CHAPTER FIVE

THE HOUSE OF ISRAEL: IN GHANA

JANICE R. LEVI

In the January 15, 2011, broadcast of the popular American television show Saturday Night Live, a skit was performed mimicking the extravagance of the MTV show My Super Sweet 16, where parents go way beyond the average family’s means to celebrate their child’s birthday.1 In this particular skit, a Jewish father throws an extravagant party for his son’s bar and invites impersonators of popular contemporary artists to sing at the event. The performers sing humorous renditions of Taylor Swift, Jay Z, and Katy Perry’s chart-topping hits, inserting Jewish references into the lyrics. As the father introduces the final artist to perform, he sees that the performer’s last name is “Green,” a common Jewish name, and so he introduces the artist as “Cee Lo, oh Green, a member of the tribe.” However, when the black hip-hop artist Cee Lo Green emerges, and the father realizes that Green is black, he quickly retracts his statement by uttering “um, or not.” This retraction provokes laughter from the members of the audience—laughter that might indicate that they too are not prepared to imagine that Green could be a .2 This instant disqualification was based on a physical attribute—skin tone— which trumped the assumption that Green could be a Jew based on his name. This skit captures a global perception that to be Jewish and to be black cannot be synonymous. Judaism, which is seemingly tethered to a notion of lineage and ethnicity, can be considered exclusive. Its exclusivity is referenced in the skit, which illustrates that the faith, indeed, seems to have both a name and a face. A person whose name and face do not reflect global perceptions is disqualified from being considered a Jew. However, this disqualification clashes with reality for certain sub-Saharan black African communities who claim Jewish identity. If to be Jewish and to be black seem 116 Chapter Five contradictory how do African Jewries, such as the House of Israel in Sefwi Wiawso, Ghana, navigate their identity in the global Jewish realm? The House of Israel certainly relies, on issues of origin in order to formulate aspects of Jewish identity just as communities everywhere construct their identity based on their surroundings, interactions, and understandings of origin.3 This chapter focuses on Ghanaian Jewry in Sefwi Wiawso as a case study to demonstrate the distinctions to be drawn between rabbinical or “normative” Judaism, and biblical Judaism; one could argue the latter is the main form of Judaism being followed by the practitioners in Ghana, although there is some hybridization of the two forms of Judaism.4 In order to understand the “name” and “face” of Ghanaian Jewry in Sefwi Wiawso, it is necessary to explore the community’s understanding of its origins and practices.

The of Sefwi Wiawso

“Sh’ma Ysra’el Adonai eloheinu Adonai ehad,” recited the members of the Armah household during the Friday services in Sefwi Wiawso in August 2010.5 Their litany is a clear indicator that this family and their community have been exposed to normative, or rabbinical, Judaism (in this case, the exposure was to international visitors who come to observe the Armahs’ atypical Jewish household).6 However, this exposure to international Judaism is relatively recent. The Jews of Sefwi Wiawso have not always been aware of Jews elsewhere and their particular practices. How, then, did this community, as a Jewish community, come into being? What are the current practitioners’ views of their heritage and its relations with Judaism worldwide? Finally, how does the community operate today, as a practicing Jewish community?

Origins of the Community

In 1977, Aaron Ahotre Toakyirafa, a practitioner of the local indigenous religion in Sefwi Sui, Ghana, had a vision declaring that what he was practicing—his daily observances and religious lifestyle—was pleasing unto the Lord. It was also revealed to Aaron that the religious practice to which he adhered as a traditionalist was called “Judaism” and that he should share this message to see if others would like to join. Inspired by this epiphany, Aaron set out to preach this revelation to the people in the local area of the Western Region of Ghana. Travelling from town to town, he sought permission from the village chiefs to speak to the mainly Christian villagers. He explained that local practices that had existed in The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 117 pre-colonial times—including eschewing work on Saturdays, and avoiding particular meats—were practices that pleased the one God. His message was not well-received because, in stressing the importance of the worship of only one God, he explained that Jesus Christ was not the Messiah, even suggesting that Christians were idolaters and polytheists. Aaron, who is acknowledged as the founder of the Jewish community in Sefwi Wiawso, persuaded some of his closest friends, along with a few others from nearby villages, to join him in professing Judaism shortly after his vision. At first, these newly converted Jews were not welcomed. They were often chased out of towns, beaten, and threatened with death. When eventually Ghana instituted religious tolerance and freedom-of-worship in the 1992 constitution, locals became more comfortable with the Jews’ presence.7 Today, they live in peace alongside their neighbours of various faiths.8 Over time, the community completed a and the congregation increased as families grew. As of 2010, approximately thirty families constituted Ghanaian Jewry in Sefwi Wiawso.9

Views of a Jewish Heritage in Sefwi Wiawso

Although the relatively recent events surrounding the emergence of Judaism in Sefwi Wiawso are mostly agreed upon by the members of the House of Israel, the people of the community today hold complex views about their deeper origins and heritage as Jewish people. Understanding these views is crucial to understanding how this particular community operates and thinks of itself today. For some members of the community, a link to Jewish heritage in history is important. Aaron Ahotre Toakyirafa claimed, based on his vision, that this heritage existed in the Ghanaians’ pre-colonial practices. Some residents believe that the Sefwi people (their ethnic group) were originally Jewish, but that historically the group lost or perhaps never employed the term “Judaism” to describe their faith. Familiarity with the idea of a connection to Jewish heritage generations ago is more prevalent among Sefwi Wiawso’s few early converts—those who returned to the practices of the indigenous religion whose tenets Aaron claimed to preach. They believe that their Ghanaian Jewish ancestors originated in Israel (although those who believe this and who were interviewed by the author could not specify when the ancestors’ migration to Ghana took place). A few of these sources suggested their ancestors had come to Ghana via Ivory Coast, Mali, and Ethiopia. According to Joseph Armah:

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What I know is that my grandmother told me that the majority of the Sefwis come from Mali and a lot of them too come from Ivory Coast. And, you see, uh, is that when that, they came through the wars, they came through wars. At first, because of war they were separated and some of them come from Ivory Coast to this place and some of them too come from Mali to stay here.10

Other interviewees, such as Joseph Nipah, one of the original members of the House of Israel, were not certain of the origin of the more sacred roots of their community. Nipah, however, did state that his grandfather explained that their people were “strangers” in the land.11 Nipah’s statement suggests that his ancestors were not amongst the original peoples of Ghana and thus travelled from a foreign and perhaps distant land. What the Jews living in Sefwi Wiawso are collectively cognizant of is the amount of religious observances in which their ancestors participated, and how those ceremonies were discarded or lost over time. According to Joseph Armah, the cessation of some of the Hebraic practices performed by many of his ancestors took place when they were in the process of surviving war, separation, and their journey to Ghana:

And you see at first, uh, when they were going all through all this loss, one chief, the older chiefs was called Nana Kwanim Tano in this place.12 And, after he died there, his nephew who succeeded him as the king…was a Roman Catholic.13 Yes, he was a Christian. So, when he became the chief, he said that this time…they are Christians. You see, it was said in their New Testament that if you are…the followers of Jesus Christ you can do whatever you like. So, at this time, you have to go to farm on Saturdays, they have to celebrate their funerals on Saturday; they have to do whatever they like on Saturdays. It’s not because of that paramount chief, these laws are still there but because he was a Christian he let them stop all these.14

Many of the Jews in Sefwi Wiawso explained that due to the chief’s conversion to Christianity, the entire village converted; it was common for villagers to adopt the religion of the incumbent chief and for former practices to stop.15 Kwame Yeboah Daaku, who gathered oral histories of the Sefwi people in the mid-twentieth century, explained that the word “Sefwi” in “Sefwi Wiawso” may come from the Twi phrase “Esa awie,” which translates to “War is over.” According to the history relayed by Joseph Armah, it was war that caused the Sefwis to enter the region in which they now reside; this translation of “Sefwi” may add validity to his explanation of how the community might have lost an earlier Jewish heritage. The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 119

Heritage in the Daily Life of the Community

How do these ideas concerning the Sefwi Wiawso community’s Hebraic heritage play out in the residents’ daily life as Jewish people? For some members of the Sefwi Wiawso community, this understanding of origin—that their ancestors came from a Judaic background—is so compelling that the idea of “converting” to Judaism is irrelevant. According to Samuel Mintah, one of the early members of the community who applied the term “Judaism” to what they practiced, the community did not “convert.” They had always been Jewish, he said, and just were not aware of it.16 As a result, the feeling of a “return,” not necessarily a “conversion,” is a crucial element for some of the people of Sefwi Wiawso in describing their decision to reject the faith they had been following and to profess Judaism instead.17 Many of the women in the community whose husbands espoused Judaism decided to follow their husband’s convictions after being convinced that they reflected a return to the practices of their ancestors.18 Similarly, Joseph Nipah stated, “My grandfathers, they are practicing, at that time they do not know it is Judaism, when I see it, then I joined.”19 This understanding of Judaism was a key component, he said, to his “conversion,” or return to the “way of his grandfathers.”20 This idea of a “return” is also supported by other Jews of colour outside of Ghana, especially in the United States, who are promoting the “adoption of a ‘return’ ceremony rather than a formal conversion” because they already self-identify as Jews and have been observing Jewish law.21 Although some practitioners in Sefwi Wiawso believe they are returning to the faith of their ancestors, others do characterize their decision to follow Judaism as a “conversion.” This is especially true for those who previously practiced Christianity rather than the indigenous religion. These Jews see their story as mirroring that of Ruth in the Bible who, after being widowed, opted to follow the God of her mother-in-law instead of returning home to her people and their faith.22 In this case, a profession to follow the one true God suffices as a conversion. While a profession of belief in Jesus Christ previously secured identity within the Christian faith, it seems to be the rejection of Christ and the profession of one God that makes concrete a relationship to and identity with Judaism in Sefwi Wiawso. There is no mention of the hatafat dam brit (ritual circumcision) or a mikvah (ritual bath for purification) being performed upon conversion.23 Rather, it is the profession of faith in one God and subsequent obedience to the Mosaic and biblical laws alone that seemingly make one a Jew in the community. Thus, once one’s external profession and interior devotion are made known, one is determined to be Jewish. 120 Chapter Five

Judaic Practices in Sefwi Wiawso

Once a person in Sefwi Wiawso has professed faith in one God and obedience to Mosaic laws, how does life as a Jew play out on the ground in the community? In Sefwi Wiawso, as in Jewries worldwide, the practices or observances of Judaism symbolize one’s adherence to the faith. For the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso, though, many of the practices contain an element of nostalgia, linking them to their indigenous ancestors. Other practices—such as the uttering of the Shema in Hebrew during Shabbat—are adopted and learned functions that enable them to more closely identify with and relate to their global brethren. The Ghanaian Jewry’s active participation in and obedience to Jewish observances and laws uphold the practitioners’ Jewish identity and maintain their Jewishness. The practices of their ancestors—the very acts made known to them through oral histories, alone—validate their understanding of their origin and claim to Judaism. These indigenous practices are often the proof used in explaining their Jewishness, and although the believers’ understood heritage supports their claim, it is their commitment to the scriptural Jewish observances that cement it. Many of the indigenous practices, with an affinity to Judaism, were in place in Ghana prior to the introduction of Christianity or the use of the term “Judaism.” These practices were recorded in missionary and travel literature, in which the practices are identified as “Hebrewisms.”24 What qualifies as a “Hebrewism?”25 In Africa, the term seems to have been applied by scholars to anything that relates to or shares a resemblance to Jewish customs and heritage. The label does not necessarily indicate that people practicing such rituals or customs are of Hebraic origin. The most quoted scholar to have addressed “Hebrewisms” is Joseph J. Williams, who may have coined the term in the title of his book, Hebrewisms of West Africa: From Nile to Niger with the Jews. The Hebrewisms he discusses are cultural traditions that have a Jewish semblance, such as birth, marriage, and funeral rituals, along with menstrual seclusion and dietary restrictions.26 Pierre Bertrand Bouche, a missionary who travelled in what was the West African country of Dahomey in the nineteenth century, also noted customs such as circumcision rituals and female seclusion during menstruation, practices that he labelled as “usages judaïques.”27 According to the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso, many of their Hebraic traditions were forgotten due to the rise of Christianity. Notably, one of these practices was the reverence of Shabbat every Saturday, an observance that today is held in high regard in the community. Other The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 121 traditions that were practiced by the Jews of the Old Testament were followed by this people historically and also were returned to after Aaron’s vision and the creation of the community. The most notable Jewish practices adhered to today in Sefwi Wiawso include purification laws and dietary practices, observance of the Sabbath, and profession of faith in one God.

Purification Laws and Dietary Practices

Purification and dietary laws remain part of life for the Jews in Sefwi Wiawso, just as they were part of the daily life of their ancestors who practiced the indigenous religion. Williams’ observations throughout West Africa, specifically Ghana, in the early twentieth century indicate adherence to purification laws at that time. These observances included laws identifying those who were near a corpse and/or the deceased’s belongings as unclean for seven to nine days (an observance that Williams noted was no longer practiced by Jews).28 Today, remnants of an old, abandoned concrete building in Aboduam, a village near Sefwi Wiawso, are what are left to illustrate the place where menstrual seclusion, another purification law, was observed in years past.29 Today, purification laws are followed in Sefwi Wiawso by not only restricting menstruating women from entering the synagogue, but also by restricting from attendance those who have been around death, whether it be through proximity to a deceased person or animal.30 Furthermore, some people refrain from going to synagogue if they are sick, as they feel they are unclean based on purification laws. Dietary laws were also kept by the House of Israel’s ancestors, according to many of the Jews in Sefwi Wiawso. Today, there has been a return to following dietary laws. Many of the people in the community explain that maintaining helps them to assert their Jewish identity. Patrick Armah, son of Joseph Armah who stated he was “born Jewish,” expounded on the community’s knowledge of not only dietary restrictions but the way in which animals are to be slaughtered for festivities such as Passover. His explanation of how his community obtains the appropriate meat differs from how many of the international guests who visit the community obtain their own kosher meat at home.31

Every Passover, for the second night you have to slaughter a goat, which will be roasted because if you can remember when, the Bible says, that when the Israelites were from Egypt going, they were not having time to boil the meat, so they roasted. …For us here, after you do that Pesach will begin.32 We get a fresh goat, and the goat that is going to be used for the 122 Chapter Five

Pesach, it has to be kept one week without going out, so that it wouldn’t get time for mating and other things, so that we make sure that the goat is clean. So, we do the slaughtering our self, ritual slaughtering, which you have to cut the neck once to prevent any more suffering before it dies. And, so we do it our self and we roast it our self, like we set the fire, and roast the whole body and so we put it on the plate and we put it on the altar, and we have a Kiddush cup and honey, and pepper, and eggs, like which the eggs, like in the manner of our forefathers too which when they were in Egypt, from Egypt going. So, I think it is interest; it’s interesting, like it’s something traditional. Like the Matzot…we have the flour, and we mix it with water, as they were doing, as our forefathers were doing.33 We just mix it with water and we put it in fire…so we use that as our unleavened bread.34

Not only is Patrick aware of the dietary regulations and preparations of such foods, but he is also versed in the scripture that supports these laws and which is important in affirming his Jewish identity and the purity of his Jewishness. This purity is apparent to Patrick when he compares his community’s preparation of foods for Passover with that of American Jews. These international guests once explained to him that their preparation for Passover consisted of going to a “Jewish store” to obtain roasted meat and unleavened bread. Amused by the ease with which such items could be acquired in the United States, and proud of his hands-on approach, Patrick noted that he felt his way created a (more) explicit connection to the Jewish ancestors of Mosaic times.

Observance of the Sabbath and Faith in One God

Although dietary restrictions and purity laws are important to the people of Sefwi Wiawso in demonstrating and maintaining their Judaism, paramount, perhaps, among all Judaic laws followed by most members of the faith community are the observance of Sabbath and the profession of one God. The current veneration for Shabbat every Saturday is not just a form of worship, but requires commitment to a genuine day of rest when travel, work, and any other forms of exertion are prohibited. This custom is perhaps the most recognizable Hebraic custom that appears in the indigenous practices recounted in the community’s oral history. Through it, the Jews of today’s community in Sefwi Wiawso are able to establish a linkage with an ancient form of Judaism, as their ancestors and forefathers also withheld from working on Saturdays. One woman in the community today said she knew that her ancestors had followed the practice of resting on Saturdays, and that this justified The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 123 her decision to “return” to Judaism from Christianity. Her acknowledgment that her forefathers had practiced this rite, among others, made the transition to Judaism less alien to her family members who at first questioned her shift in faith. This woman emphasized that by converting, or returning, to Judaism, her lifestyle had changed: she used to do many things on Saturdays, but now she only rests and worships God on the holy day.35 Keeping this commandment can be difficult for many Jews in Sefwi Wiawso because it restricts them from participating in other activities on Saturdays. However, for the members of this community who proudly recount stories about giving up those activities in order to observe Shabbat, these stories serve as a token of their faithful obedience. Perhaps most dedicated to the law are Joseph Armah and Samuel Mintah. Both of whom were unable to attend their mother’s funeral because the services were held, like many funerals in Ghana, on Saturdays. Both Joseph and Samuel converted to Judaism after hearing the message from the community’s founder, Aaron, but most of their family members remained Christian. Joseph pleaded with his family to reschedule his mother’s funeral on a different day, but his family ultimately decided that the service should not be moved to accommodate one person. Thus, he was unable to attend.36 Resting on the Sabbath may be harkening back to the days of their allegedly Jewish ancestors, but the ushering in of the Sabbath and the use of the liturgy are clearly adopted practices from normative Judaism which came with the international guests who visit the community. The Friday evening service begins at sundown and is accompanied by Hebrew prayers mainly recited by the patriarch of the family.37 The Armah family surrounded a table adorned with Shabbat candles and a Kiddush cup donated by international visitors. Unable to acquire wine and challah bread, the Armah family used Coca-Cola and askyire paano, a local bread. The Havdalah service, which signals the end of Shabbat, was also held in the family’s home and began after three stars were visible in the sky. A local plant called “Queen of the Night” was used for the spice and Coca- Cola again for the wine. The familiarity with which the blessings were recited and observances conducted clearly indicated that every week the Sabbath celebration is observed and not just when international Jewish visitors are present.38 Saturday morning, the Jewish community in Sefwi Wiawso walked to the nearby synagogue for community worship and liturgy. A modest cement structure served as the synagogue and a centre aisle as the mechitzah (partition) to separate the men from the women. The liturgy was 124 Chapter Five very much influenced by knowledge of normative Judaism introduced by international visitors. Congregants utilized donated prayer books, prayer shawls, and kippot. The service consisted of congregational readings, singing, and a message from the interim leader while one of the members of the community, Alex Armah, was being trained as a in Uganda with the Abayudaya.39 The ceremonial observances during the Sabbath are clear indicators of normative Judaism whereas the Mosaic Law found in the scripture satisfies a desire to follow the holy text. However, resting on Saturday in a scriptural context and worshipping in a globally familiar context represents the House of Israel’s simultaneously normative and biblical approach to Judaism. Finally, the other dominant mitzvah that is adhered to by members of the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso is the profession of the existence of one God.40 This commandment is primarily what distinguishes the members of the Jewish faith from their Christian neighbours, because the Jews consider Jesus Christ to be a demi-god or even an idol.41 The profession of this mitzvah is visible as soon as one enters the guest room of the Armah home, which is used for visitors. There, hanging from the window, is a distinct, velvety maroon banner, appliquéd with the words “Only One God” in gold lettering. These commandments—requiring profession of one God and to keep the Sabbath day holy—were consistently reiterated by members of Sefwi Wiawso’s Jewish community when asked what it meant to be a Jew. In spite of what they believe about their ancestors’ possible Jewish roots, obeying the commandments and ordinances of God is integral to their faith. Upholding these laws, in their eyes, makes one Jewish. Ironically, their faithfulness in adhering to these laws is not enough to validate their identity as Jews in the eyes of some other practitioners of Judaism.

Challenges Facing the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso Today

Although it might come as a surprise to the community in Sefwi Wiawso, a challenge many Jews in sub-Saharan Africa face today is acceptance from the global Jewish community. These practitioners are ostracized, like Cee Lo Green in the SNL skit, on the basis of two factors: their hazy heritage, or “name,” and their skin colour, or “face.” They lack a neatly organized or recorded linear family history to the Jews of the Old Testament, and their physical appearance does not reflect that of most Jews worldwide. The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 125

Claiming a “Name” in Sefwi Wiawso

While these two attributes may be generally important in Judaism worldwide, for the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso, to be Jewish is to want to be Jewish—a choice more than a birth-right. Many of the Jews in the community state that they were indeed “born” Jewish, because they were born into Jewish homes. Their parents served as the first outwardly proclaimed “Jews” in the region. But their identity is not understood overall as a distinct ethnicity. Members of the House of Israel will argue that they believe some people, the Sefwis, are Jewish based on their heritage, but that it is not this heritage that serves as the dominant defining characteristic of a Jewish person. Rather, one’s acceptance of a believed heritage paired with present-day observances makes one Jewish, not heritage alone. This is a response they maintain in the face of modern challenges or suggestions that they prove their identity, and “name,” through genetic testing or their family lineage. Not surprisingly, then, the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso place less importance on the weight of the idea of “name” in determining their Jewishness. This is evident in their perspectives on DNA testing for the sake of identifying heritage and their focus on the name of God itself. Jews in Sefwi Wiawso voice aversion to blood testing—a practice that has been used among some African groups to try to validate Jewish heritage genetically—in order to claim their identity. When the concept of DNA testing to prove their identity was discussed with the Jews living in Ghana, they were confused as the practice seemed nonsensical.42 Most were against it as they felt it pointless to certify their true identity as Jews, even if they were convinced their ancestors were indeed Jews who practiced the religion without knowing what it was called.43 According to those in the community, a test that identifies Jewish heritage by blood cannot detect the faithfulness of an individual to the religion. According to Patrick Armah, blood may be able to prove ancestry, but it does not prove Jewishness:

To me, that testing of the blood which proves whether you are a Jew doesn’t actually matter because even if you test that person’s blood, and if you see that maybe that Enoch is a Jew…what’s in those tests when he travels, or… [when] what he has done in his lifetime does not go complimentary with the Jewish religion? Like if he, Enoch, doesn’t keep kosher, you wouldn’t know through the blood, so to me, the person can be a Jew through how he behaves, or through his lifestyle.44

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Patrick’s statement clearly identifies the importance of practice over ancestry. Albert Armah voiced similar opinions of DNA testing:

To be identified as a Jew [is] just to keep yourself with the , it’s all. But, if you being tapped or being have a DNA, I think it’s…not necessary. Yes, because the true worship is from your heart and to see yourself as a Jew that is where you practice the law and the cultures of Judaism. That qualifies you as a Jew. But if you don’t practice it, but if you are even tapped or having that DNA and you don’t follow the customs, you are not Jew.45

Thus, for Albert, even a blood test does not necessarily prove one is a Jew. It is only external conformance to the law and internal devotion “from your heart” that characterizes one as a Jew. This said, if using names is important to the outside world in identifying one as a Jew (as the Jewish father suggested in the SNL skit when reading the name “Green”), then the Ghanaian Jewry does attribute significance to the very name of God in Ghana’s dominant language, Twi. Joseph Nipah explained that the name of God in Twi is “Kwame.”46 Kwame is also, he said, the name given to male children born on Saturdays. For him, this parallel to a spiritual byname has great significance in proving that his ancestors were practicing Judaism, whether they formally categorized it as that or not. He also stated that the indication that Saturday has greater importance among the days of the week, as other day names are not used in reference to God, shows that Saturday was seen as holy for past generations. The meaning, he said, was simply lost with the onslaught of Christian and colonial influences.47 Thus, in this sense, the actual “name” of the God worshipped by the ancestors of the Sefwi people does give credence to their faith. “Name,” therefore, is significant to this community. But rather than the “name” possessed by the individual worshipper, it is the “name” worshipped by that individual that determines and marks Jewish heritage. Ironically, although the Jews in Sefwi Wiawso place little emphasis on their own name in proving their Jewishness, it is possible that some of them have surnames that may have transformed over time from more easily recognizable Jewish last names. For instance, in his work Les Juifs á Tombouctou, Ismael Diadié Haïdara affirms that the Cota, Kûhîn, and Abana families in Mali are descendants of Jews. Haïdara explains that the Jews adopted “pater familias” with new surnames: the Cota and Abana taking on Wâkorey and the Kûhîn adopting Arma.48 It is of interest to note that this adoption of “Arma” by the Kûhîn (Cohen), if Haïdara is correct, is very similar to the last name of “Armah” that is prevalent in Sefwi The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 127

Wiawso. Furthermore, Haïdara believes the Cotas came to Timbuktu due to the Inquisition in Spain and the Cohens through Morocco as traders. The Cohens and Abanas converted to Islam, he writes, as they “had to choose between the sword and the Qur’an.”49 Haïdara’s narrative may provide a more concrete explanation of the migration and change of faith of certain peoples in Africa than the accounts provided by the Jews residing in Ghana. Possibly the similarity in surnames Arma and Armah is evidence of the migration from Mali that some Jews interviewed in Sefwi Wiawso discussed, although no mention of a former surname was articulated. It could be concluded that the Armah families once possessed one of the most commonly recognized Jewish surnames, and therefore their “name” may qualify them as Jewish after all. Nevertheless, to this family and their Jewish neighbours in Sefwi Wiawso, devoted faith, profession of one God, and observance of the laws serve as the true indicators of Jewishness, not a linkage to the past through one’s surname or DNA.

The “Face” of Judaism in Sefwi Wiawso

In addition to questions about the validity of their “name,” Jews in Sefwi Wiawso, like other Jews in sub-Saharan Africa, encounter challenges today from foreign Jews who judge them to be less than Jewish based on issues of “race.” Online news articles and forums discussing the emergence of a new Jewish community in Senegal highlight these kinds of challenges. Anonymous respondents questioned the veracity of that community’s claims to Judaism, stating about the people there, “[T]hey don’t look Jewish.”50 One respondent noted, “Their claim to Judaism is no more valid than that of the Black Hebrews of Dimona, who also incorporate a few Jewish practices into a mishmash religion.” Not only is the issue of appearance brought up by these posts, but it is also evident that many Jews view African Jewries through a sceptical, critical lens for not only incorporating African cultural elements into their practices, but also for maintaining “Hebrewisms,” or laws observed during Mosaic times. Criticism against the latter represents a preference in mainstream Judaism for the practice of normative or rabbinical Judaism over biblical Judaism. The practice of biblical Judaism is apparently viewed as not substantial enough to prove one’s dedication to and profession of the faith.51 What, then, is the response of Jewish communities of colour, and particularly of the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso, to criticisms such as these? Do they associate a “face” to Judaism, themselves? 128 Chapter Five

Judaica as the “Face” of Judaism

Objects of various designs—whether in the form of a cross, Star of David, or crescent—are often symbolic in showcasing a person’s religious convictions. Images and objects have powerful meanings that can immediately associate an individual to a known group. For the black Jews in Ghana, this is no exception. The “face” of Judaism for the Jews in Sefwi Wiawso is not determined by one’s skin tone, but rather is understood as a physical exterior brought about by donning Jewish items such as the kippot, tallit, or Star of David at times of prayer, during worship, or in daily life. These physical markers identify a fellow Jew. Through this medium, Jewish identity can be represented, understood, and asserted. Dress, in particular, as a key indicator of Judaism, is not taken lightly among the Sefwi Wiawso community. In the early days of the community, an outward expression of faith through apparel was a signal to the Jews’ non-Jewish counterparts of their adherence to a different religion. Standing out in the crowd was not an issue of merely appearing different than the mainly Christian population, but involved a risk of eliciting persecution, as many Jews were chased from towns, beaten, and mocked.52 Patrick Armah heard many accounts of this violence and mocking from his father, one of the original professed Jews in the community:

For the olden days…if they see you going to church on Saturday with a kippot (sic) on your head or with a Jewish sign or anything that is considered Jewish religion, they would start laughing at you and they will be saying that “here is a man who don’t believe in Jesus Christ, this person doesn’t believe in Jesus Christ. He is a fool.”53

In the past, wearing Jewish symbols evoked hostility from non-Jews. Today in Sefwi Wiawso, wearing garments and objects identified with Judaism is a way in which one can proudly proclaim one’s spirituality and be recognized by others who belong to the Jewish faith. Moreover, members of the community also hope the wearing of these items will bring forth a connection to and recognition from their global brethren. As Patrick stated:

If I see a particular person or someone wearing the kippot right now, I can rightly identify that this person is a Jew. Or, if I see someone, like a lady, with a chain on the neck with a Magen David sign on the chain, I can guess that this person must be a Jew.54 So in general, I can say that it helps in identification.55 The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 129

Thus, the “face” of Judaism in Sefwi Wiawso is a chosen appearance, not something that permanently marks you at birth like skin tone.

Textiles as a Fusion of Jewish and African Identity

Textiles have taken on a new level of importance in Sefwi Wiawso as they can physically represent a fusion of identities. The House of Israel in Ghana are producing textiles that simultaneously appear both African and Jewish in design, perhaps unconsciously creating items of Judaica that reflect these two central facets of their identity. The tallit designed by this community is made of kente cloth, a recognizable pan-African material that is quintessentially Ghanaian, yet constructed as a shawl. Additionally, challah covers are created incorporating vivid African prints as the main panel and a centre panel embroidered with the Hebrew letters shin, beit, and tav, which form the word “Shabbat” in Hebrew.56 The fusion of both African and Judaic aesthetic and symbols, through textiles and dress, is indicative of how the Sefwi Wiawso community, and many of today’s African Jews in general, are incorporating both cultures into their daily religious life. Victoria Rovine discusses the significance of textiles and dress in asserting identity, stating, “Clothing has long been an important medium for negotiating differences across cultural divides. Garments provide a means by which to absorb distant cultures into familiar frameworks, or to highlight cultural differences, often in order to reinforce cultural identity.”57 In Sefwi Wiawso, the fusion of both African and Jewish aesthetic elements and culture bridges the disparities between the two and provides a physical space where both cultures and identities can simultaneously be expressed. This hybridization is also occurring in the structure of the community’s faith, as their practice is informed by both the scriptural or Hebraic Judaism followed by their ancestors and the normative and rabbinical Judaism slowly being introduced by exposure to international Jewish visitors.

The Future of Judaism in Ghana

As they try to insert themselves into the community of global Judaism, the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso and other West African communities may find difficulty in proving their heritage and identity to those mainstream practitioners of their faith. Not only do the people of Sefwi Wiawso not appear to be Jewish because they do not possess the expected “name” and “face” of Judaism, their narrative differs from that of Jews elsewhere because of colonialism and the conversion to Christianity in their history. 130 Chapter Five

However, the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso have a strong sense of continuity with the days of their ancestors through oral histories that validate their heritage and origin. The House of Israel has a clear understanding of what it is to be Jewish—an understanding that happens to contradict the commonly held notions of normative Judaism. These practitioners choose to be Jewish. Their identity draws on an understood Hebraic heritage but is not dependent on that. Rather, in asserting the monotheistic creed of belief in only one God and in keeping the commandments at the core of their faith, the Jews of Sefwi Wiawso are Jewish by name. Through the outward expression of their faith via the medium of Jewish objects, they project the face of Judaism. They believe that just as they can elect to associate with Judaism through internal and external manifestation, they can also disassociate with it as easily. As Joseph Armah explains, a commitment to the faith is not easy due to the plethora of laws one must follow. Some children who grow up in the faith choose to leave the religion at adulthood.58 It is impossible to determine what the future holds and whether this community will grow or decrease in numbers in the coming years. While most of the young men from this first generation of children “born” into the faith already show clear commitment to Judaism, the younger women express interest in following the religion their future husbands practice. The growing interest in this community on the part of the international Jewish community may increase and be the catalyst for more conversions or “returns” from fellow Sefwis who continue to practice Christianity. However, only time will tell if this community will grow as those who originally chose to profess Judaism, and the leaders of this community, pass away. It is unthinkable for many of the Jews living in Ghana that other communities of Jews would question their identity as they faithfully abide by the ordinances of their faith. The Jews of Sefwi Wiawso, though they want to belong to the wider and more universal community of Judaism, may resist joining the mainstream if it means accepting a more rabbinical understanding that contradicts their own biblical convictions of Judaism and Jewish identity. The discourse of “race” and Judaism has yet to fully impact this community as interaction with international visitors is accompanied with excitement and acceptance. However, the question of legitimacy based on skin colour is known to the House of Israel. Yet, Judaism in Ghana is defined by beliefs and practices, not skin colour or nationality. It is a choice open to all, not an exclusive membership. Joseph Armah explained, “One person cannot be a Jew. Not one country. Not white man. God created everybody.”59 The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 131

Notes

1 My Super Sweet 16, MTV Network. 2 Saturday Night Live, “Jacob’s Bar Mitzvah,” NBC, Season 36 Episode 12, 15 January 2011. 3 Other Jewish communities have surfaced in West Africa, specifically in Nigeria as mentioned in Bruder’s, Harnischfeger’s and Lis’articles in this volume. There have also been recent additions to the West African Jewish demographic in Cape Verde, Gambia, Senegal, and Mali. 4 The Jews who are claiming a Jewish heritage follow the Mosaic Law and a more direct scriptural understanding rather than a rabbinical interpretation associated with mainstream and normative Judaism. 5 Research was conducted by author, August 2010 in Sefwi Wiawso, Ghana. All research methods were approved by the Indiana University-Bloomington Human Subjects Office. 6 The Armah’s typically house all international visitors and allow them to participate in their private family services, including Shabbat (Sabbath, Hebrew). Their recitation of the Shema prayer in Hebrew (trans. “Hear, O Israel, the Lord is Our God, the Lord is one”) is the most basic and common prayer spoken by Jews and is the prayer of the monotheistic faith. 7 Ghana, Government of. The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana. Accra: 1992. Chapter 5, Section 21. 8 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 9 Samuel Mintah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 10 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 11 Joseph Nipah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 12 Nana (Chief, Twi). 13 K. Y. Daaku, Oral traditions of Sefwi, (Legon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1974), 15a. This Kwanim Tano is not the same as Daaku’s mention in the “Oral Traditions” but a chief from many generations ago that Daaku did not analyse in his history of the region. 14 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 15 Joseph Nipah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 16 Samuel Mintah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 16 August 2010. 17 This “return” is perhaps best defined by Remy Ilona in his discussion of the Igbo of Nigeria when he speaks of the “lapsed Jew.” Ilona analyses the customs of the Igbo by identifying the close similarities to Hebraic customs. He recognizes that although most Igbos are “outside Judaism” presently, they mostly associate a past with the various labels of Judaism, and therefore, believe they are somehow still connected to the religion. Thus, Ilona determines that the Igbo population cannot be banished from the community of believers as they have never truly forgotten their heritage. See, Remy Ilona, The Igbos: Jews in Africa: With Reflections on the Civil War and Solutions to the Most Critical Igbo Problem: Research. (Abuja: Remy Ilona, 2007), 97-98. 18 Mary Brafi, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 132 Chapter Five

19 Joseph Nipah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 20 Ibid. 21 Diane Tobin, Gary A. Tobin, and Scott Rubin, In Every Tongue: the Racial & Ethnic Diversity of the Jewish People, (San Francisco, CA: Institute for Jewish & Community Research, 2005), 127. Jewish law, here, could be viewed as both rabbinical and biblical. 22 Rabbi Ronald H. Isaacs, Becoming Jewish: A Handbook for Conversion, (New York: Rabbinical Assembly, 1993), 6. 23 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. All men are generally circumcised but Patrick explained that should someone convert to Judaism who is not circumcised, he would then have to undergo circumcision, regardless of age. However, this does not include a more rabbinical process including the hatafat dam brit (Hebrew), a symbolic circumcision for someone who has already been circumcised or a mikvah (Hebrew), a ritual bath used during conversion for spiritual purification. 24 See Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa: And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. vol. 94, trans. John Pory, (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1896); E. D. Morel, Affairs of West Africa, (London: Cass., 1968); John Leighton Wilson, Western Africa, its History, Condition and Prospects, by Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, (London: S. Low, son and Co, 1856); 25 Joseph J. Williams, Hebrewisms of West Africa: From Nile to Niger with the Jews, (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1930). 26 Ibid., 61-64, 100-03. 27 Pierre Bertrand Bouche, Sept ans en Afrique Occidentale: La Côte des Esclaves et le Dahomey, (Paris: E. Plon Nourrit, 1885), 268. Dahomey is the present day Republic of Benin. 28 Williams, Hebrewisms, 101-02. 29 Joseph Nipah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 19 August 2010. The structure was pointed out by Joseph Nipah while explaining customs observed in the olden days. 30 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. 31 The community keeps a registry, in the form of an old wide-ruled school notebook, of the guests who have passed through. At the time of my visit, there had been 115 visitors recorded, indicating they have received quite a bit of traffic over the years. 32 Pesach (Passover, Hebrew). 33 Matzot (unleavened bread, Hebrew pl.) served during Pesach. 34 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. 35 Interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. Interviewee’s name withheld based on agreement of anonymity and confidentiality between interviewer and interviewee. 36 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 37 A few of the young men informed a few international visitors have taught Hebrew during their stay. Although many prayers were recited by memory, the book Becoming Jewish was used for many of the longer, less recited, prayers. The House of Israel: Judaism in Ghana 133

38 I was able to participate and observe the Friday Shabbat service and Havdalah service with the Armah family in August 2010. 39 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. 40 Mitzvah (Commandment or law, Hebrew). 41 Albert Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 22 August 2010. 42 During the interview I asked the following question to suss out the local opinion of DNA testing: “Some communities have recently volunteered for DNA testing in order to identify a genetic strand indicating a Jewish heritage. Do you feel this testing is necessary to prove one’s Jewish heritage or identity?” 43 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. 44 Ibid. 45 Albert Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 22 August 2010. 46 Williams. Hebrewisms, 75. Interestingly, Joseph J. Williams records that the name of God in Twi is often expressed as “Nyankopon Kwame” translated to be “The Lord of the Sabbath” with Kwame representing Saturday and Nyankopon a way to say God. 47 Joseph Nipah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 24 August 2010. 48 Ismael Diadié Haïdara, Les Juifs À Tombouctou: Recueil Des Sources Écrites Relatives Au Commerce Juif À Tombouctou Au XIXe Siècle, (Bamako: Editions Donniya, 1999), 22-44. The “Cota” is now written as Kati, Koti, or Cota. The “Kûhîn” is now known as Cohen. 49 Ibid., 29. My translation. 50 “Senegal-Jewish Community Offers 99 Sheep to Needy Muslims,” Vos Iz Neias, November 24, 2009, accessed March 17, 2011, http://www.vosizneias.com/43703/2009/11/24/senegal-jewish-community-offers- 99-sheep-to-needy-muslims. 51 The organizations Kulanu and Be’chol Lashon support Jewish diversity. See the role of Kulanu among the Bene Ephraim of India in Egorova’s article in this volume. http://www.kulanu.org and http://www.becholllashon.org. 52 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 53 Patrick Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 18 August 2010. 54 Magen David (Star/Shield of David, Hebrew). 55 Ibid. 56 “Kulanu Boutique,” http://www.kulanyboutique.com/servlet/StoreFront. 57 Victoria L. Rovine, “Colonialism’s Clothing: Africa, France, and the Deployment of Fashion,” Design Issues 25, no. 3 (2009): 44. 58 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010. 59 Joseph Armah, interview by author, Sefwi Wiawso, 25 August 2010.