e r yT h u r s d a y Ardabil. According to their dated 1092 CK Amsterdam historians. Bahrain again flourished • The Travels of Ibn Battuta. A u n i q u e Arthur M. Sackler Gallery Tel: +31 20 5688215 C o n t i n u i n g signatures, this matched pair of between the 300 BC until the 400 AD audio-visual programme of his Harvard University Art Museums, carpets were made in 1539-40 by a under the name of Tylos; the impulse journey from Morocco to China and • International contemporary art Cambridge, Massachusetts Through 15 August 1999 certain Maqsud of Kashan. given by the conquests of Alexander back, in the 14th century. especially from the Indo-Pak Tel: +1 617 4959400 • Ethiopia: The Heritage of an Empire the Great. subcontinent and the Arab World. exhibits several hundred diverse Ghost Ranch S I N G A P O R E 21 May – 22 August 1999 New Mexico objects and recreates market, court Visiting Arts and home scenes in a survey of art 13 May – 20 June 1999 • Courts and Countryside: Islamic Tel: +1 505 6854333 • Photographs of Arabia: the Hedjaz Asian Civilisations Information: Project manager Painting of the Fourteenth to the a w a i r @ i g c . a p c . o r g and daily life in one of Africa’s most R a c h e l Abedi, culturally variegated nations. 1907- 1917. The photographs are M u s e u m Seventeenth Century. Works of art from the Collection of the Ecole 39 Armenian Street Tel: +44 171 3893019 produced in Iran during the II- 11 July through 18 July 1999 Fax. +44 171 3893016 Theater Zuidplein Biblique et Archeologique Francaise Singapore 179939 Khanid, Timurid and Safavid periods • Understanding the Islamic Paradigm: r a c h e l . v a @ d i a l . p i p e x . c o m Zuidplein 60, de Jerusalem. Parallel to these form the core of the exhibition, A Summer Program, sponsored by 3083 CW Rotterdam pictures are exhibited photographs From November 1997 h t t p : / / w w w . b r i t c o u n . o r g / v i s i t i n g a r t supplemented by paintings from Arab World and Islamic Resources of Tel: +31 10 2030207 of the contemporary city of Jeddah • Calligraphy from the Tareq Rajab s/islam/ Ottoman Turkey and Mughal India, Berkeley, California. Art, poetry, chanting lectures and dialogues will by Reem Al Faysal. Museum Kuwait. The Qur’an was or: The British Council whose rulers shared a common help non-Muslims understand the 17 October 1999 – central to the development of the a r t Arts Division nomadic imperial heritage. 24 October 1999 11 Portland Place, London W1N 4EJ faith journeys and worldviews of 29 June – 29 August 1999 of beautiful writing. In this exhibition I s l a m . • Cultural week Turkey. Events such • De Sumer a Babylone. Photographs the various scripts that developed Tel: +44 171 9308466 9 October 1999 a s art, music and dance, theatre, by Yves Gellie. Between 1997 and over the centuries and also Fax: +44 171 3893199 through 2 January 2000 lectures and debates organized in 1999 Yves Gellie made several calligraphy as a decorative motif on • Letters in Gold: Ottoman almost all well-known places of art journeys into Iraq. He reports a various media like ceramics and February 1999 through July 1999 Calligraphy from the Sakip The Agenda is produced by i nR o t t e r d a m . different view from the picture given metalwork are explored. • Mutualities: Britain and Islam. Sabanci Collection, Istanbul t h e Centre of Islamic Culture Cultural and Arts Programme. A Galerie A by most media; drawing attention to Calligraphy is the quintessential in Rotterdam, The Nether- the richness of the cultures and the S W I T Z E R L A N D programme of cultural and arts visual art form of the Islamic world. Oldenzaalsestraat 256 lands. Please send all diversity of the people. events that draws attention to Islam- This exhibition will feature 7523 AG Enschede related arts events in Britain and to information with regard to T e l / F a x : +31 53 3413788 Antiken Museum approximately 70 exceptional works 19 October 1999– St.Alban-Grabens 5, encourages new ones. The of Islamic calligraphy, dating from activities related to culture programme reflects the expressive C o n t i n u i n g 27 February 2000 4010 Basel the fifteenth through the early and art in the Islamic World • Morocco, a way of life. Evoking the Tel: +41 61 2712202 relationship between the arts and twentieth century, from Ottoman • Intercultural art t o : magic of the places and discovering Fax: +41 61 2721861 Islam and highlights contemporary Turkey. Drawn from the largest Galerie Fi Beiti the refined mosaics and the o f f i c e @ a n t i k e n m u s e u m b a s e l . c h artistic thought as it seeks to address private collection of Ottoman The Centre of Islamic Culture, Prinsengracht 157-hs architecture of private houses, the Open: Tuesdays to Sundays 10-17h the challenges and meaning of Islam calligraphy in Turkey, these works P.O. Box 361, in the modern world. The 1015 DR Amsterdam exhibition resorts to the past without illustrate the brilliant development of 3 0 0 0 AJ Rotterdam, Tel: +31 20 6264432 neglecting certain aspects of the Through July 1999 programme will culminate in a one- this art form over five centuries with T h eN e t h e r l a n d s Fax: +31 20 6264433 more contemporary urban life. • Egyptian Art: A provisional day seminar in July addressing the examples by its greatest masters, Music, films and poetry try to presentation of the new section. 300 promotion of Islam-related events. including Seyh Hamdullah, Ahmed Fax: +31 10 270 71 82 • Contemporary art exhibitions by recreate the specific spheres of the objects spanning four centuries: Karahisari, Hafiz Osman and Sami E-mail: mediatheek@wereld artists from the Islamic world. vie citadine in Morocco. statues, reliefs, jewellery, ceramics, E f e n d i . m u s e u m . r o t t e r d a m . n l animal sculptures, etc. I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 Info Pages 47 Academic Meetings

Alexandria: From Book to Iranian Constitutional 8t h Conference of I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y Labour in Pakistan XVIII Quinquennial Text, the Invention of R e v o l u t i o n Africanists on Africa at Approaches to Third D a t e : 26-29 December 1999 Congress of the P h i l o l o g y D a t e: 4-5 August 1999 t h e Threshold of the Third World Studies. V e n u e : K a r a c h i International Association D a t e : 23-25 June 1999 V e n u e: Tehran, Iran M i l l e n i u m Seventeenth Annual I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Yunas Samad, for the History of V e n u e: Bibliothèque nationale de I n f o r m a t i o n: Institute for Iranian D a t e : 28-30 September 1999 Meeting of the Association Department of Social and Religions (IAHR) France (Tolbiac), Paris, France Contemporary Historical Studies, V e n u e : Institute for African Studies of Third World Studies Economic Studies, University of D a t e : 5-12 August 2000 I n f o r m a t i o n: This international 128. Fayyazi (Fereshteh) Ave., (IAS), Moscow, Russia D a t e : 18-20 November 1999 Bradford, West Yorkshire, BD7 1DP, V e n u e : International Convention conference is linked to the future P O Box 19395-1975, Elahieh, I n f o r m a t i o n : IAS, 30/1 Spiridonovka V e n u e : Herradura, San Jose, Costa Rica UK, [email protected], Centre Durban, South Africa opening of the new Alexandrian Tehran 19649, Iran, Str., Moscow, 103001, Russia, I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Tom Leonard, tel +44 1274 234802, I n f o r m a t i o n : Prof. Pratap Kumar, Library in Egypt. A second tel +98 21 2005425, tel +7 95 2906385, +7 95 2902752, International Studies Program, fax +44 1274 385295; Department of Science of Religion, conference ‘Alexandria: the fax +98 21 262098 fax +7 95 2020786, [email protected] College of Liberal Arts and Dr Kamran Asad Ali, Department of University of Durban-Westville, metamorphoses of reading’ will U R L: http://www.neda.net/iichs D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 1 March 1999 Sciences, University of North Anthropology, University of Private Bag X54001, Durban 4000, b e held at the Alexandrian Library Florida, Jacksonville FL 32224, Rochester, USA, South Africa, in Egypt, 27-3 0 November 1999. t e l +1 904 6202886, k n a r @ u h u r a . c c . r o c h e s t e r . e d u , [email protected]; General Christian Jacob, CNRS, Paris, The 11th International The Thirteenth Turkish fax +1 904 6201018, tel +1 716 2758614; Karamat Ali, Secretary of the IAHR, Prof. Armin c j a c o b @ e h e s s . f r Congress of Turkish Art Congress of History t l e o n a r d @ g w . u n f . e d u k a r a m a t @ p i l e r . k h i . s d n p k . u n d p . o r g , Geertz, Department of the Study of ( I C T A - X I ) D a t e : 4-8 October 1999 D e a d l i n e : Pre-registration by tel +92 21 4557009, Religion, University of Aarhus, Main D a t e: 23-28 August 1999 I n f o r m a t i o n : Prof. Dr. Yusuf Halacoglu, 1 5 September 1999 fax +92 21 45557009 Building, DK-8000 Aarhus C. Globalization and V e n u e: Utrecht University, Utrecht, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Kizilay Sokak D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 1 September Denmark, [email protected] Identities. International The Netherlands No. 1, 06100 Sihhiye-Ankara- 1999; Papers by 1 November 1999 U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . u d w . a c . z a / i a h r Conference Research Unit I n f o r m a t i o n: [email protected] Turkiye, tel +90 312 3102368, Middle East Studies for Global Studies U R L: http://www.let.uu.nl/ fax +90 312 3101698 Association (MESA) 33r d D a t e : 30 June – 2 July 1999 o o s t e r s / i c t a 0 . h t m l Annual Meeting Crossing Borders: International Congress of V e n u e: Department of Sociology, D a t e : 19-22 November 1999 Cultural, National and Asian and North African Manchester Metropolitan 1999 International V e n u e : Marriott Wardman Park Hotel, Islamic Identities in Asia Studies (ICANAS) on University, Manchester, UK The Qajar Epoch: Cuture, Symposium Beyond the Washington DC, USA Panel at the 2000 Association of Asian Oriental and Asian Studies I n f o r m a t i o n: Nadeem Hai, Art & Architecture in Qajar Border: a New Framework U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . m e s a . a r i z o n a . e d u Studies Annual Meeting in the Era of Globalization tel +44 161 2473009, P e r s i a for Understanding the D a t e : 9-12 March 2000 D a t e : 27 August – 1 September 2000 [email protected]; Paul K e n n e d y D a t e : 2-4 September 1999 Dynamism of Muslim V e n u e : Town and Country Resort & V e n u e : Montreal Convention Center, +44 161 2473006, V e n u e : School of Oriental and African S o c i e t i e s AAR/SBL Annual Meeting Convention Center, San Diego, 201 Viger Avenue West, Montreal, P . K e n n e d y @ m m u . a c . u k ; Studies, London, UK D a t e : 8-10 October 1999 D a t e : 20-23 November 1999 California, USA C a n a d a fax +44 161 2476321 I n f o r m a t i o n : Qajar Conference, V e n u e : Kyoto International V e n u e : John B. Hynes Veterans I n f o r m a t i o n : Ron Lukens-Bull, I n f o r m a t i o n : ICANAS 2000 Secretariat, c / oP O Box 2256, London W1A 1YS, Conference Hall, Kyoto, Japan Memorial Convention Center, R l u k e n s b u l @ a o l . c o m Bureau des Congrès, Université de fax +44 171 4317923, I n f o r m a t i o n : Islamic Area Studies, Boston, Massachusetts, USA Montreal, P.O. Box 6128, Station German and International i n f o @ i r a n h e r i t a g e . c o m 1999 International Symposium Downtown, Montréal (Québec) Research on Oman D e a d l i n e : Applications by 15 February Committee, The University of Iran 2000: The Challenges H3C 3J7, Canada Tokyo, Bungakubu Annexe, 7-3-1 ahead. 18t h Annual CIRA D a t e : 2-3 July 1999 1 9 9 9 Annual meeting of the D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 2 August 1999 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 113- C o n f e r e n c e V e n u e: DETECON Building, Dutch Association for U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . b c o c . u m o n t r e a l . c a 0033, Japan, tel +81 3 56843285, D a t e : 28-29 April 2000 Oberkasseler Str. 2, Bonn- Middle Eastern and Islamic i - i n r @ l . u - t o k y o . a c . j p V e n u e : Hyatt Regency Bethesda, Ramersdorf, Germany New Approaches to Studies (MOI) U R L : http:// www.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/IAS Maryland, USA I n f o r m a t i o n: Oman-Tagung, c/o Migration: Transnational D a t e : 26 November 1999 International Conference I n f o r m a t i o n : Kamran Dadkhah, Joachim Duester, Thomas-Mann- Communities and the V e n u e : N i j m e g e n on Middle Eastern Popular Department of Economics, Str. 62, D-53111 Bonn, Germany, Transformation of Home I n f o r m a t i o n : Dept. of the Languages C u l t u r e Islam and Politics in Russia Northeastern University, Boston, fax +49 228 1752357, D a t e : 21-22 September 1999 and Cultures of the Islamic Middle D a t e : 17-21 September 2000 and Central Asia (Early MA 02115, USA, tel +1 617 o m a n d o c @ p o b o x . c o m I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Nadje Al-Ali, Sussex East, Universiteit Leiden, V e n u e : Magdalen College, University 1 7t h – Late 20t h C e n t u r i e s ) 3732297, [email protected] U R L: http://www.oman.org/bonn.htm Centre for Migration Research, P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, of Oxford, UK D a t e : 13-14 October 1999 D e a d l i n e : Abstracts and proposals by t e l +44 1273 606755, fax +44 1273 T h eN e t h e r l a n d s I n f o r m a t i o n : Near Eastern Studies V e n u e : Maison franco-japonaise, 31 October 1999 620662, [email protected]; Tokyo, Japan U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . d a c . n e u . e d u / c i r a Programme, The Oriental Institute, Conference on the Foreign D r Khalid Koser, Migration Research I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Stephane A. University of Oxford, Policies of Middle East Unit, Department of Geography, New African Perspectives: n e a r e a s t @ o r i n s t . o x . a c . u k Dudoignon, [email protected]; n d S t a t e s University of College London, Prof. Komatsu Hisao, 2 2 Annual & Inter- III International U R L : h t t p : / / u s e r s . o x . a c . u k / D a t e : 12-15 July 1999 t e l +44 171 3807564, k o m a t s u @ l . u - t o k y o . a c . j p national Conference of Conference on Islamic ~ n e a r e a s t / m i d d l e . h t m V e n u e: University of St. Andrews, fax +44 171 3807565, U R L : http:// www.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/IAS t h e African Studies Asso- Legal Studies: S c o t l a n d k k o s e r @ g e o g r a p h y . u c l . a c . u k ciation of Australasia and T h e M a d h h a b I n f o r m a t i o n : Raymond Hinnebusch, the Pacific (AFSAAP ’99) D a t e : 4-6 May 2000 Islamic Studies in Europe Department of International Transformation Processes D a t e : 26-28 November 1999 I n f o r m a t i o n : Peri Bearman, Harvard S e r i e s Relations, University of Europe and the South V e n u e : St George’s College, University The International Institute for s t and Islam in Africa Law School, Pound Hall 501, S t . Andrews, Fife, KY16 9AL, i n the 21 C e n t u r y : D a t e : 15 October 1999 of Western Australia (UWA), Perth Cambridge, MA 02138, Islamic Thought (IIIT) and national Scotland, UK, tel +44 1334 462938, Challenges for Renewed V e n u e : African Studies Centre, room I n f o r m a t i o n : Professor Cherry Gertzel, p b e a r m a n @ l a w . h a r v a r d . e d u academic institutions will be t h fax +44 1334 462937, Cooperation. 9 G e n e r a l 1A27, Pieter de la Courtgebouw, g e r t z e l c @ s p e c t r u m . c u r t i n . e d u . a u , D e a d l i n e : Papers by 1 November 1999 holding a series of seminars on r h 1 0 @ s t - a n d r e w s . a c . u k Conference of EADI Wassenaarseweg 52, Leiden, tel (h) +61 8 92997418 or Dr. Peter U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . l a w . h a r v a r d . e d u / Islamic Studies in Europe in various U R L: http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk D a t e : 22-25 September 1999 T h eN e t h e r l a n d s Limb, [email protected], P r o g r a m s / I L S P European cities from February V e n u e : GEMDEV, 9 rue Malher, Paris, I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Anneke Breedveld, tel +61 8 93802348, 2000. The seminars will focus on F r a n c e Africa Studies Centre, fax +61 8 93801012 the state of this discipline and Third Biennal Conference I n f o r m a t i o n : EADI Secretariat, 24, P.O. Box 9555, 2300 RB Leiden, D e a d l i n e : Titles due 15 June 1999; The Third Biennial identify serious lacunae in the of the Association for the r u e Rothschild, P.O. Box 272, T h eN e t h e r l a n d s , Abstracts by 31 August 1999 Conference on Iranian present state of research within its Study of Travel in Egypt C H 1211 Geneva 21, Switzerland, tel (w) +31 71 5273375, U R L : S t u d i e s many fields of specialization. The and the Near East, tel +41 22 7314648, (h) +31 71 5120380, h t t p : / / w w w . a r t s . u w a . e d u . a u / A S C W D a t e : 25-28 May 2000 tentative date for UK conference is Cambridge, UK fax +41 22 7385797, b r d v l d @ r u l c r i . l e i d e n u n i v . n l . A / c o n f e r e n c e 9 9 V e n u e : Hyatt Regency Hotel, July 2000. For all other dates and D a t e : 15-18 July 1999 e a d i @ u n i 2 a . u n i g e . c h The conference is organized by Bethesda, Maryland, USA more information, please contact I n f o r m a t i o n: Janet Starkey, Centre for U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . e a d i . o r g t h e Africa Studies Centre (ASC) in I n f o r m a t i o n : SIS Executive Secretary, IIIT at [email protected]. Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, co-operation with the ISIM. The Centrality of the Kambiz Eslami, c/o Princeton University of Durham, South End Qur’an in Islamic and University Library, House, South Road, Durham DH1 Sufi Psychology Middle Eastern Culture tel +1 609 2581308, 3TG, UK, fax +44 1388 731809, Association’s East Coast Sixth Annual Conference D a t e : December 1999 fax +1 609 2580441, [email protected], or Conference: The Science of the Economic Research I n f o r m a t i o n : A. Jones or R. Nettler at k e s l a m i @ p o p 3 . c i t . p r i n c e t o n . e d u Caroline Williams, 6 Coventry Rd, o f the Soul Forum for the Arab the The Oriental Institute, Pusey D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 30 September Williamsburg VA 23188 D a t e : 25 September 1999 Countries, Iran and Turkey Lane, Oxford, OX1 2LE, UK 1 9 9 9 V e n u e : American University, ( E R F ) U R L : h t t p : / / u s e r s . o x . a c . u k / ~ n e a r e a s t / Washington DC, USA D a t e : 29-31 October 1999 c o n f e r e n c . h t m Visual Arts as Contact I n f o r m a t i o n : Tel +1 301 6541569; I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Hana’ Al-Sabghan, 6t h Biennial EASA Zones: Europe and the Lynn Wilcox, P.O. Box 19922, Grants & Conference Officer, ERF, Conference: Crossing Three Empires of Islam in Sacramento CA 95825, USA, 7 Boulos Hanna Street, Dokki, Cairo, The Sixth Annual Congress Categorical Boundaries: the Early Modern Period tel +1 800 3381467, Egypt, fax +20 2 3616042, of the German Middle East Religion as Politics / D a t e: 22-23 July 1999 fax +1 916 9231201, e r f @ i d s c . g o v . e g Studies Association for Politics as Religion V e n u e: Headley Lecture Theatre, s u f i p s y @ p a c b e l l . n e t Contemporary Research Date: 26-29 July 2000 T h e Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . s u f i - p s y c h o l o g y . o r g and Documentation V e n u e : Krakow, Poland U K Women in Palestine. ( D A V O ) I n f o r m a t i o n : Secretariat European I n f o r m a t i o n: Liz Will, The Barakat Fourth International D a t e : 2-4 December 1999 Association of Social In order for the ISIM Info Trust, c/o The Oriental Institute, Third Triennal European Conference of the Gaza V e n u e : Haus Rissen, Hamburg, Anthropologists (EASA), Urgell 259, Pages to prosper, we kindly n e a r e a s t @ o r i n s t . o x . a c . u k Association for Middle Community Mental Health G e r m a n y s.s.3, E-08026 Barcelona, Spain, U R L: http://users.ox.ac.uk/~neareast/ Eastern Studies Program (GCMHP) I n f o r m a t i o n : D A V O - C o n g r e s s tel/fax +34 9 33212259, ask for your participation by conferen.htm Conference (EURAMES) D a t e : 21-23 November 1999 Organization, Deutsches Orient- e a s a @ t r i v i u m . g h . u b . e s filling out the forms for I n f o r m a t i o n : Husam El-Nounou, Public D e a d l i n e : Workshop proposals by 1999 Institut, Mittelweg 150, D-20148 Vacancy Announcements and D a t e : 27-29 September 1999 Relations Coordinator, GCMHP, Hamburg, Germany, 3 September 1999 The 18t h A n n u a l V e n u e : Department of Law, and P.O.Box 1049, Gaza City, Palestine, tel +49 40 4132050, U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . u b . e s / e a s a / 6 t h . h t m Special Events. These forms Australasian Middle East t h e Department of Political and tel +972 7 865949, fax 972 7 fax +49 40 441484, can be found online on the 824072, [email protected] Studies Association Social Sciences, University of d o i h h @ u n i - h a m b u r g . d e ISIM website: (AMESA) Conference Ghent, Belgium D e a d l i n e : Papers by 1 July 1999 D e a d l i n e : Papers by 2 November 1999 International Inter- D a t e: 23-24 July 1999 I n f o r m a t i o n : EURAMES Committee, U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . g e o . u n i - m a i n z . d e / disciplinary Conference h t t p : / / i s i m . l e i d e n u n i v . n l V e n u e: University of Sydney, St John’s Centre for Third World Studies, d a v o o n Language, Thought and If you wish to have a formula First Annual Conference of Reality: Science, Religion College, Australia Universiteitstraat 8, B-9000 Ghent, sent by e-mail, fax, or post, I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Ahmad Shboul, Belgium, tel +32 9 2646955, the Association of Muslim and Philosophy a h m a d . s h b o u l @ s e m i t i c . u s y d . e d u . fax +32 9 2646997, Social Scientists (UK) D a t e : 1-4 August 2000 please contact the ISIM au, fax +61 2 93513574; c h r i s t o p h e r . p a r k e r @ p i n g . b e D a t e : 30-31 October 1999 V e n u e : Calcutta, India S e c r e t a r i a t : V e n u e : University of London I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Chandana D r Christine Asmar, D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 15 July 1999 Tel: +31 71 5277905 C . A s m a r @ c t l . u s y d . e d u . a u , I n f o r m a t i o n : [email protected] or Chakrabarti, Elon College Campus fax +61 2 93514331 write to AMSS, P.O. Box 126, Box 2336, Elon College, N.C. 27244, Fax: +31 71 5277906 U R L: http://www.nettl.usyd.edu.au/ Richmond, Surrey TW9 2UD, UK USA, [email protected] E - m a i l : a m e s a / c o n f e r e n c e . h t m D e a d l i n e : Abstracts by 15 April 1999; D e a d l i n e : Proposals by 25 October ’99 Finished papers by the end of July U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . e l o n . e d u / c h a k r a b a I S I M @ r u l l e t . l e i d e n u n i v . n l 4 8 I S I M NEWSLETTER 3 / 9 9 C o n t e n t s

Ger Duijzings REGIONAL ISSUES Nathalie Clayer and CONFERENCE REPORTS Kosovo: The End of a ‘Mixed’ Pilgrimage A l e x a n d r e P o p o v i c 1 A New Era for Sufi Trends in the Balkans Joseph Errington 3 2 Omar Khalidi I S I M Language, Religion, and Identity in Differentiation and Homogenization I n d o n e s i a Alexander G. Seleznev among Indian Muslims 1 6 The Northernmost Outpost 4 4 E d i t o r i a l of Islamic Civilization by Dick Douwes Andrée Feillard 3 3 Scott Lucas 2 Pre-election Visit to East Java’s Ulama The 14th Annual Middle East History 1 7 George Grigore a n d Theory Conference ISIM’s New Academic Director Muslims in Romania 4 4 by Nathal Dessing Michael Laffan 3 4 3 A Visit to Jakarta’s Bayt al-Qur’an Holger Weiss 1 8 Jonas Otterbeck Social Justice, Social Welfare and Praxis ISIM Beirut Meeting ’A School for All’: Muslim Pupils in Sweden i n Islamic Societies in Africa 3 Imtiyaz Yusuf 3 5 4 4 Aspects of Islam in Thailand Today VISUAL ARTS 1 9 Moch. Nur Ichwan Kamran Dadkhah Prayer in the Surinam-Javanese The 17th Annual Conference of the Center Linda Waldbridge Diasporic Experience for Iranian Research and Analysis R.O. Rom Kalilu Inter-communal Violence in Pakistan and 3 6 4 5 Islam and Artistic Response among I n d o n e s i a t h e Yoruba of Nigeria 2 0 Richard Brent Turner Reuel Hanks 4 Mainstream Islam in the African-American Uzbekistan in the 21st Century Marc Gaborieau E x p e r i e n c e 4 5 GENERAL ISSUES Transnational Islamic Movements: 3 7 Tablighi Jama’at in Politics? P U B L I C A T I O N S 2 1 Gustav Thaiss Hammed Shahidian Muharram Rituals and the Carnivalesque Abdul Karim Khan Islam’s ‘Others’: Living (Out)side Islam i nT r i n i d a d Arabic Literature of Africa The Servants of God in the North-West 5 3 8 4 3 Frontier Province of British India 2 2 Nikki R. Keddie R E S E A R C H Laila al-Zwaini Women and Religious Politics in the Legal Pluralism in the Arab World Afsaneh Najmabadi Contemporary World 4 5 Writing History as if Women 6 Helene Basu and Gender Mattered Going for Visits with a Woman-Fakir: I N F O P A G E S 2 3 Abdullah Saeed t h e African Diaspora in Gujarat Islamic Banking: Moving Towards a 3 9 Hala Fattah Pragmatic Approach? Art and Culture Agenda Culture and Identity in the Work of 7 Constant Hamès 4 6 an Historian of Ottoman Basra Magic, Islam and Scientific Research 2 4 ARCHITECTURE AND SPACE 4 0 Academic Meetings 47 Ahmad S. Moussalli I N S T I T U T E S Political Islam in Sunni Communities Hasan-Uddin Khan o f L e b a n o n Identity, Authenticity and Power: 2 5 t h e Mosque of Hassan II Harvard Law School: 8 Islamic Legal Studies Program Youssef Courbage 1 3 Christianity and Islam: Demography Sharifah Zaleha i n t h e Middle East Surau and Mosques in Malaysia François Burgat 2 6 9 The French Center for Yemeni Studies 4 1 Lidwien Kapteijns Rogier Bedaux Somali Women’s Songs for the First Protecting Mali’s Cultural Heritage Ali Kettani L a d i e s of Early Islam 1 0 Re-establishing Islamic Learning 2 7 in Al-Andalus, Cordoba Nelida Fuccaro 4 1 Beatrice Nicolini Islam And Urban Space: Ma’tams in Bahrain Religion and Trade in the Indian Ocean: before Oil Jørgen S. Nielsen Zanzibar in the 1800s 1 1 Centre for the Study of Islam and 2 8 Christian-Muslim Relations The International Institute for Jean-Paul Loubes 4 2 t h e Study of Islam in the Modern Xavier Luffin Transformation of the Hui district in Xi’an World (ISIM) promotes and Muslims in Burundi: 1 2 Samy S. Swayd conducts interdisciplinary Discretion and Neutrality The Institute of Druze Studies research on contemporary social 2 9 Brian Larkin 4 2 and intellectual trends and Cinema Theatres and Moral Space in movements in Muslim societies Geert Mommersteeg Northern Nigeria O R G A N I Z A T I O N S and communities. The ISIM’s Qur’anic Teachers and Magico-Religious 1 3 research approaches are Specialists in Djenné expressly interdisciplinary and 3 0 comparative, covering a large Ronald A. Lukens-Bull Günter Meyer geographic range which includes The Sacred Geography of an Indonesian German Middle East Studies Association Michael Sells North Africa and the Middle East, Islamic Modernity f o r Contemporary: Research and Balkan Islam and the Mythology of Kosovo Sub-Saharan Africa, Central Asia, 1 4 D o c u m e n t a t i o n 3 1 4 3 South and Southeast Asia, and (Muslim communities in) the Darwis Khudori West. Broad in its scope, the ISIM Islamization and Secularization through brings together all areas of Architecture: the Case of Ismailia e x p e r t i s e . 1 5