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The Continental Compact

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The Continental Compact The Continental Compact IAN CAINE EMILY CHEN University of Texas at San Antonio TIFFIN THOMPSON DEREK HOEFERLIN Washington University in St. Louis PABLO CHAVEZ The drought crisis in California is first and fore- 3 types of hydro-urbanisms leverage existing price tag associated with infrastructural most a political crisis. Decades of public policy water resources to create a conurbation at the obligations. have created a system of massive water con- scale of the river basin. Locally, each responds veyance, fostering and maintaining a funda- to the specific characteristics of its riverine, Current 2050 growth projections in the U.S. mental misalignment between the supply and geographic and landscape environment. The don’t factor what will likely become the most demand of water. The untenable status quo in hydro-urbanisms are capable of accommodat- critical determinant of successful urban- California is maintained through an elaborate ing diverse programs including agriculture, ism: water supply. The Continental Compact slew of public policies, designed to support residential, ecology, industry, recreation and re-directs growth from Mega-regions to a system of water-trading between western tourism. Hydro-regions, investing in water-rich urban states in areas like the Colorado River Basin. conurbations built around dams, rivers and The Continental Compact replaces hydraulic deltas. The Compact re-invests the massive The Continental Compact proposes to funda- urbanism with hydrological urbanism. Simply resources that currently support the con- mentally alter the culture of water-trading: re- put, the Continental Compact stops moving struction and operation of aqueducts into the legislating water distribution, first in California water to the people and starts moving people construction of new infrastructure to support and ultimately throughout the United States, to the water. The Continental Compact incen- water-rich sustainable urbanism. Canada and Mexico. The new laws will be tivizes a series of Hydro-regions, each leverag- based on four principles: Don’t transfer water. ing a piece of new infrastructure in an existing Do guide population growth to water. Do water basin. The resulting megalopolis allows allow regions to shrink by attrition. Do return new water-rich urbanism to grow over a the river to its natural course. period of one hundred years. Conversely, it allows existing water-poor urbanism in Los California has maintained itself through an Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco, Phoenix, elaborate mechanism of water conveyance and Denver to slowly shrink via attrition. The via aqueducts for decades. Unfortunately, positive environmental and financial benefits the financial and environmental costs of this of the revised policy will be significant, saving strategy are high. Currently the financial costs energy, reducing carbon emissions, slowing are being borne by the State and Federal gov- subsidence, lowering infrastructure costs, and ernments, while the environmental costs are regenerating California’s deltas. simply externalized, thereby delaying and intensifying their impact. This is an infrastruc- The history of Westward Expansion in the tural shell game that California cannot win. United States was an epic success, leveraging cheap land and abundant natural resources The Continental Compact provides a long- to grow the country. Things are very differ- term solution to the contradiction that is ent today: land is expensive, resources are California, incentivizing urbanism in water- scarce, and state and federal governments rich basins near dams, rivers and deltas. The are increasingly unable to afford the spiraling 11 Shaping New Knowledges THE CONTINENTAL COMPACT CRISIS. The drought crisis in California is first and foremost a political crisis. Decades of public policy have created a system of massive water conveyance, fostering and maintaining a fundamental misalignment between the supply and THE CONTINENTAL COMPACT demand of water. The drought crisis in California is first and foremost a political crisis. Decades of public policy have created a system of massive water conveyance, fostering and maintaining a fundamental misalignment between the supply and demand of water. The untenable status quo in California is maintained through an elaborate slew of public policies, designed to support a system of water- trading between western states in areas like the Colorado River Basin. The Continental Compact proposes to fundamentally alter the culture of water-trading: re-legislat- ing water distribution, first in California and ultimately throughout the United States, Canada and X Mexico. The new laws will be based on four principles: Don’t transfer water. Do guide population growth to water. Do allow regions to shrink by attrition. Do return the river to its natural course. X California has maintained itself through an elaborate mechanism of water conveyance via aque- ducts for decades. Unfortunately, the financial and environmental costs of this strategy are high. Currently the financial costs are being borne by the State and Federal governments, while the environmental costs are simply externalized, thereby delaying and intensifying their impact. This is an infrastructural shell game that California cannot win. The Continental Compact provides a long-term solution to the contradiction that is California, incentivizing urbanism in water-rich basins near dams, rivers and deltas. The 3 types of hydro- California Aqueduct Image: Dept. of Water Resources. 01 LA Aqueduct Image: Center for Land Use Interpretation 02 urbanisms leverage existing water resources to create a conurbation at the scale of the river basin. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS Locally, each responds to the specific characteristics of its riverine, geographic and landscape THE LAW OF THE RIVERS. THE COLORADO RIVER COMPACT OF 1922. THE BOULDER CANYON PROJECT ACT OF 1928. CALIFORNIA SEVEN PARTY COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER AGREEMENT OF 1931. MEXICAN WATER TREATY OF 1944. UPPER COLORADO BASIN COMPACT OF 1948.COLORADO RIVER STORAGE PROJECT OF environment. The hydro-urbanisms are capable of accommodating diverse programs including TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE 1956. THE ARIZONA V CALIFORNIA U.S.. SUPREME COURT DECISION OF 1964. THE COLORADO RIVER BASIN PROJECT ACT OF 1968. THE CRITERIA FOR RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN COORDINATED LONG-RANGE OPERATION OF COLORADO RIVER RESERVOIRS OF 1970. MINUTE 242 OF THE U.S.-MEXICO INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARY agriculture, residential, ecology, industry, recreation and tourism. THE LAW OF THE RIVER. The untenable status quo in California is maintained through an elaborate slew of THETHE RIVE CRON TO TITINENS COURTSEAL. DONCOMPA’T TRANSFECT proposesR WATER. toDO fundamentally GUIDE POPULAT IONalter TOWA the RcultureDS WAT EofR. water-trading:DO ALLOW REGIONS re-legislating TO SHRINK waterBY ATTR ITION. DO AND WATER COMMISSION OF 1973. THE COLORADO RIVER BASIN SALINITY CONTROL ACT OF 1974. THE LAW OF THE RIVERS. THE COLORADO RIVER public policies, designed to support a system of water-trading between western states and Mexico in areas like the REdistribution,TURN THE RIVE firstR TO inIT S CCaliforOURSEnia. DON and’T ultimately TRANSFER WAthroughoutTER. DO GUIDE the UnitedPOPULA TStates,ION TOWA CanadaRDS WA andTER. Mexico. DO ALLOW The REGIONS new compact TO SHRIN K BY ATTRITION. COMPACT OF 1922. THE BOULDER CANYON PROJECT ACT OF 1928. CALIFORNIA SEVEN PARTY AGREEMENT OF 1931. MEXICAN WATER TREATY OF DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY The Continental Compact replaces hydraulic urbanism with hydrological urbanism. Simply put, 1944.Colorado UPPER COLORADO River Basin. BASIN COMPACT OF 1948.COLORADO RIVER STORAGE PROJECT OF 1956. THE ARIZONA V CALIFORNIA U.S.. SUPREME COURT will be based on four principles: DECISION OF 1964. THE COLORADO RIVER BASIN PROJECT ACT OF 1968. THE CRITERIA FOR COORDINATED LONG-RANGE OPERATION OF COLORADO ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO the Continental Compact stops moving water to the people and starts moving people to the RIVER RESERVOIRS OF 1970. MINUTE 242 OF THE U.S.-MEXICO INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARY AND WATER COMMISSION OF 1973. THE COLORADO RIVERSH RINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO ALLOW BASIN SALINITY CONTROL ACT OF 1974. THE LAW OF THE RIVERS. THE COLORADO RIVER COMPACT OF 1922. THE BOULDER CANYON PROJECT ACT OFR EGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. DO water. The Continental Compact incentivizes a series of Hydro-regions, each leveraging a piece 1928. CALIFORNIA SEVEN PARTY AGREEMENT OF 1931. MEXICAN WATER TREATY OF 1944. UPPER COLORADO BASIN COMPACT OF 1948.COLORADO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS WATER. of new infrastructure in an existing water basin. The resulting megalopolis allows new water-rich RIVER STORAGE PROJECT OF 1956. THE ARIZONA V CALIFORNIA U.S.. SUPREME COURT DECISION OF 1964. THE COLORADO RIVER BASIN PROJECT DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION TOWARDS ACT OF 1968. THE CRITERIA FOR COORDINATED LONG-RANGE OPERATION OF COLORADO RIVER RESERVOIRS OF 1970. MINUTE 242 OF THE U.S.- WATER. DO ALLOW REGIONS TO SHRINK BY ATTRITION. DO RETURN THE RIVER TO ITS COURSE. DON’T TRANSFER WATER. DO GUIDE POPULATION urbanism to grow over a period of one hundred years. Conversely, it allows existing water-poor MEXICO INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARY AND WATER COMMISSION OF 1973. THE COLORADO RIVER BASIN SALINITY CONTROL ACT OF 1974.
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