論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 247

Confucian and Christian Canons

論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯

Dai Wei-Yang 戴維揚 CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN CANONS

百le initial ideological encounter between Chines€. and Europeans was carriedout mainly by Christian . Merchants and politicians, with their profit and power orientation, cared little about cultural contacts. Only the educated Christian missionaries bridged the ideological gulf between the Oriental and the Occidental.甘lese missionaries were following out one of the commands of their Lord:

Go ye therefore, and teach all na位ons ， baptizing 也em in the name of the Father, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commended you. . . • . 1

Christian teachings had already carried missionaries and proselytes 切 almost every corner of the world. Since the Chinese comprise almost a quarter of the world's popula­ tion, the territory of represents one of the most important areas on earth. Missionary efforts in a culturally advanced country such as China, however, are !"~lOre complicated than in countries lacking highly-developed cultural identities. In the history of 's proselytizing activities in China, three groups of Christian missionaries came to the fore at three different times. In chronological order, they are the Nestorians, the Catholics, and the Protestants. The goals of 血 is article will be to examine the accomplishments of each group in regard to making the Bible available to the Chinese on one hand, and Confucian canons to the West, on the other.

A. The Nestor i ans

The first group of Christian missionaries to reach the Middle Kingdom was the

1. Matthew 28 :19-20. Sc riptural references are usually to the King James Version, unless otherwise noted. 248 教學與研究第三期

Nestorians. The Nestorian missionaries, according to A.J. Toyr泌的， had spread and converted the nomad tribes in Central As鼠， and possessed the potential for the creation of an Asiatic Christian civilization,had it not been for the rising of Islam which overcame 2 them in the Middle Ages. - Since the Nestorians often introduced Jesus Christ as the

"Light of Life, ,,3 and maintained that they themselves should also act like "the light of the world, ,,4 the Chinese named the Nestorians (景教， Ch'ing-Chiao), which means "Luminous Religion. '月 Th e first major Nestorian missionary, , was received by EmperGr T'ang T'ai-Tsung in A. D. 635. The Emperor had his prime minister issue a formal edict 6 welcoming Alopen to China. - Three years later, another edict was handed down declaring that the Nestorian texts could be translated into Chinese. Nestorian influence waned, however, after their first suppression in A , D. 841, and it eventually died completely, so that the historical existence of these Nestorian missionaries fell from awareness of both Chinese and Europeans until the discovery and examination of the 7 Nestorian Monument at Hs卜an FU in 1625. Th e Monument attracted the attention of Jesuit missionaries in China, who brought it 的 the attention of Europeans and Chinese. Th e first publicizer of their discovery was the Jesuit，自ther Trigault, who inspected the Monument and translated the inscription 8 into Latin. In 1625, a Chinese Christian, Dr. Leon Li (李之藻) wrote a work entitled

2. A. J. Toynbee, A Stydy of History (Oxford, 1934), II, 375-377. 3. John 8:12. 4. Matthew 5:14. 5. Hsiang-Lin Lo，唐元二代之景教( in the T'ang and Yuan Dynasties), (Hong Kong, 1966), p.12. 6. P. Y. Sa eki,The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo, 1951), p.35. See also Arnold H , Rowbotham, Missionary arid Mandarin: 官Ie Jesuits at the Court of China (Berkeley: Dniv. ofCalifornia Press, 1942), p.7. 7. Sa eki, p.456. See also the Chinese original T'ang-hu卜yaoj侈的. 8. Trigault probably made a Latin translation of the tablet (Pelliot thinks itis the work of Jacques Rho and not of Trigault), and Semedo made an I祖lian version. A more nearly complete Latin version by Michel Boym was published by Arhana­ sium Kircher in his Prodromus Coptus; sive Aegypticus(1636). The best transla­ tions are 切 be found in Henri Harvet,La chretienne de Si-ngan-fou(Shanghai, 1897). Eh eki,The Nestorian Monument in China.and a translation by A. Wylie, in Paul Carus,The Nestorian Monument (Chicago, 1909). See also James Legge, The Nestorian Monument of Hsi-an' Fu in -H剖. China (London: Trubner & Co. , 1888; rpt. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp. , 1966), and Heller，王星星 Nestorianische Denkmal in Siganfu. Pauthier also translated the inscription into French, and Neumann into German. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 249

"On Reading 血e Nestorian Inscription" ("讀景教碑書後"). Another Jesuit Father, Emmanuel Diaz Junior included these documents in his Chinese book on the Nestorian 9 Inscription entitled 唐景教碑頌正詮 published in 1644.- Another Jesuit, Fr. Semedo, 10 translated 血 e Nestorian Inscription in 1655 into English in his Historv of China. Since then，也e discovery of the Nestοrian Inscription has been recorded in many books. Nevertheless, prior to the nineteenth century, such personages as in , La 11 Croze (1661-1739) in Germany,-- Horne in England, and others contended that the Monument was "a Jesuit forgery," and that there had been no Christian presence in China prior to the seventeenth century. Historical evidence, however, clearly refutes 血 ese allegations of fraud. The Chinese imperial edict of A. D. 638 mentioned above already referred to the Nestorians in T'ang-hui-yao. The same historical record also indicated another imperial edict of the Emperor Hsuan-Tsung conferring the official name of "叮Ie Ta-ch'in Monastery" on 12 血 e "The Persian Monastery" in A. D. 745. -~ Ano血 er Chinese document showed that the

13u Emperor Kublai teceived Nestorians at the Yuan court.... Furthermore, Paul Pelliot and

Sir Aurel Stein found various Trang and Yuan dynasty Nestorian sutras a Q.d documents at Tun-huang in 1907. Since there is no longer any question of their existence in China during 血 e period from 635 to 1368, the questions become: 1) What happened to these Nestorian Christians after the 841 suppression of them during the T'ang dynasty? and; 2) What happened to them after the fall of the Yuan dynasty in 1368? 四Ie answers could

9. saeki, op. cit. , pp. 78-79, gives a list of translations and annotations of the inscription by various authors since the discovery of the Monument. 10. Alvarez 8emedo，加中erio de la China 仰包drid， 1642). French editions of Semedo's

book appeared in 1642 ,(Paris) and 1667 (Lyons); a Latin edition appeared in 1645. Semedo, a native of Portugal, was born in 1585. He arrived in Nanking in 1613, worked at Hangchow, Kia T'ing，回Ianghai， and Sianfu. He was the first European to see the Nestorian tablet at Sianfu. He visited Rρme from 1642-1644 and spent the last years of hislife at Canton. He died in 1658. 11. Voltaire, Lettres chinoises DE旦旦旦， XX眩， 464 ， 478. See also La Croze's article, "De Libris Sinensibus Bibliothecae Regiae Berolinensis,"Miscellanea Berolinensia (1710) , I , 84-88. Cited from Donald Frederick 扭曲， "Contributions of China to German Civilization," Diss. Univ. of Chicago 1941, p.80. 12. Columba Cary-Elw旬，包ir且主旦d the Cross: Studies in Missionarv His切η (London: Longrnans, Green and Co. , 1956), p.33. 13. 唐會要卷國卡九(T'a間 -hui-yao， Vol.49). 8ee also saeki，四e Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo, 1951), pp. 457, 478-479. 250 教學與研究第三期 not be found in any important historical books until the discovery of the Nestorian Inscription in the seventeenth century. The reasons will be discussed below. In his work, China and Cross, Cary-Elwes maintained that with 也e infusion of Buddhist and T尬。ist ideas the group lost its separate Nestorian identity. After his examination of the inscription of the Nestorian Stele, Fr. Harvet felt 曲的 every line was reminiscent of some great work, not least the Five Classics of the Confucian canon, and that more than thirty of those expressions were borrowed from the Book of ChanJ?:es alone. Almost as many came from the Book of Poetry;twenty or so from the 主旦旦控. The 14 Confucian canonical books furnished a total of about 150 allusions. ~~ Actually，也e author of the Nestorian Inscription, Ching-ching (景淨， Adam) was not translating

Christian Sc ripture, but translating Buddhist sutras. The Buddhis t monks undoubtedly 15 ridiculed Adam's translation. -- The Nestorians did not translate Confucian works into European languages, nor did they translate any Christian works into Chinese. 甘Ie only Nestorian documents found other than the 鼠mous inscription comprise about thirty relatively unimportant Nestorian sutras, which are all highly syncretic. Since the Nestorian canon comprised only such syncretic works, Nestorianism failed as a move­ mente As a result, the Nestorians left no significant impact on the history of cultural contacts between the East and the West.

B. The Roman Catholics

Following the T'ang dynasty, Franciscan priests were received at the Mongol court during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, while Jesuit priests were received at the Manchu court in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuri.es. Both the and 岫 rchus were known in Europe as the Tartars. The Franciscans travelled across the overland silk route from the Middle East through Turkistan 切 western China, while the Jesuits arrived by the sea route from Europe through Lisbon to Macao and finally China. Since these Catholic missionary activities lasted for centuries, the following discussion will be confined to the attitudes of these two orders toward the Confucian and

14. Henri Harvet,La Stele、，chretienne de Si -ng-an -fou(Shangh剖， 1897), Pt. II (p. 216 , note 2). 15. ·See 8aeki's translation, pp. 466 -4 70 ，“大唐貞元續開元釋教錄'~''What the Budd­ hist Priest Yuan-Chao Wrote About the Nestorian Bishop, Adam. 可 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 251

Christian canons, i. e. , the Four Books and Five Classics. and The Bible.

1. The Franciscans

Like the Nestorians，他e Franciscans 鼠 iled to convert significant numbers of Chinese to Christianity. Recognizing 也e rapid success of 也e Mongols' bids for world supremacy, Pope Innocent IV ordered a Franciscan to deliver a letter to the Mongol court. This missionary, Friar Giovanni (John) of Pian di Carpini, was one of 也e first disciples of St. Francis of Assisi to visit China and one of the first Europeans to describe 也e Chinese. In a letter to a friend, he reported that:

The men of Ca也ay are pagans, having a special kind of writing by 也 emselves， and as it is said, the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. They have also recorded in histories the lives of their forefathers; and they have monks16 and certain houses made like our churches. They say 他的也ey have many saints also, and they worship one God. They adore and reverence Christ Jesus our Lord, and believe the article of eternal life, but are not bapti1z~d. 17 They also do honourably esteem and reverence our Sc riptures.

Having accomplished his task as a messenger, Friar Giovanni went back to Europe and delivered a message from 他 e Khan to the Pope. Friar Giovanni also whetted the interest of Marco Polo and a swarm of merchants, and paved 也e way for future Fran- ciscan missionaries, as well. Guillaume (William) of Rubruck, a Franciscan like his predecessor, was chose!]. by Louis IX of France as a messenger t。他e Mongols. On April 5, 1254, he arrived at the capital, where he was received by 也e emperor. He found Nestorian descendants both in Central Asia and in China. To Friar William, these Christian Nestorians were the greatest obs個cles to the Ca也olic missionaries:

16. There is ~ cer個in confusion in 也 is passage between Buddhist and Christian practices and belief. There were still some Nestorians in China. Friar Giovanni might also have been confusing Manicheans for Christians. 17. Manuel Komroff, Contemporaries of Macro Polo: Consisting of the Travel Records ωthe Eastern Parts of 他e World of William of Rubruck (1253-1255); the J(:)Urnalol~_~hn of Pian de Carpini (1 245-1247); and the Journal of Friar Oderic (1318-1330)(London, 1929), Ch. vii (p .37). 252 教學與研究第三期

Among them there are Nestorians and 8a racens who are considered as foreigners in Cathay. There are Nestorians in fifteen cities of Gathay and in a city called Hsianfu there is a Bishop.... If it is necessary 切 believe what I have heard，位lere are also hermits who live ascetic lives in the woods. Yet 也ey reci胎 their prayers and have their holy books in Syrian, and 也 ey do not understand 血 em. 宜'he consequence is that they chant as do the monks in our country who are unversed in grammar. 世ley are above all usurers, drunkards and some live with 也e Tartars and have like 血em several wives....官lOse amQng 也em who educate the young noble Mongols , while teaching 也em 也e Gospel and the Fai曲， succeed in alienating them from 也e practice of Christian virtue, through the bad example of 也eir lives. 18

The Mongol emperor in turn sent Friar William back to Europe as a messenger; he seemed to have carried out no proselytizing activities while in China. Not only did missionaries from Europe come to Peking but Christians from China also visited Rβme. Rabban 8auma, the Nestorian Christian priest whose home was Peking, arrived in Rome in 1287, and went to Paris and Bordeaux to 也a曲曲e clergy who had conducted missionary activities among 也e Mongols, Turks, and Chinese. He reported 19 that many of the children of 血e Mongol kings and queens had been converted.-- In Paris, 20 8auma spoke wi血 Philip 血e Fair. At Bordeaux, he met King Edward I of England. 8auma then returned to Rβme in the spring of 1288. This time, he was welcomed by 血e newly elected Franciscan Pope, Nicholas IV, who sent to China 也e following year. 世le third major Italian Franciscan messenger, Giovanni (John) da Montecorvino, was sent to the Mongol emperor by Pope Nicholas IV, the first Franciscan to be elected Pope. Unlike his two predecessors, John of Mont的orvinco stayed in China, and devoted the rest of his life to the Chinese. He died 扭曲e Middle Kingdom in 1328 at the age of eighty-one. Like the later Jesuit supervisors Ricci and Verbiest, he continuously implored the Pope to send more missionaries to China. When Pope Clement V received

18. Ca叮-Elwes， Ch缸鼠， p.46. In his note he said, "宜here certainly were Nestorian anchorites，的 was proved visually to as切nished Rome and Western Europe when a few years later one of them，加boon 8auma, appeared having travelled from Peking, as will be recorded in its due place." 19. Sir E. Wallis Budge,The Monks of Kublai Khan, Emperor of China (London, 1928), p.173. 20. Sir E. Wallis Budge, p.186. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 253 his appeal for help, he commended 也e Minister-General of the Franciscans 切 choose seven brothers, zealous and learned in Holy Sc riptures, to be made . Only three reached Peking, in 1308. Friar John of Montecorvino, who had been awaiting 也em for fourteen y曲rs ， was cons白 rated the first Archbishop of Peking. Over the next twenty years, Friar John converted a great many persons. Although 出e Nestorians severely impeded his efforts, he was venerated as a saint, and buried in Peking with great honor by 也e Chinese. 'He was 也e first Franciscan missionary who had consecrated his whole life to the China mission. Five years elapsed before the news of Friar John's death reached the Pope. In 1333, Pope John XXII appointed his successor to Peking, to be accompanied bytwenty 。也er friars and six laymen. By 1338, however, they had only reached Thrkistan; a letter written by Pope Benedict XI referred to 也is group, building and repairing churches 21 there. ~~ Meanwhile, an embassy appeared in 1338 from the Chinese emperor wi也 a 22 letter requesting the Pope to set up frequent exchanges of messengers. When John of Montecorvino died in 1328, however, Mongol Franciscan missionary efforts in China died out at 也e same time. One of 也 e major causes for the failure was the lack of deep mutual understanding between the European and 也e Chinese. The Chinese, naturally, could read neither 也e Persian translation of 也e Bible nor 也e Vulgate edition without long training. When Friar William entered the court for 也e first time, he chanted 也e following: A solis ortu cardine et usque terre limitem Christum canamus·principem Natum Maria Virgine. 23

Ra位ler 誼通 n receiving 也e welcome he perhaps expected, he was searched for knives. Moreover, there were many difficulties in translating 也e conversations between the two parties. John of Montecorvino, on 也 e other hand, was luckier and was allowed to build a church in Peking, and later to build one by the gates of palace, so 尬的也 e Emperor could hear the chanting of the choir. Unfortunately, the Emperor appeared interested ∞ly in

21. H.K. Mann，甘Ie Lives ()f thePoQes in the Middle Ages (London, 1928), XVII, 98. 22. Sir Henry Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, rev. ed. Henri Cordier (London, 1921), III, 180. 23. Manuel Komroff, Contemporaries of Marco Polo.p.146. 254 教學與研究第三野 the melodic value of the chants. As a result, Friar John was frustrated in his attempts to act as a true missionary. He described his activities in a letter as follows:

Also, I have gradually brought one hundred and fifty boys,...who had never learnt any religion. These boys I have baptized, and I have taught them Greek and Latin 延旦旦旦旦旦旦旦.••• His Majesty the Emperor, moreover delights much to hear them chanting. I have the bells .;:o ung at all the canonical hours, and with my congre­ gation of babes and sucklings I perform the divine service, and the chanting we do by ear, because I have no service book with the notes. 24

Friar John could only teach a few children to chant in Latin; he could never teach millions of Chinese to understand the Latin canons. Latin ritual could not be brought into an harmonious relationship with Chinese thought. Once the Latin master passed away, the babes and sucklings were lost in'the masses. Since Christian Sc ripture was not translated 25 in切 Chinese ， -- the Chinese could not read the Latin Sc ripture themselves. Conversely, since the missionaries did not pay any attention to Chinese culture, the Confucian canon was not introduced to the Europeans. Therefore, the Franciscan missionaries to China failed 切 make any significant impact. The differences between the Christian groups also hindered their proselytizing activities. The Nestorians did all they could to defeat the Franciscan missionary attempt. A similar situation would recur later in the conflicts between the Franciscans and the Jesuits. 官Ie fall of the Mongol dynasty and the rise of Islam brought about the end of the Franciscan missionary efforts. The Franciscans remained onlya "foreign mission" in China, a church for visiting European merchants who came in the wake of the Mongol 26 conquerors.-- Due 切 the large number of such persons, I shall discuss only the Polo family.

24. Quoted in Cary-Elwes，旦控盟， p.59, Cf. Yule，已且主YJ III, pp. 46 -47. 25. Although Friar John translated some of the New Testamentand Psalms into Mongolian language, the Chinese still could not read the Mongolian translation.

Concerning the Mongolian translation, , see M. Abel-Remus帥， l'~ouv倒uxMι 捏旦旦立Asiatiques (Paris: Schubart 前 Heideloff， 1829), II, 195-198. 26. 'Cary-Elwes，旦控， p.48. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 255

27 臼1 their return from China to Rome in 1269,-' Marco Polo's uncles Maffeo and his father Nicolo Polo told the Pope that Kublai Khan, who in 1257 had styled himself Emperor of China, had requested one hundred missionaries for China. The Pope, Tedaldo Visconti, paid little attention to their request, but sent off the Polos with merely two Dominicans and letters for Kublai Khan. Later 也e two Dominicans gave up their attempt to get 切 China. The three Polos continued their jou;rney, and were welcomed by 28 位1e Kublai Khan again at Peking and at Xanadu in 1275. -- They stayed in China about eighteen years altogether. Marco Polo's adventures in China became the basis for his description of China, which in turn fascinated many Europeans, including Christopher Columbus.

Although Marco Polo paid little attention to the moral and religious tenets of Taoism or , he did mention some Buddhist practices and enlist Buddha as a saint in 29 the company of the 1.0吋 Jesus Chrisr:- Besides, in his narrati惘， there were references to 700 , 000 Christian families in the southeast of China. They still had the Psalter 30 in their possession. -- Cary-Elwes, in China and the Cross, maintained that these families were descendants of the Manicheans. The history of 也ese groups was uncovered 31 by the Jesuits in the seventeenth century.

2. The Jesuits

The history of the Jesuits in China can be viewed as having been bounded byeither of two different sets of dates: from 's arrival in 1552 to the disbanding of

27. Concerning the two Polo brothers' first trip to China the time they left the Crimea after 1260 and followed the trade routes to Peking, see A. C. Moule and P. Pelliot,Marco PolIo: The Description of 也e World (London, 1938), I, 22-28. 28. In 1264, Kublai Khan extended the Mongolian empire into China south of the Great Wall, and took up his capi個1 at "Cambuluc" (Peking) and s 前 up "Xanadu" (上郁， Shang-tu), a summer retreat, in 也 e hills nor也west of the capital. See Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1965), I, Bk. I (pp. 34-35). 亟且也旭ter was mythically described in Mandeville's Tra捏捏 and Coleridge's ''Kubla Khan. " 29. 扭曲，主蝕， I, Bk. I, pp. 36-37. 30. See Marco Polo's Travels, trans.Aldo Ricci, ed. L. F. Benedetto (London, pp. 261-263. 31. Cary-Elwes，主且盟， p.50. 可嘲明「

256 教學與研究第三期

32 the Jesuits in 1773,-- or; from 's reception in 1600 at the Chinese court to 也e death in 1814 of the last Jesuit in Peking (Father de Poirot). In addition to setting up missionary activities among the people as had the Franciscans，出e .:resuits also set about exploring classical Chinesι 也ought. This chapter will be confined to a discussion of key Jesuit figures and their influence on Jesuit interpre但 tions of the Chinese canonical works. Naturally, the Jesuits' main reason for studying these works was to aid in their missionaryactivities. As a result, most of the Jesuits used and interpreted theConfucian classics as their catechetical supplements to Christian d∞ trines. a. Catechetical Interpretations of the Confucian Four Books Francis Xavier, one of the ten founding fathers of the Jesuits, visited and Japan. While pr閣ching in Japan, he I 晶 rned 曲的 China was the center of Asian civiliza­ zation. He 也en left Japan for China, but died on the island of 上 JII(組ang-ChU!'ln) ， off the coast of China. Al曲ough he never r甜的ed mainland China, he is still honored as the 鼠也er of the China mission, as well 旬出e father of Jesuit missions in general. As the pioneer of Jesuit missiona叮 activities， his policies became the models for Jesuit missionary work. His approach was radical at the time, based on 也e philosophy 曲的 Christianity must be expressed in the native languages using concepts derived from the indigenous culture. Since he stressed the impor包nce of using the languages of the peoples to whom he preached, he would translate various prayers and the catechisms into the native language, and then memorize them. Furthermore, he emphasized acquiring an understanding of the core of the culture. He felt that missionaries could not prosely­ tize effectively unless they were equipped wi血 proper training in I∞al language and 33 philosophy. Xavier believed in first converting the emperor and the intelligentsia, a resem­ blance to the Confucian concept of educating from the 切p of the s∞ ial structure down to­ wards the bottom. 四lis approach was carried out by the later Jesuits in the Chinese court. In addition, Xavier felt that all Jesuit missionaries should report their activities

32. Pope Clement XIV disbanded the Jesuits in 1773 through an encyclical entitled "Dominus et Rβdemptor." 鉤. James Brodrick, saint Francis 過vier， 1506-1552(New Yor~: Wicklow Press, 1952), pp. 141, 240. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 257 to their immediate superiors and to Rome. As will be seen later, the reports and other writings sent to Europe spurred secular and clerical controversies, and were major factors leading to the event田 I disbanding of the Jesuits.

Alessandro Valignano，也e second major Jesuit 扭曲e East Asian mission, success­ fully opened the China mission. In order to avoid Portuguese domination, he chose fellow I個lian Jesuits, Michele Ruggieri, Francis Pasio, and Matteo Ricci, for the China mission. Like Xavier, he wanted his I個lian Jesuits to learn the Chinese dialects and become adept in as well. Following Valignano's directions, Ruggieri and Ricci garbed themselves in Buddhist habits. After they became more sensitive to 也e Chinese intellectuals' Confucian orien個tion，也ey adopted Confucian robes. In order to unders個nd the Chinese, Ruggieri and Ricci both studied Confucian classics diligently. 百lese studies would enable them to teach succeeding Jesuit missionaries the complexities of Chinese culture, and also to send accounts of Confucianism back to Europe. Ruggieri was the first Jesuit to translate the Confucian Four Books into Latin; however, he was prohibited from publishing thise work and his Chinese catechism 天主實錄in Lat妞， 34 because of the opposition of Valignano and Ricci.- ~ Ruggieri's Latin translation .of the Confucian classics was only a by-product; his major concern was to make the Bible in some form available in Chinese. Toward 出 is end, he published 天主實錄(歪扭旦草包 35 shi-Iu, True Rβcord of the Lord of Heaven) in 1584.-- The Chinese term for God in the title of this book，天主佇立盟主挫， Lord of Heaven) has remained the name for God in China and also the Chinese characters used for the Catholic religion. The opposition from his co-workers and from his supervisors prevented Ruggieri from staying in China. Had he been allowed to stay, his impact on Jesuit policies undoubtedly would have been enormous.

Like Ruggie肘， Ricci prepared a rough translation of the Four Books, kno耐 n as the

34. Paul Rule , " or K'ung-t'zu," Diss. Australia, 1973, p. 87. He notes the manuscript of Ruggieri's translation in the Biblioteca Vittoria Emanuele in Rome (Fondo Gesuitico 1195), and that it is dated 1591-92. See also note in Fonti Ricciane, I, 43. Rule, "Confucius," p. 88. Rule noted there were two copies of this book in the Jesuit Archives in Rome (Rome: ASJ, Jap, Sin 1, 189 and 190). A modern edition of this work was printed in Taipei in 1966 undertthe title of 天主聖教實錄in 天主教 東傳文獻續篇II ， 755 -838. 258 教學與研究第三期

Tetrabiblio, at some time prior to November, 1593. Unfortunately, there is no trace of 36 this work in any European archives.-- Ricci entered the title of this work in his ~ 37 Storiche. After Ricei's d曲 th in 1610 his friend Trigault translated 包且生旦 into Latin and published it in 1615 in Rome in his Christiana Expeditione. 宜his latter work was reprinted three times, and also went through three editions in French, and one each in 38 German, Spanish, and Italian.-- In this book, Confucius was introduced to Europe as ，月9 "the most renowned of all Chinese philosophers. ,,-- In another passage, Confucius is described as "the Prince of Chinese Philosophers"; it is also indicated that he had "compiled four volumes of the works (Four Books) of more ancient philosophers and had written five books (Five Classics) of his own. These five are entitled 'The Doctrines.' ,,40 Here Ricci made a major error that influenced most of the Jesuits' understanding 41 ...... _ _. . 42 of the two-part Chinese canon. -- Actually, the Four Books are separate works-- whose grouping together was formalized as a result of the studies of Chu Hsi 抖. D. 1130-1200). The authorship of three of these works is traditionally ascribed 切 Confuci間， while the fourth is ascribed to Mencius, a fourth century B. C. Confucian. In regard to the !控旦 旦旦星星虫， Confucius is the author of only one of them. 四e separate works that comprise the Five Classics were brought together as a formal canon during the middle of the Han

36. Rule, "Confuβius ， " p. 95. 37. Ricci, ()Pere Storiche, n, 117-118, 125. 38. Matthew Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matthew Ricci 1583-1610, trans. L. Galagher, translator's preface (New York: Random House, 1953), p.xvii. 39. Matthew Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century, p.30. 40. 些盟主， p.33. 41. Following Ricci's discrimination, Du Halde termed the Five Classics as "Livres canoniques du premier ordre," while the Four Books as "Livres canoniques du seconde ordre. " 42. The Four Books, entitled 晶晶語('Analects of Confucius)，中庸(Doctrine of the M曲n) ， 大學 (Great L曲 rning) ， and孟子也旦旦控~). 43.Five Classics, under the titles 詩但旦控，y)，書但istοrical Reco吋帥，易(包呈盟盤)， 禮(旦控~)，春秋(Annals of Spring and Autumn).",The Five Classics, "as Lin Yu­ tang has pointed out, "formed the body of historical learning edited, taught and handed down by Confucius himself,while the Four Books on the whole represented the works of his followers, their .records of Confucius' savings and their inter­ preta位on or developments of Confucius' thoughts." (Lin Yu-tang,The Wisdom of Confucius (New York, 1955), p.38. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 259 dynasty (206 B. C. -A. D. 220). Most important, since Ricci felt that 也ese books were 44 mainly "directions for proper moral pr∞ eedings， in the light of human reason, W~ he introduced them to 也e Jesuits for their e也ical and social-political values. He also hoped that Christianity could 祖ke over 's position as China's most popular religion. He also felt 也at Christian teachings could supplant cer個in aspects of Confucianism with which he disagreed. In collaboration with the Chinese prime minister Hsu Kuang-ch'i, a Christian convert, Ricci arrived at the Chinese phrase that was to serve as the motto for 也 e Jesuits' missionaryactivities "補儒易佛" (切 "supplement Confucianism and replace 45 Buddhism" (w i 也 Christianity) ). Ricci maintained that the Contemporary Chinese interpretations of Confucianism were too metaphysical，也at emphasis should be placed on the pragmatic aspects of Chinese ethics and political organization. Ricci expressed this attitude 扭曲e 天主實義 何'ien-chu shih-i. True Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven), which was published first in 1595, translated in切 Japanese in 1604 and into French by Fr. Jacques in 1也豆豆 46 ~difiantes in 1818."'u Ricci himself described this book as a catechism. The Latin 47 translatio咀 of the title of his book, De Deo Vera Dispu祖tio ， -. indicated its format as a debate or dialogue with a Western scholar. Ricci carefully explained at 也e beginning of the first chapter 血的 he was concerned only wi也 the general practices of 也e Ca血olics 48 and not wi也 matters of dοctrine， Sc riptures, or traditions. ~- Ricci believed 血的 T'ie旦二 也且i -i would enable the Chinese to interpret 也e classical concept" 上帝" (包盟主， Supreme 風lier) as being the God in the Catholic Bible. 區位lis initial idea were accepted, the Chinese could easily be brought 切 unders祖nd the Bible as divine revelation. His influence could be seen in the later Jesuit translations or paraphrases of the Four Books. Likewise, Sa inte-Marie, in the Traite...mission de la Chine gave a concise description

44. Ma此hew Ricci, China in 也e Sixteen也 Century， p.33. 45. j\J包tthew Ricci, China in the Sixteen血 Century， p.488. See also Hsu Kuang-ch't (徐光啟) in 值le Preface to 泰西水法quoted in Fanl! Hao's 旦旦且旦， II, 212. 46. Fang Hao，中國天主教史人物傳(Biol!raphy of Chinese Ca也olics) ， I, 78. See also 恥'wbo也a 血， Missionaryand Mandarin, p.254, who mentions 也e similarity of 也e Ricci's 扭曲tise with Nicolas Male-branche, Entretiens d'un philosophe chretien et d'un philosophe chinois s凹 l'existence et la nature de Dieu 但有aris ， 1708). 47. In a Ie前 er accompanying 也 e first edition sent 切Rome in 1604. See E盟i 旦旦蛀虫z II, 293n. 48. Ricci, T'ien-chu shih-i. Cf. Rule's translation in his "Confucius," p.133. 教學與研究第三期 260

494 of the Chinese classics. - He compared the Chinese reverence toward the Four Books to 50 the Christian respect for the Four Gospels, the essential canon in the Bible. Prior to the publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus in 1687, the Jesuit missionaries f，∞ used their efforts on formulating catechetical interpretations of Con­ fucianism in Chinese. They studied the Confucian classics, and adopted Confucian sayings in their Christian publications. In addition 切 Ricci's and Ruggieri's 恥'0 Chinese catechisms, Ricci wrote sixteen books in Chinese. Most of the other seventeenth century 51 Jesuit missionaries in China were also competent in Chinese composition.

When the Jesuits faced difficulties in preaching to the Chinese, they retreated to their work on the translation of the Confucian classics. In 1662, the first Latin transla­ tion of the Confucian canon was published in China by Ignacio da Costa and Prospero h切rcetta. This Latin translation only included part of the 論語(主旦控旦旦) and the 大學 52 (Great Learning), two of the Confucian Four Books.- - In 1667, Intorcetta published part of one of the other Confucian canon，中庸(Doctrine of the Mean) under the title of Sinarum 53 Sc ientia Politico-Moralis.-- In 1669, an edition of 也is latter work, was published in Goa, to which was appended a preface and a "Life of Confucius. " After Intorcetta returned to Europe in 1668, his books were reprinted in Paris in 1672 and translated into 54 16 羽. French in Thevenot's book in - 4 The rarity of the works in European libraries

49. Antoine de 8a in扣-抽rie (Antonio Caballero a 8a n個抽 ria) ，利安當O.F. 此，1:旦控 sur quelques points importunts de la mission de la Chine (Paris, 1701), pp.2-3. 50. David E. Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The Search for Accord 但onolulu: The Univ. Press of Hawaii, 1977), p.73. 51. Shou-i Ch' en，中歐文化交流史事論叢(Discourses on the History of China- European Cultural Communication)(τ'a ipei: Commercial Press, 1970), p.81. See the list of the Jesuits' publications. 52. 8apientia Sini帥， exponente P. Ignacio da Costa Lusitano S∞. J esu a P. Prospero In1lorcet個 Siculo eiusd. Soc. orbi Proposi個 Kiam-cham in urbe Sinarum Provin­ ciae Kiam-剖， 1662. I examined this rare book in the New York Public Library. 53.Sinarvm Sc ientia Politico-Moralis a P. Prospero Intorcetta Sicvlo, Societatis lesv, Canton, 1667. The Colophon's edition was published at Goae , iterum recognitum , 1669. French edition Sinarvm scientia politico-moral站， sive Sc ientiae sinicae liber inter Confvcii libros secvndvs.a P. Prospero In切rcet阻. •• in latinam versa... , Parisiis, 1672. 54. See Confucius Sinarum Philosophus title page of "Sinarum Sc ientia." M. Melchi­ sedec Thevenot， Rβlations de Divers Voyages Curieux (Paris: Thomas Moetta Librai凹， 1696), part IV, "IB vie de Confucius" "Scientiae Sinicae: Liber Inter Confucial Libros Secundus" and"可nopsis Chronological Monarchiae Sinicae. " 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 261

55 demonstrates their limited circulation. It was only with the publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus in 1687 尬的 56 Europ 曲 n scholars began noticing these works on China. 四is book represented the cumulative, collaborative result of the Jesuit interpretations of Chinese culture. In particular, it included translations of three of the Confucian canons: Magnae Sc ientiae (Gr曲 t Learning，大學), Sinarum Sc ientia Politioo-Moralis(Doctrine of the Mean，中庸) and Rationcinantium Sermones(主旦控虫，論語). Since Ricci rejected Mencian inter- 57 pretations of Confucian classics, the 草里旦控呈 was not included.-. Ricci also excluded all of the commentaries by later Chinese scholars, which Chinese traditionally study along with the original texts. The titles given these works clearly show the missionary bias of their contents. They viewed Confucian classics only from the standpoint of political morality; the Confucian sayings were interpreted as rational sermons. Like the European catechism，也ese were Confucian moral sayings 也at would help people to understand the Sc riptures. 白 sum up, there is a dual implication of the Jesuit emphasis on the "morality interpretation" of Confucianism, i.e. , 1) Their interpretation would convince the Chinese that Confucianism did not contradict Christianity, and, 2) 世lis kind of interpretation would also convince 也e Roman Ca尬。lie Church 也at the Chinese were true converts, even when they continued to practise ancestor worship and Confucian rituals. Paul Rule has shown that 他ese translations were not literal. He points out 曲的也e original sixteen-character text of 也e first passage translated is amplified intοa para­ graph 扭曲e translation, comprising a translation of a commentary by 也e f卸nous scholar

55. C. R. Boxer, "Some Sino-European Xylographic Works 1662-1718, "Journal of the Royal Asiatic 做到ciety， (1947) , ppo 199-200, 202 , and H. Cordier, Essai d'un bibliographie des ouvrages publies en Chine par les Europeens au xvrre et XVIIle 豆益挂到Paris ， 1883), pp. 13-16. 56.Confucius Sinarum Philosophus; sive, Sc ie叫ia Sinensis, Latine ExPosita, Studio et opera Prosperi Jntorcet鼠， Christiani Herdtrich, Francisci Rougemo肘， Philippi Couplet, Pa trum 品cieta 位a Jesu, ParisiisApud D. Horthemels, 1687. There are 18 copies in American libraries (see Union Catalog). Although the 且皇旦控立 was actually the work of a third generation follower of Confucius, by the 血irteenth century, the Chinese aIr曲dy viewed it as a part of the core Confucian canon. 57. In Ricci's 天主實義Vol. II, p. 肘， he criticized a saying in 草里也ius "There are 位lree kinds of unfilial persons; the worst is the one who has no offspring." Sinβe the Jesuits did not mar叮， they could not agree with 他 is opinion. 262 教學與研究第三期

Chu H剖， to伊拉ler with a large amount of European moral philosophy. Also added was a paraphrase of a European devotional manual "Mirror of the Soul" referring to Aristo­ telean ethics, and to 也 e "s山nm山n bon山n" ("也 e highest good"), a Thomistic concept with 58 位leistic overtones. The European interpretations of the Confucian classics in the Confucius Sinarum Phi1osophus touched off the Chinese Rites Controversy in Europe. This controversy gre啊 out of Ricci's policy that the Chinese should be allowed to continue to perform public and private Confucian rites. Some Jesuits, among them his successor Nicholas Longobardi, opposed Ricci's liberal policies. This controversy was further stirred by the general debates among European intellectuals resulting from the Latin translations just mentioned. b. Apologetical Interpretations of Confuβian Classics Aside from figuring in the introduction of Confucianism to Europe, Couplet was responsible for the arrival of the epoch of great activ.ity in French translations of 一=~._ _. .59 Chinese. In 1684, Couplet presented a young Chinese 沈帽宗(Shen Fu-tsung) 的 the court of Louis XIV. Couplet 也 en induced Lοuis XIV 切 send some well-educated French Jesuits to China. In 1687, five French Jesuits arrived in China. The following year they were welcomed at court. Of the twenty Jesuits who translated the Confucian classics before 1687, none was French. All of the fourteen Jesuit translators following 1687 were French (See 也e appendix). Although the average length of their s祖y in China was over thirty-three years, their major concerns were 扭曲e Rites Controversy, especially among 也e Europeans around 1700. In世lis period the great majority of their arguments were published in French. Louis Le Comte, one of the five French Jesuits sent by Louis XIV to 也 e Chinese court, arrived inαlina in 1687. Due to the financial difficulties caused by the Portuguese, Le Comte was sent back 切Paris in 1692. In 1696, his Nouveaux memories sur I'€tat

58. Rule, "Confuchts," p.326. 59. Rule, "Confucius," p.327. See also Shou-yi Chen, "The Influence of China on English Culture during 也e Eighteenth Century," Diss. Univ. of Chicago 1928, p.24. Chen said, "In 1685, Shen Fo Chung (沈福宗) the first learned Chinese traveller to England, found himself at Oxford as the guest of Thomas Hyde, noted Orientalist and Bodley's Librarian. " 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 263

60 present de la Chine was published.- - 'This book incited the Chinese Rites Controversy among the French, the Portuguese, and the papal faction, together with a theological debate between the Jesuits and the Jansenis胞， and between the Missions Etrangeres and the So rbonne. 'The Jesuits preaching in China and the representatives from Rome were heatedly de加ting whether Chinese Christians should be allowed to include Confucian rites in their worship, and how "God" should be translated into the . Due 切 the rivalry between orders and nationalities, the Franciscans and Dominicans denounced 61 various rites as idol worship.-- Among the Chinese, the Christian and non-Christian forces were in conflict. Even various Chinese emperors became involved in the controversy. Both in Europe and China, there were volumious writings both for_ and against the Jesuit positions. In Europe, these controversies led to the official condemnation of Chinese rites by 62 the Sorbonne theologians in 1700~- and a papal bull issued by Pope Clement XI in 1704. 63 Le Comte denied that he held the positions condemned.-- Besides, he predicted thatthe condemnation of Chinese as atheists would furnish ammunition to the free thinkers:

60. Louis Daniel Le Comte, Nouveaux m6moires sur l'etat present de la Chine, 2 vols. , 14 letters (Paris, 1696). An English edition was published in London and a German edition at Leipzig in 1699. 61. Antoine de sainte-Marie, O. F. M. (利安當， Li An-tang), a Spaniard, published a 甘甜 ti 缸，天儒印 (T'ien Ju Yin. Christianitv and Confucianism Compared)in 1664 that has been reprinted with an introduction in T'ien-ehu-ehiao tunSl:' ch'uan we­ hsien su-pien (Supplemen:個ry Volumes of Records of Christian Missionaries in the Far East), II, 981-1043. Rule, in his thesis, examined ApoliSl:ia pro Decreto S. D. N. Alexandri VII... et Patrunm Dominicanorum et Franciscanorum Se riptis Concimnals(Louvain, 1700) and reached the same conclusion that Domini胡ns and Franciscans criticized the Jesuit tolerance of Chinese rites. 62. 世間'Theological Faculty of Paris censured three works favorable to the Chinese: Le Comte's Nouveaux memoires(1969); P~re Ie Gobien's His切ire de I'6dit de I'empereur de la Chine (1698) and the Lettres des ceremonies de la Chine anony­ mously published in Paris in 1700. See also J. r:地vy ， "La Condemnation en Sorbonne des Nouveaux memoires sur la Chine du P. Le Comte," in Recherches de~i!lIlQe_Religieuse， 37 (1950) ,. 370-372. 63. Louis Le Comte,Eclaircissements sur la d~nonciation 鼠ite a N. S. P. Ie Pape des "Nouv倒ux m~moires de la Chine', (Paris, 1700). 'vvS'd ‘ (vg61 ‘ uopuoτ) SOlUg:) S!lj JO Xτ°lUg:) U! UO!S 品 AaPluaaaa Jnga !l S 抖的 ag .I glja g U! aa.Iaap aql Sasg.I可d目lld Punod 即可 'g• n 'dd ‘ au呵。 msa l! nsar saτ ‘ alq回 a !l3: l!! UaA!ll a.Ig uaJQoD aτp凹的回 0:) aτJO SUO!S 品 A allL 'ala!uo.Ilj:) A:.I回uarunaoa .I a 可 JO 90'(-gOl 'dd uo Al!Ug!lSP可D JO .l OA 甸回晶晶 dm:;)' aljl J。可aaads 品n .I ga UgPUg p!pa aql S的glSU由1 nljs-oτ na: '601-801 'dd ‘ (1061) nOJ且 uap[-oH 'paap句句lua田naop ap X! 0耳。吐na.I Ano:) aas ‘ SUO!lgISUg占1 u!l1:l'} PUg ljaua .I丘 ljl!N， lXal aql .I0J PUg !16L f-68L 1 ‘ III 句苛百 -nslj ua!slj-uaM unllj~:aunl Og!耳。-n司已-uahL aas 勻。wa S! lIl JO lXal asa可可:) aql .loa: 'L 9 '!αH np allaUAPd la sU0!l官qO .IddV aaAV ﹒ (lOLl ‘ p.I刮目d la.1puV zalj:) :S!品d) aU!lj:) gl ap salUO田a.I aa sap s剖llaτ'au呵。 它I ap .Ina.Iadmall ap l!P~11 ap ap01S!H 'au!lj:) gl ap luaSa.Id 但l'j II .Ins sa .I!om~m xngaAnoNu : zaynl!lU! sa.IAn sap SUO!l!SodO.IdSal e.Iluo:) 'OOL 1 a .I q呵。° 81 np ‘ S!.Igd ap ap1olo~可 ap ~llna呵呵 ap a.InSuaa glap asuaJ~a ‘可d np sam3: SInoτ'99 'anb!ljdOSOUljd a 再明1U olla!a aljl U! u a! 可dosoU 可du PUg uau! 耳。“ “‘S!OU!lj:) a 血肉可 aa徊。“ uo sala!l.Ig alll PUg !AIX SInoτap ap~!s JO 品 ld官司。明明 aql !a.I!叮叮叮P a!ljdosoUI誼會I JO mAX '可:) !s.InaOW sal .Ins !gss3: aql JO !!﹒耳。 ‘ aId田 mea .I0J ‘ aas 'al它qap S!ljl U! paAIOAU! OSlg SgM a .I !~loA 'UO!llna.I JO anbm.Ia lluldolaAap S呵呵 lua mn1l.Ig S!ljl JO asn aA!paJJa apg田 alAllH MOlj ‘ OOL 1 .Iayg S司占OM S間 JO uO!l四l 田mea Ug PUg ‘aI!明 uOlla !a slalAgs: JO SUO!lWa (<:OL 1) puoaas PUg (L691) lS.I!J aql JO uospwmoa g mo呵 S刮目相UO 田ap ‘ 6<:S- tT S 'dU 可苛可言?至‘ 10U!d 'g9 '09S'd “‘ sn!anJU°:)u ‘ all屯 U! palonb 'tT 'd 'slua田ass!a.I !gIa3:‘al田0:) aτSInσI 'v9

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臨 '=m~正值協商草書 1'9(; 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 265

1693 granted the Jesuits permission.to build a house in Peking. In 1700, Emperor K'ang­ hsi prQmulgated another edict stating 也at there was no conflict in a Chinese individual's 68 practising both Confucian and Christian rituals.-- However, a year after coming 怕也e throne, K'ang-hsi's son, Yung -

68. Rosso, Apostolic Legations, pp. 138 .i.145, and A Short Account of 血e Declaration ~iven by the Chinese Emperor Kam Hi, in the year 1700, London, 1 而 3. Rule , "Confucius," pp. 349-350. The Chinese emperor concurred that Confucius was honored as a teacher only. 69. Decree of January 12, 1724, in Fu, Documentary Chronicle, p.138. Voltaire praised Yung-cheng's expelling of the Jesq.its. See his History of the 風lssian E且昆虫， p.72. 70.Lettres edifiantes et curieuses, ecrites des missions ~trang~rs per quelques missionaires de compagne de Jesus (Paris: Chez N. Ie Clerc, 1702-1776), 34 vols. Collected by C. Le Gobien, J.B. du Halde, N. 封面arechal and L. Patouillet of vols 1-11, vols 12-26, vols 29-33, and vols 27-鉤， 34 respectively. In addition to the original edition of 34 vols. (Pa ris, 1702-1776), there were editions of 1743 (London) , a translation of 回 rly letter edited by Le Gobien, 1810-1811 (Toulouse), 1819 (Lyon), 1829-1932 (Paris) and 1838-1843 (again Paris). See also. A. Retif, "Breve histoire des 'Lettres 吾difiantes et curieuses'" in Neue Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, 107, No.1 (1951) , pp.37-50. See also 質Ie National Union Catalo~ Pre-1956 Imprints, vol. 280 , p.197. 71. Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed. ， Lettres 吾 difiantes et curieuses, Vols. 9-26. 72. Du Halde, Description ~eo~raphique， historique, chronolo~ique ， politique de l'empire de la Chine... (paris: Chez P. G. Lemereier 1735, 4 vols. in folio. A second edition was published at La Haye, 1736. The English translation by Brooks appeared the same year in London, and the was a second translation published by Edward Cave in 1738-1741. A German translation was published in 1747-1749 and a partial Russian translation in 1774-1777. 73. Fran~ois Noi:H, trans.Sinensis Imperii Libri Classics Sex... e Sinico Idiomate in Latinum Traducti (Prague , 1711). The French translation by Abb已 Pluqu帥， Ssu Shu: Les livres classiques de l'empire de la Chine, recueillis par Ie Pere F. No包 pr臼 edes d'observations sur l'ori~ine， la nature & les effets de la philosophie morale & politique dans cet empire (Paris: Chez de Brue, 1784-86). 266 教學與研究第三期

!lever been to China. His Description was based on missionary sources,and was a summaryof 也 e scholarly work of twenty-seven China authorities. of these twenty-seven, Ne have already mentioned Louis Le Comte, Philiope Couplet,and Ferdinand Verbiest, :md we shall shortly discuss the Figurists: , Jean-Francois Foucquet, :md Joseph Henri de Pr已mare. Before doing so, however, it would be best to discuss Franyois No缸 's translation of 也e Confucian classics, which was one of the major works included in Du Halde's Description. Noel, the first Jesuit to translate all of the Confucian Four Books, also wrote a work entitled Philosophia Sinica.Although Noel translated six Confuβian classics into 73 Latin in 1711, -- his translations were banned by the authorities both in Rome and in Germany. Because of Du Halde's laudatory acknowledgment of Noel's work in the Description, Noelexerted a great influence on German scholars such as Christian Wolff, 74 Leibnitz - - and later Goethe and Sc hiller in the eighteen也 century. Du Halde not only adopted Noel旭 translations of the Four Books, but also gave a summaryand a com­ mentary for each of the Confucian Five Classics as representing the primary body of 也e 75 Chinese classical canon. -- About 也e principles in th!'l互接盟且已 he said.

•••II par8it que Ie but de la doctrine des Livres Classiques a 缸6de maintenir lapaix & la tranquilite de l'Etat, par Ie reglement des moeurs & l'exacte observation des Loix; & que, pour y 戶可venir， les premiers Chinois jugerent que deux choses etoient n已cessaires a observer, scavoir, les devoirs de la Religion, & les regles du bon gouvernement. •• 76

世le goal of Confucian books is to provide the people practical instructions intead of 77 abstract 也 eology. -. His respect for Confucius was great than 值的 for the Greek philosophers:

74. Donald F. Lach, "The Sinophilism of Christian Wolff (1679-1754) ， "Journalof 也e Histοry of Id倒s ， 14 (1953), 561-574. See also his "Leibnitz and China, "色旦旦l of 位le History of Ideas.6 (1945) , 436 -455. 75. Du Halde considered the Five Classics as "Livres canonioues'du Premier ordre." 76. Du Halde,Description, III, 2. 77. 'Du Halde, Description, II, 33. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經申譯 267

Confucius naquit. • .551. ans avant l'Ere Chretienne, deux ans avant la mort de Thales. n etoit, contemporain du fameux Pythagore, & Soc rate parut peu de terns apres la perte que la Chine fit de son Philosophe. Mail弓 Confucius eut cent avantage sur ces trois sages, que sa gloire s'est accrue de plus en plus avec la suite des ann~es， & qu'elle est paryenue au plus haut point, ou la sagesse humaine puisse pretend~e.78

Then he went on to honor Confucius and his humanitarian maxims:

Confucius, sans se mettre en peine de sonder les secrets impenet­ trables de la nature, & sans trop subtiliser sur les points de la creance commune, ecueil dangereux ~ la curiosi話， se borne a parler du principe de tous les Etres; d'inspirer pour lui du respect, de lacrainte, & de la reconnoissance; de publier que rien ne lui est cach~， pas m~me les pensees les plus secrettes; qu'il ne laisse jamais la vertu sans recompense, ni Ie vice sans ch~time瓜， dans quelque condition que se trouve 1'W1 ou l'autre. Ce sont la les maximes repandues dans ses ouvrages; & c'est sur ces principes qu'il se regloit, & qu'il ~choit de reformer les moeurs.79

Besides being the most comprehensive and systematic introduction to Confucianism, Du Halde'sDescription also included the first translations of Chinese drama， Tchao~hi­ 80 couell-ell: Le Petit orphelin de la maison de Tchao t凹的die chinoise.- - of the various translations and adaptations of 也is work, Voltaire viewed 也 is playas a "Confucian 81 sermon in five acts. W- Thomas Percy, the first translator of the Chinese novel Hau

Kiou Chaom.also included Du Halde's "甘le Little Orphan of 也 e House of Chao" in his

Miscellaneous Pieces Relatinl:1: to the Chinese. Percy's other various works on China 82 frequently cited Du I旭 Ide's Description. Du Halde's Description served as the main depository of 也e Jesuit interpretations

78. Du Halde, Description, II, 319. 79. Du Halde,Description, II, 320. 80. Du Halde, Description, II, 341-378. 81. Voltaire,L'Orphelin de la Chine, Preface of 也 is work. See also Theodore Besterman, ed., VolJaire's Correspondence, 107 vols. (Geneva, 1953-65) , Letter 5859. 82. Shou-yi Chen, "Thomas Percy and His Chinese Studies," Chinese Social and Politi豆豆l Science Review, 20 (July1936), 212. 明明

教學與研究第于三期 268

83 of Confucianism up to the early nineteenth century.~~ "No single work on the Far East, before or since, "ssaid Rowbotham, ''has had such a profound influence on European 84 .... . ~ ~~.. .. .• _. _. 85 thought. W - Although Du Halde himseU was not a Figurist ，~~ he accepted 也e Figurist 86 theories that Confucius had prophesied the Messiah-~ and that the Sons of Noah had 87 founded the Chinese Empire.~· Like the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus of 1687, Du Halde'sDescription brought together Jesuit interpre祖tions of Confucianism and touched off another school of interpretations. c. Mythological Interpretations Despite the sanctions against the Jesuits in Europe, the Chinese emperor was still acting as the patron of various Jesuits in their teaching of sciences and their relationship to the Chinese classics. The Jesuits, in turn, would use these studies to es個blish commonalities between Chinese history and the Judeo-. Theyattempted to interpret the Chinese Five Classics along the lines of the Pen個teuch of Moses. They

83. Boswell asked Johnson if he should read Du Halde's Chi曲. ''W旬， yes, (said he) as one reads such a book ，位lat is to say, consult it." Boswell's Life of Johnson (Oxford, 1934, spring 1768), II, 55. In addition 切也e two French editions (4 vols. , Paris 1735, and The Hague 1736), there were also two English translations one in four volumes,The General His個 rv of China...(London, 1736 and 1741), rightly descripted by Cordier as 'une edition fort mal soignee'(Bibliotheca Sinica, IV, col. 37) , and another folio edition in two volumes, A Description of the Empire of E且盟 (London， 1738-41). Some extracts from the Description, and from the Lettres Edifiantes, were included in 官lOmaS Percy's Miscellaneous Pieces relat­ ing to the Chinese (London, 1762). See Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica, cols. 926­ 941, for details. 84. Arnold H. Rowbotham, Missionary and 孔1andarin: The Jesuits at the Court of 旦控旦旦 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1942), p. 25 7. 85. According to the Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (V: 2, Paris 1924; art.: "Figurisme"), figurism is a system of interpretation of the Sc riptures basedon the multiplicity of meanings presented by the Biblical texts. The chief exponent of this system during the first half of the eighteenth century was the abbe d'Eth~mare， a Jansenist priest in Paris who, accoring to Michaud (Biographie universelle), "saw everywhere figures of the defection of the Church, announced them in his writings, his lectures and his conversations, and became the head of a group which abandoned itself in this respect to extreme illusions, and it was these illusions which prepared and fomented the deplorable scenes of the convul­ sionnaires." When Freret and others，也erefore， looked for a term to applyto 出is group of Chinese scholars, it was not hard to find. 86. Du Halde, Description.II, 387. 87. Du Halde,Description, III, 2. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 269 arrived at the conclusion that the mysteries of Christianity could be found, albeit 88 concealed, in the Chinese classics. Ricci, with the majority of Jesuits in China, did not want to discuss the metaphy- 89 sical or mythological elements in the Chinese classics,-- while the Figurists were interested in the correspondence between the "figures" of the Chinese Classics: and the Old Testament. Among these Figurists, Bouvet was the most significant. His first publication, the Portrait historique de l'empereur de la Chine (1697), was imbued with 90 the sentiment that the Chinese empire was blessed by God.-- Bouvet received support 91 from the Chinese emperor and Louis XIV， v~ as well as from Gottfried Wilhelm von Leib- nitz. In the same year, 1697, Leibnitz published Novissima Sinica(The Most Rβcent News from China) , which advanced the theory that the binary system found in the Chinese 92 I-C控旦且 (Classic of Changes) was a universallanguage.-- Bouvet also stated that the£空間 93 _. .._... ..9 K盟(h exagrams) of the l二旦控旦g contained 他e id曲 of the "Creationw - and the "Trinity.w Fang Hao, a modern Chinese Catholic scholar, noted that in addition to Bouvet's 旦旦 Generalis Doctrinae Libri I-Ki峙， there were fourteen manuscripts about the I-C坐盟 95 written by missionaries in the Vatican Library.- - Bouvet wrote 古今敬天鑒任旦2型 ching t'ien chien, a啞 the Worship of Heaven in Ancient and Modern Times) in Chinese first to allege that the Chinese in their classics respected and practised "敬天"

88. Rule, "Confucius," p.408. 89. For example, Couplet in the "Proemialis Declaration" to Confucius Sinarum Philosophus refers 切主旦旦旦旦 (Classic of Changes) as the source of the errors of the modern interpretors (p. xxxviii). 90. See Bouvet's letter of 24 October 1697, in which he tells Guibert, the French Assistant, that he wishes to refute Maigrot by giving public testimony to "the belief of this Prince in the divinity" a report of which his long and frequent access to the emperor qualified him to mention. 91. Bouvet dedicated Histoire de l'empereur de la Chine tοLouis XIV. 92. See also Leibnitz, "Concerning the Characters which Fohi, Founder of the Chinese

Empi凹， used in‘ His Writings and Binary Arithmetic," in Leibniz, Discourse on 也 e Natural Theology of the Chinese, trans. Henry Rosemont and D:主riiel J. Cook 但onolulu: The Dniv. Press of Hawaii, 1977), pp. 157-165. 93. Bouvet to Le Gobien, 8 November 1700, in Leibnitz,Opera Omnia, ed. Dutens IV 149. 94. Bouvet 切 Leibnitz， 4 November 1701, Paris: B. N. Fr. 17240，也 81-82 (三才) "Three stocks in 上旦旦旦旦， " and "three supremes" (三極)， i. e. .. a trinity in the supreme being. 95. Fang Hao, Fang Hao Liu-shih Tsu-ting 】也0 ， I, 192. 270 教學與研究第三期

:J6 (''Worship of Heaven"). At Bouvet's recommendation, the Emperor K'ang Hsi called Jean-Francois Foucquet to Peking in 1711 如飢dy the I-Ching. Foucquet asserted that the 1二旦且g，was the keyto understanding the Chinese classics. In his study, he also mentioned the τhoistinterpre­ tations of Confucianism. Focquet also maintained 曲的 Confucius taught an esoteric d∞trine that went unrecorded as a result of its loss during the f卸nous burning of the 97 books during the Ch'in dynasty (221-206 B. C. ).-' Foucquet's only work printed during his lifetime, apa 吋 from a letter published in the Lettres edifiantes/ in 1705, was the 98 Chronological Table of Chinese History published in Rοme in 1729.-- Both Voltaire and Montesquieu met Foucqu帥， and were interested not so much in his mythological interpre­ tations of Confucianism as in his discussion of the use of reason and law in Confucian 99 governmental administration.

Another Figurist, Joseph Henri Prtimare, also accepted the basic premisE: of a primitive revelation transmitted through the Chinese classics, the 'vestiges' of which 100 were to be found there by those who knew what to look for.--- He attempted to reconcile sinology and theology by the ancient universal mythology. P. de Premare, who lived in China from 1698 to his death in 1735, attracted wider attention than most his collea­ gues. Several of his works were published in Europe, notably his Recherches sur les 101 tems anterieurs 孟 ceux dont parle Ie "Chou-King",--- which appeared as an introduction

96. Fang Hao, I, 236-237. 97. Borgia，旦控堡包 pp. 235-236. 98. It was re-published in English translation in the Philosophical Transactions of 也e Royal Soc iety(London), 36 (1929-1930), 397-424. 99. Rowbo位lam ， "Figurists," p.480. He states 也at "Foucquet was in Paris from 1721 to June, 1723 and Vol個ire was in the capi個1 during at least part of 也 is period. We have 也 e latter' sword 曲的 the two men were acquainted. In his Essai sur les moeurs{旦旦旦旦) ed. Moland, 11, 160), Voltaire says 'Le P~re Foucquet.. .m'a dit plusieurs fois qu'i1 y avait it la Chine tres peu de phi1osophes athees. '宜his suggests 也at Voltaire, like Montesquieu, may have been on several occasions 也e willing victim of the ex-missionary's loq回 city." Vol個 ire seems 切 be guilty of inconsistency since he elsewhere used the argument 曲的也e Chinese were in the main atheists. 100. Rule, "Confucius," p.462. 101, Joseph Henri Premare, "Recherches sur les tems anterieurs aceux dont parle Ie 'Chou-King' et sur 旭 mythologie chinoise", in Confucius. comp.Le "Chou King, " un des livres sacres des Chinois, traduit et enrichi do notes par P. Gaubil.. (Paris: N. M. Til1iard, 17τ帥， pp. xliv-xcccviii. See also Abel-Remus帥， Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques (Paris: Schubart et Heidelo缸， 1829), II, 268. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 271 to De Guignes' edition of his fellow Jesuit Gaubil's translation of the Shu Ching 也挂盟 ic 102 of Records), which is one of the Five Classics.--- These significant studies of the 芷江豆 豆捏監控~ were generally neglected during the European Enlightenment. In eighteen也­ century Europe, only a few European scholars, including Leibnitz and Matthew Tindal, 103 paid any attention to their mythological studies. To avoid entanglement in the Confucian Rites Controversy, Premare would only discuss the ancient Chinese classics. In addition, he studied Chinese belles-lettres and translated the Le Petit orphelin de la maison de Tchao trag~die chinoise include:! in Du Halde's Description. It was Premare's translation of this latter work that various European authors adopted. However, his voluminous writings in Chinese，經傳議論 (Discourse on Classics)were never published, and were reserved only for the study of the emperors. According to Fang Hao's study, the Discourse on Classics comprised twelve columes, dealing wi也 different aspects of the Confucian Four/Books and F且呈 104 _ , 旦控笠些豆， together wi也 Han and 品ng commentaries. -- ~ Premare's other Chinese compendium，儒教實義(四e True Doctrine of Confucianism), was published. in 油ipei 105 in 1970. Although the Figurists wrote voluminous旬， little of their work on the Chinese classics was allowed to be published either in Europe or in China.τherewas, however, one exception, the work of Alexandre de la Charme, who stayed in China from 1728 to 1767. In 1733, he published his Hsing-li chen-ch回n( 性理員銓，True Explanation of Principles of Nature), which stood as the cumulative work of Jesuit metaphysical inter­ pre祖tions of Neo-Confucianism. He followed Ricci's distinction between the classics and their commentaries:

What did the earlier Confucians say?Believe 扭曲e classics, and do not believe 扭曲e commentary; discuss the classics, and do not discuss the small print (of the commentary). And what do the later Confucians say? Believe in the classics and also believe in the

102.Chou-King is another French romanization of Shu Ching(Classic of Rec ords). 103. Rowbotham, "Figurists," p.480. See also Matthew Tindal, Christianity as Old as the Creation (London, 1730). 104. Fang Hao,Fang Hao, pp. 198-199. "漠儒論" ("臼 Han Confucians"); Han Dynasty(206 B.C.-A.D. 220); "宋儒論" (刊伽 su時 Confuc 詛 ns"); 飢ng Dyna sty (A. D. 960-1279). 105. "儒教實義"天主教東傳文獻續篇，III (Taipei: Hsueh Sheng 品u Chu, 1970). 272 差史學與研究第三期

commentary; discuss 他e classics, and also discuss 他e small print. 106

西e 1742 prohibition of Chinese Christians from practising Confucian rituals made it dangerous to follow Riccirs interpretation of the Confucian canons, or to use the terms H 上帝，可旦旦旦-ti) or "天"也些!!) for God in Chinese. De la Charme sought 的 solve 曲 is problem by inventing yet another term, "上主刊(Shang -ehu ， the Lord above) which had overtones of both the classical "Shang-ti" and the Ca他olic "tien-chu." Where Ricci would have used "trien," de la Charme used "shang-chu." Apart from the translation of 他e I-C坐單 (Classic of Changes), de la Charme also prepared a translation of another 107 book included in the Five Classics，他e 晶晶 -Ching (Book of Poetry).- - - However, his translation dropped from sight, until two conturies later Ezra Pound reemphasized and 108 advocated Chinese Poetry. The last cumulative work of the Peking Jesuit missionwas the fifteen volume 109 MilnlOires concernant les Chinois,--- which appeared in Paris between 1776 and 1791. In 位lis work, the authors placed a new emphasis on indigenous Chinese Interpretations. In the preface 切也e M6moires, the editor said "La Chine seul peut faire connottre la 110 Chine. ,,--- Included in 他is work were translations of commentary on Confucian classics such 的 Claude Visdelours "Not扭 e du livre chinois nomme 主主且g ou Livre canonique

106. Cited in Ch'en Shou-i, "Ming-mo Ye-su-hui-shih te Je-ehiao-kuan Chi Ch'i Fan回yi嗯， " in Ming Shih Lun-ts'ung.x(Ming...;個 i Tsung-ehiao) , p.89. 107. Legge places this translation at around 1733, five y曲 rs after de la Charme arrived in China. See Legge悟 "Preface" 的Th e Chinese Classics I, v. 108. Ezra Pound, trans. ，四 e Confucian Odes詩 (Book of PoetryJ:四 e Classic Antholo的Defined by Confucius (Cambridge: Harvard Dnlv. Press, 1954). Pound also edited Confucius to Cummings: An Antholo前 of Poetry(New York: New Directions Publishing Corp. , 1964). Besides, his 色也正 (London: E. Ma曲ews ， 1915) and Q且也呈 (London: Faber & Faber, 1954), he also translated three of the Four Books:1)Confucius: The Dnwobbling Pivot &The Great Digest with notes and commen祖ry on the text and ideograms together with Chu Hsi's "Preface" t。他e Chung Yung and Tseng's commentary on 他e Tes祖ment (Bombay: Orient Longmans Ltd. , 1949), first edition (n.p.), 1947. 2) .1注且些. 四e Great L曲rning (Seattle: Dniv. of Washington Book Store, 1928).3) 旦旦二 fucian Analects (London: P. Owen, 1956). 109.M6moires concernant l'histoire, les sciences, les arts, les moeurs, les usages~ ete. des Chinois. Par les Missionaires de Pekin. 13 vols. (Paris,1777-1791). One additional volume was published in 1814. 110. M~moires， I, 23. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 273

111 ... ~ ,= ._ __. _. _ __. •• 112 des changemens (Classl~ of Chan~s)，---and the 書經(Shu-King. Classic of Records)." Although most of the Memoires dealt with Confucianism，也e major works on this subject are in the twelfth and thirteen也 volumes， and were written by Father Amiot (assignedto 113 China from 1750-1793). In his "Life of Confucius"--- and "Brief Lives of the Principal 114 Disciples of ConfuciuE>, ,,-- ~ Amiot sought to present Confucius and his disciples exactly 115 as 也 ey were depicted in the Chinese commentaries, and he used only Chinese sources: However，也ese works came when European interests were shifting from those of the 116 Enlightenment to Romanticism.--- These Chinese works never caught the attention of the European Englightenment. d. Jesuit Shortcomings It was natural that 也e Jesuits should strive to use the Confucian classics for their own missionary activities and that the Jesuit interpretations should undergo the changes described above. It seems unusual, however ，也at 也 ey never prepared complete translations of either 也 e Confucian canon into any Europ目n language or of the Bible into Chinese. In their treatment of the interpre祖tions of Confucianism, they strove to avoid the contemporary Neo-Confucian interpre祖tions ， and tried to follow the ancient Chinese canonical texts. It was p

111. M6moires.I, 23. 112.' Memoires, XII, 1786. 113. Le P. Amiot, "Vie de Confucius," Memoires, XII, 1786. 114.Memoires, XIII. 115. He attempts to justify himself in his introduction (巨型世s ，妞， 5) by listing the major sources and indicating 曲的 he is citing whenever he gives a quotation. Moreover, this attitude towards his sources is compounded -by his remark, "since these books are of an almost equal authenticity." 'These books' range in date over at least 1500 years, and one wonders what Amiot's criteria for 'authenticity' could have been. 116. Ar位lUr O. Lovejoy, "The Chin'3se Origin of a. Romanticism," Journal of English and Germanic Philology(1930), 1-20. 117. Rule, "Confucius," p.498. 118. :See the general introduction of 四庫全書 (Ssu去u Chuan-shu, Encyclopedia). In the general preface, the editor said，刊Wang's school split off." For details of 也is reaction, see my discussion inthe next chapter. 可

教學與研究第三期 274

119 the twentieth century.--- Despite their desire to present the true meaning of the texts uncolored by later interpretations, the pervasiveness of Chu Hsi's interpre阻tions in the contemporary Chinese intellectual milieu made it impossible for them to avoid Neo­ Confucian influences altogether. We have already seen the influence of Chu Hsi on the Jesuit translations discussed earlier. C. R. Boxer has studied the partnership between the Europeans and the Chinese and discovered some causes of the failure of the Catholic missionaries in China. Not only were they prohibited from translating the Latin Bible into Chinese, but the Catholic authorities also did not es阻blish an indigenous clergy in China. Boxer cites the Jesuit Rougemon's case to prove his position. Rougemon, who took charge of translating Confuc旭n F旦旦r 旦旦旦旦 in的Latin (Confucius 旦旦旦旦旦 Philosophus)， complained of the problems of teaching Latin to the Chinese clergy and of using the Latin liturgy in the local Chinese church. He refers to the following difficulties:

•. the impossibility of teaching Latin to Chinese boys of good family because their parents would not allow it; the impracticality of teaching Latin to boys of slaves or bondsmen because of the universal contempt with which they would be regarded by their compatriots on account of their origin. 120

119. In Japan, Wang's school was very popular. See Abe Yoshio. "Development of Neo-Confucianism in Japan, Kor曲， and China，刊 (Tokyo， 1970), p.32. Wang's philosophy was enthusiastically advocated and studied in these two decades in the West. See Julia Ching, trans. and annotator，百e Philosophical Letters of Wang Yang-ming (Canberra: Australian National Univ. Press 1972). Also her To Acquire Wisdom: The Way of Wang Yang-ming (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1976). See also Wing-tsit Chan, trans. & notes,Instructions for Practical Living, and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming(New York: Columbia Univ. Press 1963). On June 12-16 , 19 呃， a conference on "Wang Yang-ming: A Comparative Study," was neld at the University of Hawaii, in Honolulu. 宜be fruit is the 275 pages of Proceedings in Philosophy Ea stand 豆豆豆! (January-April, 1973). 120. Cited from C. R. Boxer, "European Missionaries and Chinese Clergy," in 宜be Age of Partnership: Europeans in Asia before Dominion, ed. Blair B. Kling and M. N. Pearson (Honolulu: The Univ. Press of Hawaii, 1979), p.103. In his note (p. 118, note 3) , Boxer also s阻tes: "Two very useful articles on the indigenous Chinese clergy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but which do not claim to e油aust this subject, will be found in Johannes Beckmann, S. M. B. , 'Die Bewahrungs-geschichte des Chinesischen Klerus im 17 und 18 Jahrhundert: pp. 119-142, and by Johannes Beckmann, S. M. B. , 'Die Lateinsche Bildung des Chinesischen Klerus im 17 und 18 Jahrhundert,' pp.163-187. I have avoided repetition of these articles and approached the problem from another angle. " 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 275

In conclusion, none of the missionaries before the end of the eighteenth century had translated all of the Chinese canonical texts into any European language. Likewise, they had not translated their canonical works into any Chinese language. Indeed they had translated some selected passages with their own comments from the Bible or from Confucian canons. This neglect in the Jesuit transmission of both Christian and Confucian canons left their work incomplete and incorrect. The Jesuits in facts only paved the way for the Protestants to finish their work.

This deficiency in the extent of their translating activity was partially the result of their emphasis on trying to convert individual emperors. Their missionary efforts might have been better rewarded had they been able to provide potential converts with complete translations of the Bible. Instead, their missionary activities depended solely on their relationship 切 individual emperors, rather than on widespread, popular support. Similarly, since the Jesuits did not arrive at one body of translations of the Chinese canon or one interpretation of the canon, the Popes vacillated greatly in their acceptance and rejection of the Jesuit missionary activities. 百le Protestants in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries conducted their activities in a much different manner. c. The Protestants

1. The First Chinese Bibles

Since the time of Martin Luther's translation of the Bible into vernacular German in 121 1534,--- Protestants have emphasized the necessity for translating the Bible into verna- cular languages. Luther also advocated the use of Sc ripture without any commentary appended. When he finished translating the Bible, he said:

Would that this one Book werE. in every language, in every hand, before the eyes, and in the ears and hearts of all men! Sc ripture withol!t any comment is the sun where· all teachers receive light. 122

121. John Michael Rβu ， Luther's German Bible: A Historical Presentation Tog-ether with a Collection of Sources (Columbus: The Lutheran Book Concern, 1934), p.21L 122. Quoted in Marshall Broomhall,The Bible in China, p.48. 可

教學與研究第三期 276

Believing that the light of the Sc ripture might penetrate where the preacher couldnot 、" go, Joshua Marshman went to India in 01799 to translate the Bible into Chinese. With the help of two Chinese and Johannes Lassar, an Armenian who had been born in 即'lacao ， the entire Bible was translated into Chinese. ill May, 1823 ，即'la rshman's son, John on behalf of his father,0presented a complete copy of the Bible in Chinese to the British and Foreign Bible Society at their annual meeting. In the following year a new and equally complete translation was presented to the Society's annual meeting by the translator, Dr. Robert Morrison, the first Protestant missionary to China, who had arrived in Canton in 123 1807.--- With the help of the British Museum manuscript of the Chinese New Testament, he re-translated the New Testament into Chinese in 1813. Another Protestant missionar只 Williani Milne, joined forces with Morrison,leading to the publi曲tion of their translation 124 of the Bible in Malacca in 1823.

According to Garnier's study，他ere were sixty-eight editions of the Chinese Bible in different dialects in use between 1823 and 1867. The version of the Bible used、 in all Chinese churches during the present century was published in 1919. ill contrast to these many Protestant editions, the Catholics never published a Chinese translation of the 125 Bible until 1947.

2. The First English Chinese Canoni臼 1 Texts

Marshman and Morrison also produced studies of Confucian classics. Morrison's publications included a Dictionary of Chinese and Englishin six volumes, a grammar of the Chinese language and a work entitle Horae Sinicae, comprised of translations ·of 126 Chinese popular literature.--- Likewise, Marshman published his Clavis Sinica 巫~

4 127 ，困戶 Chinese Language), or Grammar of the Chinese Language:~' ill his Elements of Chinese γ 、 旦旦旦旦旦r (中國言法)，he translated the complete且二旦旦且(大學， Great Learnin的 in的

123. Marshall Broomhall，西e Bible in Chi咽， p.56. See also A.J. Garnier，旦控旦旦 Versions of the Bible (Shanghai, 1933), p.20. 124. Garnier, Chinese Versions, p.20. 125. Fang Hao, a modern Catholic priest, said that it was a shame forthe Catholics to use the Protestant translation elf the Bible, Fa旦旦旦旦Q ， II, 2361. 126. Broomhall,The Bible in China, p.61. 127. Broomhall,The Bible in Chi咽， p.61. 論儒家經典西譯與基督教聖經中譯 277

128 English in 1814.~~u The most important contribution was his translation of the 主旦控且呈 129 in的 English in 1809. A later scholar, James Legge, who was also a Protestant missionary, was assisted by the Chinese scholar, Wang T'ao, in translating the Delegates' version of the Chinese 130 Bible. ~UV Legge's translation of the Four Books was the first complete translation in 131 any European languages. He also translated all the Five Classics.--- Legge's transla- tions formed the basis of twentieth century sinological studies. This activity contrasts with that of the Jesuits, who, while producing thousands of books or manuscripts on 132 Confucianism in China and in Europe,--- some of which were published, did not undertake

128. Joshua Marshman, Elements of Chinese Grammar (Serampore: Mission Press, 1814). 129. J. Marshman,The Works of Confucius; contains the "Lun Yu" in Chinese, with romanized reading, and English translation, accompanied by commentary in English. (Serampore: Mission Press, 1809). Marshman in the postscript of the Works noted that the translation of "the Catholic Fathers is a free trans­ lation, and sometimes so diffuse, as to deserve the name of a paraphrase," p.727. 130. Paul A. Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Rβform in Late Ch 'ing China (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), p.20. For James Legge's involvement, see Garnier's Chinese Versions, p.28. 131. James Legge, trans. ,The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong: London Missionary Society's Printing Office, 1861-72), 5 vols.Four Books:I.Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean, II. Mencius.Five Classics: III.寧主旦主i盤， or the Book of Historical Documents.IV. The She King. or 且呈 Book of Poetry. V.τbe Ch'un tsew, with the Tso chuen. As original!y projected this collection was to embrace all the books in "the Thirteen Kings." The 6th and 7th and the supplementary volumes were never published. Fortunately, an English translation o.i:也e 且ι主1盟(易經) and Li 主.L<禮記) appeared respec­ tively as vol. 16 (1882) and vols. 27-28 (1885) of the series sacred Books of the 旦旦， edt Fr. Max Milller (Oxford: Clarendon Press). A translation of the 昆主 旦旦，The Religious Portions of 也e Shih King, The Hsiao King, appeared in vol. 3 (1879) of the saJIle series. 百Ie Texts of Taoism and the Writings ofKwang-Zze was in vols. 39 -40 (1891). 132. See Rule's "Bibliography," in his "Confucius," pp. 487-497. See also Du Halde"s Description, II. 9. “·passassod a .I J 回lOA UlnP a .I nl 官.I al日 pU官司 nasal 月 q:::> JO a~pal M. oIDI aUJnua~ a .I om 可 onm 官 paau PlnoM. S.IalpM. u -eado.In3: 句 aO .I nos asauJq:::> mo冉冉中 pua i訂閱 Jnua~ aq Plnoo a.I叫回的n u -eado.In3: a.I0Jas:u V的uammoo '6n'd ‘ (L961 ‘ ssa.Id 'AIUn p .I op句 :uopuoτ) uon四 mAJ:::> 認吉耳 q:::> JO suondaouo:::> 高司高可 F 請高高手曰 :uoala 田間。高高高'5 allL sJq uI ·UOS M.問 puomAtlH 'lS~OlouJs u.Iapom V 'uoJWla.Id.IalUI lInsar aql uo pasllq oSl官 S 官M. -ellJ 可O JO uon-em.IoJUJ sja.IJElIOA 'slJnSar aql Aq paA.Iasqo naM. uaaq p -eq llUJq:::> l -eql pauonuam n -eassnσH ·Z1Z·d ‘ ('17 96I ‘ sSa.Id SjuJ l.I官到 ·18 . :~.I Oλ M.aN) S .I a但它叩 qlJPnr pu官.Ia~o坦 • su -e.Il 守 'pa 勻即noosJa pu石苟言‘帥的snσH sanbo-er- u盼r '£:£:1

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