Belonging: the Music and Lives of Black Zimbabwean Jews

Home , Abayudaya, Gokomere, House of Israel (Ghana), Lemba people, Namib, Nusach (Jewish custom)

Belonging: The Music and Lives of Black Zimbabwean Jews

A dissertation presented to

the faculty of

the College of Fine Arts of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Doctor of Philosophy

Lior D. Shragg

May 2020

This dissertation titled

Belonging: The Music and Lives of Black Zimbabwean Jews

LIOR D. SHRAGG

has been approved for

Interdisciplinary Arts

and the College of Fine Arts by

Garrett M. Field

Assistant Professor of Interdisciplinary Arts

Matthew R. Shaftel

Dean, College of Fine Arts 3

Abstract

SHRAGG, LIOR D., Ph.D., May 2020, Interdisciplinary Arts

Belonging: The Music and Lives of Black Zimbabwean Jews

Director of Dissertation: Garrett M. Field

This dissertation examines the role music plays in performances of religious devotion and the construction of social identity of Lemba and Rusape Jewish communities in Zimbabwe. A study of the musical practices of Lemba Jews reveals a combination of local music styles with Hebrew text to create a new genre of Jewish liturgical music. In contrast, composers of the Rusape Jewish community create new music for worship in the vernacular dialect while similarly incorporating local music practices. This document offers ethnographic reflections and data on the ongoing efforts of both Lemba and Rusape Jewish communities as they continue their efforts to develop new Jewish music as observed during fieldwork conducted in the cities of Harare,

Mapakomere, Masvingo and Rusape in 2019. Black Zimbabwean Jewish identity is a component of a complex constellation of characteristics for both Lemba and Rusape Jews and this research explores how members of these communities use this new music to instigate a rejuvenated sense of identity and build bridges to other Jews internationally.

There is a sense of great pride and legacy amongst these communities and a desire to establish a connection to the outside Jewish world. Music is an important vessel in which they choose to perform their identity. I ask: how do these Jewish communities use music in the post-Mugabe era to express religious devotion, interact with neighboring ethnic groups, and establish different identities in Zimbabwe’s complex political landscape. 4

Dedication

To my wife, Rebeccah Leah Singer

Acknowledgments

The preparation, research, writing, and presentation of this project could not have been possible without the guidance and support of many people.

Foremost, I thank my incredible family for all their support and encouragement.

One could not ask for a more loving, helpful support system, and I realize how lucky I am.

A special thank you is deserved for Rebeccah Singer, for the unquantifiable amount of time, love, and support given to me throughout this process, especially while I was away in Zimbabwe. We have an expression we use when we want to express gratitude: “I am eating my gratitouille.” Thanks to you, I am eternally full.

I owe the greatest eternal appreciation and love to Dr. Garrett Field, for his continued guidance, mentorship, and advice. Over these past four years, you have been an incredible inspiration.

This project would not exist without the enthusiastic cooperation and support of my Zimbabwean friends and teachers. While so many people in Zim assisted me with this project, these individuals were essential to this project: Modreck Maeresera, Dr. Rabson

Wuriga, George Zvakavapano, Margaret Makuwaza, Brenda Maeresera, Hamlet Zhou, and Hosea Risinamhodzi.

I owe an incredible amount of gratitude to my teachers and mentors who have helped mold both this project and my identity as a musician and scholar. Dr. Rich

MacDonald, Dr. Paul Vance, Dr. Larry Price and Dr. Richard Hammergren at Winona

State University helped me to think musically and outside the box and gave me the tools 6 to succeed in graduate school and the professional world. To Dr. Janet Sturman at the

University of Arizona, thank you for taking a chance on me and providing a lifetime of mentorship and advice in just two short years. To my committee, Dr. Andrea Frohne, Dr.

Richard Wetzel, and Rabbi Jeffrey A. Summit, thank you for your time, energy, and thoughtful insights into this project. I am so fortunate to have had the opportunity to work with and study from each of you in many ways over the years.

I would also like to thank the generous donors who supported my travels to

Zimbabwe and my research. Without their support this project would not have been possible. Thank you to Rimon: The Minnesota Jewish Arts Council and the Ohio

University Student Enhancement Award.

Table of Contents

Page

Abstract ...... 3 Dedication ...... 4 Acknowledgments ...... 5 List of Figures ...... 9 Chapter 1. Introduction ...... 10 Jewish Life South of the Sahara ...... 11 Arriving in Zimbabwe ...... 17 Literature Review ...... 20 A Brief Historical Outline ...... 30 Methodology ...... 32 A Note On Kulanu and Other Jewish Organizations ...... 36 Chapter Outline ...... 42 A Note On Transcriptions ...... 44 Chapter 2. The Lemba Jews ...... 46 Biblical Origins and Diasporic Movements ...... 46 Proof Phenomena and Oral Narratives ...... 48 The Theory of Dispersion ...... 54 Profile of a Lemba Jewish Musician ...... 57 Musical Contributions to Social Identity ...... 61 Musical Performance Practices ...... 80 Practices and Customs ...... 84 Musical Analysis ...... 89 Chapter 3. Rusape Jews ...... 104 Diaspora and History ...... 105 Musical Contributions to Social Identity ...... 112 Customs and Practices ...... 115 Profile of a Rusape Jewish Musician ...... 119 Musical Performance Practices ...... 122 Musical Analysis ...... 128 Select Photographs from Fieldwork ...... 144 8

Chapter 4. Relationships and Neighbors ...... 153 Chapter 5. Conclusion ...... 166 References ...... 169

List of Figures

Figure 1. Koren Sacks Siddur and original Rusape Jewish Prayerbook ...... 13 Figure 2. Map displaying Zimbabwe and its neighboring countries ...... 15 Figure 3. Map displaying cities of Harare, Rusape, and Masvingo ...... 16 Figure 4. Map displaying Israel, Yemen, Ethiopia, and Zimbabwe...... 51 Figure 5. Hamlet Zhou in the Central Business District, Harare ...... 59 Figure 6. George Zvakavapano preparing for Shabbat services...... 63 Figure 7. Maeresera family on Shabbat afternoon...... 67 Figure 8. Dr. Rabson Wuriga Outside Mapakomere ...... 71 Figure 9. Backyard area of the Harare Lemba Synagogue...... 81 Figure 10. Adon Olam, Hamlet Zhou...... 90 Figure 11. Adon Olam, Eliezer Mordechai Gerovitsch...... 92 Figure 12. Adon Olam, William Tell Overture Parody, Giachino Rossini...... 92 Figure 13. A 15-key mbira...... 94 Figure 14. Oseh Shalom, Hamlet Zhou...... 98 Figure 15. Psalm 150, Hallelujah, Hamlet Zhou...... 102 Figure 16. Elder Hosea standing outside Beth El Temple ...... 119 Figure 17. First page of Rusape Friday evening service prayer book...... 125 Figure 18. Opening Call of “Mweya Wangu,” Hosea...... 127 Figure 19. Ivo Vanochengeta, Hosea...... 129 Figure 20. Masabata Angu, Hosea...... 134 Figure 21. Masabata Angu full cycle, Hosea...... 137 Figure 22. Melodic Sequence Of Mweya Wangu, Hosea...... 140 Figure 23. Hamlet Zhou recording an original Jewish composition on mbira...... 144 Figure 24. Margaret Makuwaza and Rudo Kwindima ...... 145 Figure 25. Posing in the kitchen at Harare Lemba Synagogue...... 146 Figure 26. Enjoying a luncheon outside Harare Lemba Synagogue...... 147 Figure 27. Taking a snack with George Zvakavapano and his aunt Fungisai...... 148 Figure 28. Roadside sign outside Beth El Temple in Rusape...... 149 Figure 29. Mbira ensemble performance at Great Zimbabwe...... 150 Figure 30. Interior, Beth El Temple, Rusape...... 151 Figure 31. Congregating after Shabbat services at Beth El Temple...... 152 10

Chapter 1. Introduction

I arrived in Harare at noon on a Friday, bursting out of Robert Mugabe

International airport into the sun soaked, tranquil capital of Harare. After snatching my bags from the carousel, I met George, the Lemba man who was here to pick me up.

Easily identified in the bustling crowd by his kippah (ritual cap, Hebrew) and tzizit

(ceremonial garment with fringes, Hebrew), he embraced me in a welcoming hug and ushered me towards his car. Fast forward to Shabbat morning; after giving in to my jet lag and passing out soon after arriving at George’s home, I awake to a myriad of sounds: children playing, dogs barking, and a chorus of voices, producing lush mellowed harmonies. I panic as I realize I must have overslept, my hosts, decidedly letting me sleep in. I throw on my clothes, grab my tallit (ritual prayer shawl, Hebrew) and kippah and meekly tip toe across the complex, those rich, exuberant voices growing louder.

“Sheasani ben chorin,” I hear them sing in Hebrew—who has created me as a free human being. I find an empty seat near the back, quietly whisper the prayer for putting on one’s tallit and slink down, red faced and embarrassed, all while continuing to soak in the beautiful sounds. Light streamed through the open windows as my toes wormed themselves into the deep plush red carpeting. My eyes trace around the room, scanning the faces of the congregants. “Ha meycheen metzaday gah-ver” they continue to sing— who guides the steps of man. The prayer concludes and a man with his back to the congregation reads from the Siddur (prayerbook, Hebrew), leading us in prayer. Soon, a pause, and another man, this time sitting in front of me amongst the congregation begins to sing. “Mah tovu ohalecha ya akov” he croons as the congregation responds in joyous 11 chorus. Their dense four part harmonies and impassioned devotion wash over me, lifting my soul - and my head - out of its siddur to take in the scene around me. As I gaze about the room at this emotional and consumed community, steadfastly spellbound in prayer, I lock eyes with George across the aisle. he smiles at me as he takes my hand and we pray:

“Va'ani berov chasdecha avo beitecha.” “In the abundance of thy loving kindness will I come into thy house.” Here, without even knowing me yet, this community made me feel like I belong. Experiencing such a powerful moment not even 24 hours into my fieldwork was quite compelling. This experience neatly captures several poignant dynamics that will be explored below.

Jewish Life South of the Sahara

The turn of the 21st century brought about a renewed interest of scholarship concerning Afro-Judaic communities south of the Sahara. The scholastic attention in these communities was interdisciplinary, drawing interest from areas of Jewish studies, history, music, anthropology, and biology. Within this large region, we can divide the remaining area of the continent into three categories: West Africa, East Africa, and

Southern Africa.12 Leaving homelands due to persecution, slavery, and oppression motivated many of these groups to travel “as far away as they could,” often times stopping only because a coast had been reached and simply no more travel was possible.

1 In West Africa, see Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Ghana, Ivory Coast, and Nigeria. In East Africa, see Madagascar, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda. In Southern Africa, see Zimbabwe and South Africa. 2 It should be noted that this excludes the Central African region due simply to the lack of observed Jewish life within this geographic area. 12

This is partially why some of the highest concentration of diasporic Jewish communities in Africa south of the Sahara are found in countries such as Nigeria and South Africa.

The goal of this project is to examine the musical performance practices of two black Jewish communities in Zimbabwe: the Lemba and the Rusape Jews.3 My study of the musical practices of the greater Zimbabwean Jewish community shows how groups combine local musical styles—such as the Shona mbira (plucked metallophone, Shona) tradition—with American Jewish elements, including Hebrew text and melodic content.4

I suggest that this synthesis is intentionally created in order to gain a wider audience both in Zimbabwe as well as internationally. Understanding the musical components that make up these newly created art forms, I ask: how do these Jewish communities use music in the post-Mugabe era to express religious devotion, interact with neighboring ethnic groups, and establish their different identities in Zimbabwe’s complex political landscape?5

I contend that newly established musical genres have led to the development of original liturgical and sectoral songs that maintain and establish a sense of individualized

Jewish identity in a difficult and often hostile sociopolitical environment. This however is not the sole driving factor behind composition and musicking. Community members

3 While Lemba Jews belong to the larger Lemba ethnic group, Rusape as terminology is used as a geographical marker, signifying the headquarters of this religious community in the country. 4 This dynamic is epitomized in the work of musician Hamlet Zhou who is profiled in chapter two. 5 All of these diverse groups are marked by different diasporic and migratory narrative histories, which include claims of lost tribe ancestry and diasporic movements through Yemen, Greece, Spain, Turkey, Rhodes, Russia, Lithuania, and South Africa. A deeper discussion of the lost tribe rhetoric can be found later in this document. 13 travel hundreds of kilometers and spend precious resources to gather and sing, providing congregants incredible elation and fulfillment during times of economic and political distress. As one choir member in Rusape told me: “singing for us is not just about giving praise to God. It gives us great joy and everyone enjoys it very much.”6 One significant distinction between the two communities worship practices are approaches to liturgical texts. As I discuss in chapters two and three respectively, Lemba and Rusape Jews engage with vastly different texts during worship.

Figure 1. Side by side look at Koren Sacks Siddur (Left, used at Harare Lemba Synagogue), and original Rusape Jewish Prayerbook (Right, used at Beth El Temple).

6 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Margaret Makuwaza. Personal Interview. Chicago, December 16th, 2019. 14

I argue that differences between the decisions regarding the adoption and usage of these specific texts affords us the opportunity to examine Jewish practice south of the Sahara from two distinct vantage points: communities who actively engage with external influences and those who strive for independence. This comparative research aims to highlight the similarities and differences in musical and religious practices across the two communities to reveal greater individual goals and the approach to music in worship contexts.7

In this introduction, I begin by stating my initial objectives and goals for this study. What I set out to accomplish in the field and what some of my initial hypotheses–– based on prior fieldwork and studies––might be. I then discuss prior scholarship relevant to my case studies, explain my methodology––both in the field and out––and reflect on ethnomusicological ethics in the twenty-first century. Key contextual factors are then discussed: I examine U.S. not-for-profit organizations and their involvement with the black Zimbabwean Jewish community as well as the history of Zimbabwe and the recent political changes that have affected not just black Zimbabwean Jewish communities, but the entire country at -large. The introduction concludes with an outline of the chapters and a note on musical transcriptions.

7 Such as their relationships with other global Jewish communities, the State of Israel, and their acceptance as a Jewish nation. These are discussed in further detail in chapter four. 15

This dissertation is based on fieldwork conducted between May 2019 and August

2019 in the capital city of Harare, and in the cities of Rusape, Mapakomere, and

Masvingo (see figures 2 and 3 below for geographical context).8

Figure 2. Map displaying Zimbabwe and its neighboring countries in southern Africa.

8 All maps shown in this document were commissioned from and illustrated by Becca Michaelson. 16

Figure 3. Map displaying cities of Harare, Rusape, and Masvingo

In these cities, I worked with the Harare Lemba Synagogue, Beth El Temple in

Rusape, and Great Zimbabwe Synagogue. Specific membership numbers for each of these synagogues are difficult to quantify at the current moment due to decreased attendance as a result of the national economic crisis. However, I observed approximately 25, 100, and 20 individuals on average attend Saturday morning services respectively. More information about these specific communities’ histories can be found in chapters two and three of this dissertation.

During my fieldwork I sought to explore how Zimbabwean Jewish communities combined traditional Shona musical practices with modern Jewish and

Christian elements. At the heart of this story is the passion and efforts of individual figures in this community. To better understand the role music plays in these efforts, each chapter contains a profile of one of these leaders.9

Arriving in Zimbabwe

From May 2019 through August 2019 I conducted fieldwork in in the cities of

Harare, Masvingo, Rusape, and Mapakomere conducting interviews and engaging in the anthropological research technique of participant observation. Participant observation is the ethnographic research technique of gathering data by gaining access to the field building rapport through shared interactions. In the context of my research, this primarily concerns music making and prayer. With participant

9 Both composers I have chosen to profile are male, however that is not a comment on the role and value of women and female musicians in both the Lemba and Rusape Jewish community. These two individuals were chosen for very specific reasons made clear in their respective chapters. In Rusape, women participate in choral performance and song leadership. In Harare, women are encouraged to learn and compose equally as men. 18 observation, one of the challenges lies with maintaining a balance between insider and outsider status. To achieve a thorough understanding of individual’s lives and experiences, it is essential that the researcher reach a level of personal relationship with the interlocutor. In my research, this is both achieved and problematized by my minority status as a Jew. Here, I am simultaneously a cultural insider and outsider. As a result, it is critical to maintain a strong level of self-awareness throughout this process and remain objective in my role as researcher. I draw inspiration for this from the texts Shadows In The Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology

(2008) and Doing Research In The Real World (2014), as well as personal academic relationships and the experiences shared by my colleagues. What these texts emphasized that resonated with me as an introductory graduate student was their stress on how fieldwork affected the researchers themselves. This was one of the first sources for me that showed a side of ethnomusicology I had not previously been witness to. The honest reflections of the process of fieldwork including the ethical implications of the activity and the innate power bestowed to those taking on the role of researcher. In his chapter in Shadows of the Field, “Returning To The

Ethnomusicological Past,” Phillip Bohlman suggests that the musical landscape of

Jewish musical life in the Austrian border province of Burgenland, which flourished from the 17th century until 1939, could actually be reconstructed through fieldwork methodologies. Based on the memories of present-day residents, he argues that the constantly shifting boundaries between past and present become “the field.” This can be observed similarly with my work in in Zimbabwe. Bohlman’s methodologies 19 paved the way for how I consider diachronic research. For example, oral accounts of the diasporic past affect present musical composition in both Lemba and Rusape

Jewish communities. I entered into the fieldwork process with a strong sense of awareness, both of myself and the space given to my interlocutors. This continued after the fieldwork process. I believe in the moral responsibility of honest, constant communication, and communicated my writing and work with my interlocutors throughout the process. I employed Simha Arom’s pioneering playback technique, the process of literally playing back a recording to a performer, giving them space to comment on it and make observations one step further and apply it to my written work as well. This allowed me to engage in digital transnational scholarship and maintain open channels of dialogue in an effort to “de-colonize the field.”10

The complexity of the Jewish status of these communities is quite intricate and generalizations should not be made across the greater Zimbabwean Black Jewish community. When referring to each of these groups, I choose my words very carefully. For example, as a result of the awareness of the genealogical connections between the Lemba ethnic group and ancient Israel, many Lemba people, regardless of religious affiliation refer to themselves as Jews. This nebulousness manifests in many ways, including the difficulty in taking an accurate census of black Jewish populations in the country. I am reminder here of an anecdote from anecdote from

William Miles’s seminal text on the Igbo Jews of Nigeria, wherein on a flight from

10 This is a popular subject amongst contemporary ethnomusicologists and has been addressed at national conferences in addition to the active Facebook community group “Decolonizing Ethnomusicology.” 20

Nigeria to California, an Igbo Jew met another Nigerian man who claimed he was also Jewish. He asked “oh, do you have a sefer Torah (biblical scroll, Hebrew) in your community?” the man replies “yes, we do! And we read it from Genesis to

Revelations!”11 The complicated status of these distinct Black Jewish communities lies partly in the differences between being self-identified and accepted as Jews by mainstream Jewish movements. This also includes these communities’ relationship

(or lack thereof) with the state of Israel. I discuss these dynamics in further detail throughout this document.

Literature Review

This dissertation centers around the concept of belonging. I define this term as a sense of security and acceptance within one’s communal spaces and contexts.

Ethnomusicological scholarship surrounding this idea has primarily concerned itself with issues of developing technologies and music making in religious rites (Roy

2017, Ramzey 2016). Scholars of African studies have addressed notions of belonging within frameworks of societal aspirations following moments of exclusion and civil rights as they relate to ethnic identities (Kaarsholm 2019, Mbembe 2017).

Particular attention has been given to fluctuations in individual and communal senses of belonging following shifts of political leadership (Gilmartin 2018). Here, I argue that black Zimbabwean Jews use music as a primary tool to navigate complex and often difficult dynamics of belonging.

11 Miles, William F.S. Jews of Nigeria: An Afro-Judaic Odyssey (Princeton, New Jersey: 2013) xv. 21

Ethnomusicological scholarship on Zimbabwe has focused on musicological features concerning organology on instruments such as the musical bow (Kirby 2013,

Dargie 2007, Mandela 2005, Kubik 1975, Nettl 1955) plucked lamellaphones, and xylophones (Berliner 1978, Jones 2008, Turino 1998, Kubik, 1965), and harmonic techniques of the south central African tonal harmonic belt (Kubik 1988).12

Additionally, scholarship has focused on key issues such as origin of traditions

(Johnston 1970), instrument tuning (Low 1982, Kubik 1971, 1976), and revolutionary moments including Chimurenga and apartheid (Ranger 1975, Mandelson 1985, Eyre

1988), and the influence of San musical traditions on the music of Southern Africa

(Kaemmer 1993, Katz 1982, Rycroft 1971, Kubik 1970). Within the context of my study, this prior scholarship and analyses support my greater observation that new music created for worship incorporates local musical styles.

In this document, I attempt to identify causative factors regarding why these composers create these new musical genres. This can perhaps be best observed in the musical recordings of Lemba Jewish guitarist Hamlet Zhou, whose musical compositions show clear links between guitar performance and Shona musical traditions. Most notably, principles of harmony and rhythm, especially cyclical forms and harmonic sequences. I argue that black Zimbabwean Jewish musicians incorporate these musical elements to appeal to a wide audience and make worship music more accessible. Additionally, this dissertation adds a new dimension to

12 This term refers to the geographic region containing southern Zambia, Zimbabwe, and central Mozambique as referred to in the Garland Handbook of African Music (Stone 2010). 22 ethnomusicological scholarship on the place of Jewish communities south of the

Sahara.13

Scholarship on Jewish life in Zimbabwe by Parfitt (2007), Bruder (2012), and Chitando (2016) has revealed its Jewish community is complex and layered.14 Within the population of 14.5 million people there are three distinct minority Jewish communities.15 The Zimbabwean Jewish communities are the Lemba, Rusape, and the white Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jews.16 It is at the intersection of these three communities and their neighboring ethnic groups that my research is situated. This study examines the role of music and individuals’ relation to it within these communities, as well as how music allows black Zimbabwean Jews to assert their distinct religious and racial identities. This comparative research aims to highlight the similarities and differences between musical and religious practices among the three communities in an effort to better understand their communal goals and approach to music in worship. In

New Children of Israel: Emerging Jewish Communities in an Era of Globalization (2018)

Nathan Devir concentrates his studies on the impact of technology on issues of globalization and transnationalism. While some scholars have solely focused on emergent

13 This contributes to the growing body of ethnomusicological scholarship by Summit (2008), Kisliuk (2016), and Leitner (2016). 14 A more detailed citation list can be found in my bibliography. 15 An accurate census is difficult at this time due to the shared observation that the greater Lemba ethnic group has genetic ancient biblical origins, however the white orthodox Jewish community numbers in the hundreds. Congruent with my previous work with the Igbo Jews of Nigeria who faced a similar census difficulty, the Lemba Jewish community in particular shares a similar dynamic. 16 This information is accurate as of 03/27/2020. 23 technologies and their influence, my research refocuses the discussion on how these elements affect issues of diaspora and identity in musicking.

In Jeffrey A. Summit’s essay “Abayudaya Music of Worship and Celebration”

(2002) Summit notes that technological changes and contact with visitors played an essential role in shaping popular music. I argue that this observation applies to liturgical music as well. Summit’s work also calls into question many latent problems at the heart of well-meaning external organizations, notably global non-profits and NGOS. I examine this issue further at the end of this introduction.

Belonging: The Music and Lives of Black Zimbabwean Jews adds a new dimension to ethnomusicological scholarship on the place of Jewish communities on the

African continent.17 Prior research on Jewish life in Zimbabwe by Tudor Parfitt (2004),

Ephraim Mandivenga (1983), Edith Bruder (2008), and Dena Davis (2009) has focused on their history, religious practices, and the notion of “proof phenomena,” which refers to the efforts by biologists to use gene testing in order to prove ancestry to the Lost Tribes, as claimed by many of the Afro-Judaic communities.18 For example, Dena Davis has focused on the growing practice of using genetic testing to validate Afro-Judaic communal claims of Jewish ancestry and biblical origin. In her article Genetic Research and Communal Narratives, Davis argues that genetic research can affect the communities

17 This contributes to the growing body of ethnomusicological research by Summit (2018), Kisliuk (2016), Keeler (2009), and Leitner (2016). 18 Dena Davis is a professor of religious studies and bioethics whose research has focused on the growing practice of using genetic testing to validate Afro-Judaic communal claims of Jewish ancestry and biblical origin. In her article Genetic Research and Communal Narratives, Davis argues that genetic research can affect the communities to which the subjects belong, by rewriting the narratives and reconfiguring the identities that members of the community share and live by 24 to which the subjects belong, by rewriting the narratives and reconfiguring the identities that members of the community share and live by. However, this scholarship includes little to no discussion of musical practice.

Michelle Kisliuk (2016) notes that in her fieldwork in Ghana, performance and the reception of identity markers during Shabbat (Sabbath, Hebrew) services are rooted in local styles while being adapted from various Christian practices and imported from

Jewish practices elsewhere. In spite of a myriad of influences “pulling them each way” as she says, members of the Tifereth Israel congregation insists on “doing things their own way.” This observation is congruent with my prior fieldwork with Igbo Jews in Nigeria, and to an extent applies to my observations with both Rusape and Lemba Jewish communities in Zimbabwe.

She also notes (2016: 4) that members of the Tifereth Israel congregation have developed their own practices, including Shabbat observance. Services incorporate local musical styles and language into Jewish worship and prayer. Dynamics supported by other ethnomusicological scholarship south of the Sahara include Summit (2008) and

Shragg (2014). This study shows how Black Zimbabwean Jews continue this tradition and incorporate local musical styles into both secular and liturgical music. Kisliuk observed that Black Jews in Ghana draw on their familiar pasts and reshape them to their morphing identities.

In Journey to the Vanished City: The Search for the Lost Tribe of Israel (1992),

British historian and anthropologist Tudor Parfitt traces the diasporic journey of the lost 25 tribe of Israel rumored to share an origin story with the Zimbabwe Jewish community.19

His goal was to connect Zimbabwean Jewish practice to ancient biblical narratives. By this, Parfitt sought to validate ancestral biological assertions and validate Lemba Jewish claims.

Prior to arriving in Zimbabwe, I was interested in how black Zimbabwean Jewish composers imbued meaning in new texts for secular and liturgical songs rather than new liturgical music set to pre-existing Jewish texts.20 In Angela Creese’s study of multilingualism in rap and urban song, she found that in communities where the use of several languages in ordinary speech is common, multilingual mixing in song lyrics was used as a stylistic device for creating new kinds of meaning. This multilingual code- switching not only affected meaning but was observed to serve as a tool for performing multilingual identity in Montreal hip-hop performance.21 In this study, researchers found that multilingual mixing was no so much used for negotiating language use, but rather to express a plurality of identities and ties to many social, cultural, and religious communities.22 Similarly, my research reveals that multilingual mixing between Shona,

Hebrew, and English in Black Jewish Zimbabwean music allows its participants to express and experiment with a distinct ethno-religious identity among Zimbabweans and

19 Parfitt is considered to be one of the most prolific writers on Judaising movements in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Since 1983, he has published 11 monographs concerning Afro-Judaic communities and their diasporic journeys, including two specific monographs about the Jews of Zimbabwe. 20 This is as opposed to newly created liturgical music that is set to pre-existing Jewish texts. 21 Angela Creese The Routledge Handbook of Multilingualism, New York: Routledge, 2012, 408. 22 Ibid., 411. 26

Jewish people and construct new texts for devotional use that better reflect their modern lives. 23

Scholarship surrounding the Jewish diasporas originating in Egypt and the land of

Israel primarily concern themselves with themes of about connection and identification.

This opens the relevance for this project in response to recent scholarly interest in the study of migrations south of the Sahara and what is referred to as “lost tribe rhetoric” (Lis

2016, Miles 2012) The individuals and musicians in this study seek to participate in this diaspora through musical composition and performance, both secular and liturgical.24

The transnational activities of the greater black Zimbabwean Jewish community and the constant exchange with Jewish leaders from Europe, Israel, and the United States is evident in black Zimbabwean Jewish music. Nadia Kiwam discusses the concept of transnationalism in her article “Music and Migration: A Transnational Approach.”25

Kiwam explores how communities of African migrant musicians in European populations alter and adapt their musical composition and form. Kiwam’s attempt to locate the “host” society, and her exploration of economic implications and problems, provide useful models for my discussion of migration theory in chapters two and three.

On the subject of transnationalism, Edith Bruder examines the transnational relationship between Afro-Judaic communities and Israel, the U.S. and Europe in The

Black Jews of Africa: History, Religion, Identity (2008). These relationships most

23 On multilingualism, see Creese (2012, Bokamba (2014), Liadi (2012. 24 Sylvia A. Alajaji writes about a similar phenomenon with the Armenian diaspora and music in Lebanon (2013). See also, Kyker, 2009. 25 Nadia Kiwam and Urlike Hanna Meinhof, “Music and Migration: A Transnational Approach,” Music and Arts In Action 3 (2011): 3-19. 27 commonly take the form of partnerships with external non-profits and NGO s, collaborations on religious study, and proselytizing “mission visits.” Bruder shows the ways in which Africans South of the Sahara have interacted with the ancient mythological sub-strata of both Western and African ideas of Judaism. This is valuable as it demonstrates the desired connections to both facets of their self-identified Jewish identity.

Scholars in diaspora studies have generally been concerned with cultural dislocation and exploring the effect of displacement in relation to a new constitution or cultural meaning (Clifford 1997, Safran 1991). At the outset, my study intended to examine how the physical act of diaspora itself influenced current religious and musical practices, however after conducting fieldwork, observed little to no correlation.26 In many cases, diaspora is portrayed as “catastrophic outcomes” (Gilroy 1993), however I reveal that is in fact the opposite in the case of the Lemba Jews. Adopting Dayal’s understanding of diasporic double consciousness––an individual whose identity is separated into multiple facets–– permits me to examine the contemporary identity struggles of Black Zimbabwean Jews through the lens of diaspora, specifically, Sinha’s theory on “home-binding.”27 For diasporic communities, the re-creation of home-binding signifies the development of cultural belonging by exchanging symbolic or material

26 The term “physical act” refers to the literal traveling that occurs during the diasporic process. 27 Samir Dayal, “Diaspora and Double Consciousness,” in The Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association Vol. 29, No. 1 (Spring 1996), https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1315257.pdf?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents (accessed December 20th, 2019). 28 meanings. The work of the collective memory in constructing the imagined homeland closely connects to concrete materialization of objects, traditions, and rituals.28

Jewish studies scholars have typically explored the religious practices and diasporic elements of these communities, drawing a sharp distinction between anthropology and music. By contrast, my project introduces into the Jewish studies and anthropological conversation ethnomusicological scholarship that identifies music as a critical factor in social identity construction. In ethnomusicology, identity became a commonplace theme in the 1980s.23 Ethnomusicological scholars recognize identity’s cross-cultural power and theoretical implications. What ethnomusicologist Timothy Rice identifies as a lacuna in the field is a unified body of work that connects with the larger literature whenever music is used to create a sense of individual or social identity. My work seeks to contribute to that growing field.

Regarding the issue of identity, Rice states that music contributes to the construction and symbolization of identity because it can project both individual and group identities.29 I revive Rice’s notion here, but reconfigure it to assert that the musical content can mean one thing for the individual while simultaneously meaning something else for the community. An example of this can be found in the observations of

Zimbabwean scholar Ezra Chitando. In VaJudha (African Jews) in Harare: Expressing

Contested Identities In Tight Spaces, Ezra Chitando notes that it is through musical

28 Bobby Sinha, “Social movements of the historical Indian Diaspora in South Africa: binding the ‘home’ and ‘homeland’ creatively?,” in Diaspora Studies 7:1, 2014, 1-17. 29 This date is relevant as it signifies the interest and publication of scholarship on music and identity in ethnomusicology. 29 practice that the VaJudha (as he refers to them) are able to attract and retain young people.30 In her study of hybridity in contemporary Finnish folk music, Juniper Hill shows how stylistic blending reflects changes in political agendas as well as social and musical values, “revealing musicians’ current perceptions of the world and their position in it.”31 My prior research with the Igbo Jews of Nigeria shows that they use their newly created hybrid music to maintain relevancy and connect to the modern world religiously, culturally, and socially. This study integrates these positions to show how Black

Zimbabwean Jews adapt and develop musical practice to embody these objectives.

This research emphasizes identity as a platform through which to investigate lived experiences. The notion of “struggling for identity” can be identified and observed in the behavior and voices of these minority Jewish communities who claim their community struggle for attention, resources, space and infrastructure and other elements critical to their conception of community in Zimbabwe.

This dissertation synthesizes scholarship on identity from a psychological perspective, providing key insights to the construction of identity. In Tajfel and

Turner’s collaborative scholarship, they develop a social identity theory to better understand the psychological basis for intergroup discrimination. Their tri-partite model can best be applied to my dissertation by way of their third categorization: field comparison. They define this as the process by which one group compares

30 Ezra Chitando, “VaJudha (African Jews) in Harare: Expressing Contested Identities In Tight Spaces,” African Studies 64, 2, 2005: 147. 31 Juniper Hill, “Global Folk Music Fusions: The Reifications of Transnational Relationships and the Ethics of Cross-Cultural Appropriations in Finnish Contemporary Folk Music,” yearbook for Traditional Music, 39 (2007): 50-83. 30 themselves to another group. I argue that this concept is ubiquitous throughout

African Jewry South of the Sahara and I contend that in Zimbabwe, due to the three distinct Jewish minority communities living amongst other local religious and ethnic groups, this dynamic is increased, and individual community members are especially aware of their categorization and identification. By using Tajfel and Turner’s tri- partite social identity model (categorization, identification, and comparison) I further analyze the musical practices of black Zimbabwean Jewish communities as it relates to their struggle for individualized identity.32

A Brief Historical Outline

Until the beginning of the British colonization period in 1890, Zimbabwe was home to the San people, an indigenous Stone-Age group of hunter-gatherers,33 The San’s presence in Zimbabwe dates back to as early as 200 BC. Eventually, the San were displaced by communities of Bantu speaking individuals who became the ancestors of the present-day Shona speaking inhabitants of the country.34 The arrival of Cecil Rhodes in

1890 marked the beginning of the colonization period for the country which lasted for eighty years. This occupation saw the expansion of white European settlers and the economic modernization rooted in mining, agriculture, and eventually, cheap African labor.35

32 The notion of “struggling for identity” can be identified and observed in the behavior and voices of these minority black Jewish communities who claim their community struggle for attention, resources, spaces, infrastructure, and other elements critical to their conception of community in Zimbabwe. 33 Alois S. Mlambo, A History of Zimbabwe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014, 4. 34 Ibid., 35 Ibid., 5. 31

Politically, during this period the country was ruled by a racially constructed regime which forced black individuals to the margins and disenfranchised indigenous communities socially, politically, and economically. In 1923, South Rhodesia was granted self-government by British powers, which lasted for twenty years, until they, alongside Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), and Nyasaland (Malawi) created the Central

African Federation, originally known as the Federation of the Rhodesias and

Nyasaland.36 In the span of two years, the federation buckled and Southern Rhodesia declared its independence from Britain, marking the beginning of the armed conflict known as the Second Chimurenga.37 The conflict ended with Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 and the installation of a black majority ruled government (ZANU-PF) under the governance of Robert Mugabe.38 In the year 2000, the country encountered a political and economic crisis period, of which many scholars attribute the controversial land reform program as the catalyst.39 This program included violent rural and farm-land invasions by

Mugabe’s government, which prompted international protest and saw a mass exodus of individuals leaving the country.

On November 21, 2017, Mugabe was forced out of power after Zimbabwean lawmakers filed articles of impeachment.40 During the years leading up to his removal,

Zimbabwe’s economy roughly halved in size, from 8.5 billion USD to 4.4 billion USD,

36 Ibid., 6. 37 Chimurenga is a Shona word roughly translated as “revolutionary struggle.” The first Chimurenga refers to the first war for independence fought in 1896. 38 Mlambo, 7. 39 Ibid., 40 Akash Bagaria, “Emerson Mnangagwa: The Unlikely Savior,” Harvard International Review, Vol. 39, No. 2, 22. 32 and in the mid 00’s, unemployment was around 90%.41 Emerson Mnangagwa, one of

Mugabe’s former allies and Vice-President took control of the presidency after winning the 2018 general election. Since election, the country’s economic struggles have only furthered, and scholars and political critics have observed that Mnangangwa’s policies are “just more of the same.”42 Supporting these observations, many black Zimbabweans

(of varying faiths) I spoke to during my fieldwork exclaimed that things are worse now and pined for the old times of the country under Mugabe’s rule.

Methodology

Given the rich repertoire of the Rusape and Lemba Jewish communities in

Zimbabwe, one of the challenges was choosing which pieces of music to transcribe, analyze, and discuss. The selections made were those that I witnessed had a large impact on community members. This was determined by speaking to individuals about the musical repertoire and listening to their thoughts and personal preferences. These examples were relayed to me as “favorites” by congregation members and individual composers. I also wish to note that due to specific musicological features (which are discussed in detail in chapters two and three) these pieces can be observed as representative of the larger repertoire of both the Lemba Jewish and Rusape Jewish communities. These selections illuminate issues of multilingualism, religious independence and identity, and the value of incorporating and retaining local music

41 Unemployment rates have only increased, and as of my fieldwork in 2019, that number was closer to 97%. 42 Lucky E. Asuelime, “Mnangagwa’s Foreign Policy Direction: Old Wine in New Skin?” Journal Of African Foreign Affairs Vol 5. No. 2, 9. 33 styles. Additionally, for the Rusape Jewish community, I made my selections in part due to the availability of the composers to speak and learn with. As I discuss in chapter three, in contrast to the Lemba Jewish community whose musical repertoire can be attributed to one sole composer, the liturgical contributions to the Rusape Jewish community are much more diverse and due to the large scale of their repertoire, many composers were either not in town to speak with or not alive anymore. I felt it valuable to focus the music in this portion of my document on content that could be discussed with the composers themselves in an effort to gain further insight into their compositional process and philosophies.

The methodological techniques necessary to complete this research include standard practices in ethnomusicology: participant observation, semi-structured recorded interviews, and transcription and analysis. I completed the preliminary research necessary to carry out this fieldwork during the 2016 and 2017 academic years at Ohio University. Through connections made during previous fieldwork and professional meetings, I established primary contacts for each black Jewish community in Zimbabwe I planned to work with: Modreck Maeresera from the

Lemba Jewish community and Margaret Makuwaza from the Rusape Jewish community. By using the anthropological interview technique known as snowball sampling, based out of my initial connections, I interviewed local community members, leaders, and musicians to learn more about their musical performance 34 practices.43 By doing so, I gathered critical data that has helped me understand the driving philosophical beliefs behind music making and performing activities, most notably, the notion of identity.

At a roundtable discussion at the Society for Ethnomusicology’s Jewish

Music Special Interest Group at the 2016 annual meeting, ethnomusicologist

Michelle Kisliuk noted that her Jewish identity is always present in her work, and she does not take steps to separate the two. Some scholars disagreed. This conversation was a critical turning point for me. I continued to question my role as researcher in my own personal experiences and the responsibility to not just my research, but also the greater communities (in this case, a black Zimbabwean Jewish community).

Regarding the geographic nature of this project, ethnomusicologists and Jewish studies scholars seldom engage in multi-site research, therefore this study will have significance for both ethnomusicology and Jewish studies methodology.

Cultural historian Eric Hobsbawm’s theory of invented tradition (2012) recognizes that constructed narratives are often driven as much by outsider values as by those held within the community. Black Zimbabwean Jews are responding to more than one group of outsiders, including visiting proselytizers as well as foreign academicians. So how do we tackle this from a research perspective? Can we

43 Snowball sampling is a proven methodological technique in the fields of ethnomusicology and anthropology, and also used in my previous fieldwork in Nigeria. This technique, developed out of the social sciences utilizes personal connections and relationships by the interlocutor to then further connect the researcher with additional interlocutors. 35 conceive of the field as not just a physical space but perhaps a temporal one as well?

What happens when the field is not a literal field?

During my time in Zimbabwe, I participated in and observed prayer services and ritual ceremonies. Additionally, I took lessons on local instrumental performance to further understand the link between these hybrid musical genres. I made recordings of traditional prayers and songs being performed by Black Zimbabwean

Jewish musicians and worship leaders. With these recordings, I created transcriptions which have been analyzed in an effort to further understand the musical practices of these communities. These particular choices were made due to the high volume of song that occurs during the worship service. Through observation of these services, I was able to better understand the function and role of music within the community, as well as collect data for musical analysis which supports my larger argument of newly-created hybrid musical forms.44 This study relies on the aforementioned playback technique. In the Jewish faith, it is customary to abstain from the use of electronic devices over the Sabbath. To honor this practice, I used the Sabbath time to observe, participate, and study, while conducting my interviews and recordings over the course of the weekdays.45 In The Lord’s Song in a Strange Land: Music and

Identity in Contemporary Jewish Worship, ethnomusicologist Jeffrey A. Summit notes that not being able to record similar services live was “both a loss and a

44 All musical transcriptions in this document were done by Lior Shragg, Ian Pinies, and David Rodriguez. 45 An exception was made for recordings made at Friday night and Saturday morning services at Beth El Temple in Rusape. 36 gain.”46 Being able to record these songs on-site and in context would have been valuable, however it is an ethnomusicological truth that a musical event has its own singular nature that is unable to be captured on audio or video. Summit also notes that the Sabbath is often referred to in scripture as “Shabbat Kodesh (holy Sabbath), to which he interprets as signifying the distinctiveness of this time and that it is unreproducible.47 While gathering community members together during the week to record, he observed that participants had surprising difficulty recalling these “time bound musics” as he refers to them outside their original context.48 I too observed this dynamic during my recordings sessions with the Harare Lemba Synagogue choir.

In Rusape, I was encouraged by Elder Margaret Makuwaza to record services, both on Friday evening and Saturday morning, but was given instructions to place the camera near the back and out of the way. Summit’s fieldwork methodologies regarding this overall dynamic have greatly influenced my own and can also be observed in similar fieldwork I conducted in synagogues in Nigeria in 2014.

A Note On Kulanu and Other Jewish Organizations

Throughout this document, I often refer to a non-profit Jewish organization called Kulanu. Kulanu as an organization “seeks to create an inclusive Jewish world…support isolated, emerging, and returning Jewish communities around the world.”49 One of their main mission objectives is to “raise awareness and support to

46 Jeffrey A. Summit, The Lord’s Song in a Strange Land: Music and Identity in Contemporary Jewish Worship, New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, 10. 47 Ibid., 48 Ibid., 49 Kulanu., “About Us” http://kulanu.org/aboutus. Accessed November 12th, 2019. 37 assist these groups with their desire to learn more about Judaism and connect with

Jews beyond their community.”50 Kulanu either currently or at one point in time had a relationship with groups within both the Rusape and Lemba Jewish communities in

Zimbabwe. The relationship between Kulanu and the Lemba Jewish Community specifically runs quite deep and thus is important to their story and reconnection with

Judaism.

While all literature and publications refrain using the term NGO (non- governmental organization), one could argue that Kulanu certainly falls under this umbrella. NGO scholar and self-identified “African thinker” Issa Shivji discusses what he terms “the five silences” of the NGO. Of those, we can classify Kulanu as somewhere in between the second and fourth classifications: the “well intentioned individuals driven by altruistic motives” and “advocacy NGOS” focused on human rights, development, and environment.51

In her 2016 presentation and accompanying essay, ethnomusicologist Mili

Leitner-Cohen asks an important question: “who counts as worthy of Kulanu’s support, and why?”52 As I demonstrate at several points throughout this dissertation,

Kulanu, has made decisive financial decisions on behalf of individuals and communities at large in Zimbabwe. These interactions are not unique to Zimbabwe.

50 Ibid., 51 Issa Shivji, Silences In NGO Discourse: The Role and Future of NGOS In Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, 30. 52 Mili Leitner, “The Ethical Challenges of the Ethnomusicologist’s Day Job” (paper presented at The Society for Ethnomusicology Annual Conference, Washington D.C., 2016). 38

Ethnomusicologist Michelle Kisliuk recalls an experience in Ghana where an individual Ghanaian Jewish artist was entangled with the organization financially.

Several years ago (2007), Kulanu sponsored one member of the community, Ben Baidoo, to go to the city of Kumasi to train to do elaborate embroidery. So now Ben does all of the labor to make these items to sell internationally, via Kulanu in New York, and all of the proceeds go into one community coffer. Or at least that was the idea. I learned, after lots of indirect inquiry, that the rejected former community leader was accused of using the communal funds for his own benefit, and now…Kulanu had frozen all of the funds until and if the dispute was settled. Meanwhile, Ben was not being paid and was suffering (as he quietly told us one day as he showed us his little workshop on a hill high above the town market), while he continued to work hard to produce the products sold by Kulanu.53

This not only has formidable financial implications, but also brings up critical issues of ownership. Ethnomusicologists have concerned themselves with this subject since the early 1980s and studies have focused on issues ranging from communal disputes to the influence of institutions in the Global North affecting cultural communities in the Global

South.54 This is precisely what we can observe in the interactions between Kulanu and not just black Zimbabwean Jewish communities, but also the 36 other countries they cite as having relationships with on their website.55 Of those 36, 34 can be classified as belonging to the Global South.56 Ethnomusicologist Rene Lysloff addresses this issue of ownership by more economically powerful outside sources in “Mozart In Mirrorshades:

53 Michelle Kisliuk, “Theorizing the Personal in Ethnographic Research and Writing: African Jews in Ghana – Challenges and Chances” (paper presented at The Society for Ethnomusicology Annual Conference, Austin, TX 2016). 54 Pekka Gronow, “The Record Industry Comes to the Orient,” Ethnomusicology 25, no. 2 (1981): 251-84. 55 https://kulanu.org/communities/ accessed 12/20/19. 56 This is according to Lemuel Ekedegwa Odeh’s classification system as outlined in “A Comparative Analysis of Global North and Global South Economies” (2010). 39

Ethnomusicology, Technology, and the Politics of Representation.” He asks the question: how do external organizations and media re-present the Other. Using the case study of the digital sampling of field recordings from Mbuti people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo by electronica band Deep Forest, Lysloff identifies Mbuti individuals as

“unknowing collaborators” in an orientalist narrative of cultural exoticism. Though this sampling process and subsequent transition of ownership, Mbuti people and their music become commodified through themes of primitivism.

Kulanu does not identify itself as an NGO, but what happens if we theorize them as one? Aid, in which NGOS are a critical function, is often portrayed as a form of altruism, a service that enables wealth to flow from the rich to the poor. In the 21st century, we are seeing a bourgeoning of NGOS on the African continent, or as Shivji call them, “the new missionaries to Africa.”57

I do not doubt the noble motivations and good intentions of NGO leaders and activists. But we do not judge the outcome of a process by the intentions of its authors. We aim to analyse the objective effects of actions, regardless of their intentions.58

Former Prime Minister of Tanzania Julius Nyerere observed that Africa’s history is not merely that of colonialism and exploitation, but also a story of struggle against evils, of wins but also many losses.59 I suggest that we can view the relationships between black Zimbabwean Jewish individuals and communities analogously, as a

57 Issa Shivji, Silences in NGO Discourse: The Role and Future of NGOS In Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, xii. 58 Ibid., 5. 59 Adebayo Adedeji, Africa Within The World: Beyond Dispossession and Dependence, London: Zed Books, 1993, xv. 40 battle back and forth that while containing individual wins and/or losses, is constantly evolving and in motion. In examining Kulanu’s past relationships––not just with the greater black Zimbabwean Jewish community, but many of their self- labeled “Kulanu Communities,”––we can notice experiences and stories which support this claim. At a lecture at the University of Chicago given by Shoshanna

Nambi––a Ugandan Jewish woman––she informed the crowd that Kulanu has sent religious materials, funds for a Hebrew education program, and perhaps most notably, Rabbis to assist with “correct” Jewish practice.60 The concept of “correct” or normative Jewish practice is a complex issue amongst many Jewish communities south of the Sahara. For example, in Nigeria, Igbo Jews have taken strides to practice what many community members perceive as “correct Jewish practice,” often overwriting indigenous practices and customs in favor of the fallacious impression of a homogenous “correct mainstream practice.”61 Leitner observed a particular disconnect between Kulanu’s mission statement (as shared above) and the actuality of the fact that by exporting a specific form of Judaism they were inadvertently (or perhaps maybe not) reproducing “racialized colonial boundaries of self and other, donor and recipient, white and black.”62 However, it is vital to acknowledge there are mutliple sides to every story. Several scholars and individual community members of various communities have expressed great appreciation for Kulanu and have observed nothing but positive interactions in their relationships with certain

60 Leitner, 2016. 61 This dynamic is discussed in great detail in my M.M. thesis “Songs of a Lost Tribe” (2014). 62 Ibid., 41 communities. My sole aim with this research is to objectively present information offered to me by my interlocutors and engage in a discussion of the impact of external organizations on marginalized communities.

Much of this forces us to return to an initial question I posed earlier that is problematized by these types of organizations and is mirrored in Dena Davis’ findings on “proof-phenomena,” which is “who is a Jew?” By presenting itself a provider of religious knowledge and in the case of several “Kulanu Communities,” resource for Jewish conversions, Kulanu becomes a proxy for broader Jewish internal religious and racial hierarchies under the auspices of international support and development.63 These are big picture issues, which can often affect entire communities, however in both my experiences in Zimbabwe and Nigeria, I observed the impact Kulanu has on the individual as well.64 I am not alone in these observations. Leitner relays a conversation between herself and Demeke, a Beta

Avraham musician in which she was reaching out to begin a dialogue about productive ways to develop a working relationship between himself and Kulanu.65

His response to her outreach can be observed below:

Since my CD was released I have not received even one dollar from CD sales and do not have any access to sales reports. For this reason I intend to withdraw my CD from all the digital music distribution websites and I am not planning to collaborate with Kulanu anymore.66

63 Ibid., 64 These specific instances and observations are discussed in greater detail in chapters two and three. 65 The Beta Avraham are a Jewish community in Ethiopia, an offshoot of the Beta-Israel group which immigrated to Israel during the 1980s. 66 Mili Leitner, “The Ethical Challenges of the Ethnomusicologist’s Day Job” (paper presented at The Society for Ethnomusicology Annual Conference, Washington D.C., 2016). 42

In Necessary Noise: Music, Film, and Charitable Imperialism in the East of Congo,

Chérie Rivers Ndaliko reports on the tensions that exist culturally in the Congo as young artists and musician struggle to create art while refusing to subscribe to the pressures of NGOS who hold power over their voice. What is happening here with

Kulanu generally, is a similar dynamic. I witnessed black Zimbabwean musicians wrestle with artistic decision-making due to the invisible (and perhaps the unintentional) pressures of this one specific international NGO.67 My aim is to objectively present material and observations as I experienced them and were offered to me by community members.

Chapter Outline

This document is organized into five chapters. Chapter two focuses on the

Lemba Jewish community. At the beginning of this chapter I focus on the subject of diaspora, as it relates to the current status of the Lemba Jewish community. In particular, this will examine the Lemba Jew’s genetic and ancestral ties to biblical narratives. The next section discusses musical contributions to social identity. This portion is critical to my primary question of music’s role and use within the members of this community. In discussing this, it is important to then understand the musical practices of the Lemba Jewish community. This includes elements such as the role of music in worship—including liturgical and secular popular music—as well as an in-depth musical analysis of specific Lemba Jewish

67 If you subscribe to the classification of Kulanu as an NGO. 43 compositions in an effort to glean insights regarding the hypothesized hybrid nature of the content. At this point, I turn to an analysis of the musical content supported by transcriptions.68 Following this, I will examine strictly Lemba Jewish practices, in an effort to better comprehend the modern Jewish observances of this community. Understanding this phenomenon allows us to draw comparisons to other Afro-Judaic communities of the region as well as realize key points of religious emphasis and value perceived by the community. Prior studies (Devir,

2017, Shragg 2014) have shown that to understand the role of music within the daily lives of Lemba Jews, an interdisciplinary approach to musical analysis is mandatory.

Chapter three focuses on the Rusape Jewish community. First, I discuss the concept of diaspora, with a focus on contemporary migration theory and its effect on social identity. Next, I will examine musical contributions to social identity with the

Rusape Jews. This has been mentioned but not discussed in the work of Ezra

Chitando (2016). From here I segue into an examination of the musical practices of the Rusape Jewish community supported by transcriptions. As before, this includes elements such as the role of music in worship—including liturgical and secular popular music—as well as an in-depth musical analysis of specific Rusape Jewish compositions in an effort to glean insights regarding the hypothesized hybrid nature of the content. Finally, as with the previous chapter, I will examine Rusape Jewish

68 All musical transcriptions in this document were done by Lior Shragg, Ian Pinies, and David Rodriguez. 44 practices, in an effort to better realize the modern Jewish practices of this community.

In my fourth chapter, titled “Relationships and Neighbors,” I examine the interactions and connections between the two dominant black Jewish communities and the minority white Jewish community. This is a dynamic I was particularly interested in prior to conducting fieldwork. I ask the questions: do these communities interact? What are their relationships like? And if so, does music play a role in this at all?

Finally, in my concluding chapter I provide answers and conclusions to my research questions. As religious communities and cultural productions such as music are constantly evolving, it is important to acknowledge that these suppositions are relatively fixed in time to the corresponding fieldwork. I acknowledge that much work still needs to be done and offer suggestions for future research and studies.

A Note On Transcriptions

In this dissertation I present musical transcriptions and analyses of Black

Zimbabwean Jewish music. For the sake of unity, I chose to maintain a consistent style and approach to transcriptions throughout this document. Both the Rusape and

Lemba Jewish communities utilize choral music in an A Capella style for worship contexts. Across both communities, these typically take the form of a leading part and congregational responses. To reflect this and for ease of examining this on the page, I format my transcriptions into three staves: leader, higher voices, and lower voices. It is important to note these do not conform to Western choral conceptions of 45

SATB in many cases and have simply been grouped this way as to not display more than four staves on a page for ease of reading. For each musical example, I explain how many voices are sounded and how each part is broken down.

Chapter 2. The Lemba Jews

This chapter is divided into three parts. Part one concerns the subject of diaspora as it relates to the Lemba Jews claims of ancestral Judaic origin. An examination of diasporic narratives maintained by Lemba Jews reveals the complex intersection at which they find their struggles for a unique identity; a dynamic purported intensely by members of the community. The second part profiles of prominent Lemba Jewish musician Hamlet

Zhou. Zhou is solely responsible for the entire community’s musical repertoire, in addition to serving as a marketable figure for the community as it relates to their quest for global connection. By understanding more about the man, we will be better equipped to understand his musical output. The final part of this chapter addresses musical contributions to social identity. Here, I ask how the creation of new musical content contributes to the evolving identity status of the Lemba Jews. The purpose of this chapter is to provide vital context for the following chapter, which analyzes said new music. Of equal importance to what the music is, are the why and the how of its function and purpose.

Biblical Origins and Diasporic Movements

Lemba Jews belong to a growing number of communities south of the Sahara who have embraced Judaism such as the Igbo of Nigeria, the Abayudaya of Uganda, and the

Beta Israel of Ethiopia.

Lemba Jews, like the aforementioned groups believe themselves to be descendants of a number of Israel’s tribes who settled in what is now known as

Zimbabwe. However—both in regard to genealogy and geography—the Lemba Jews are 47 quite different than the Beta Israel of Ethiopia for example. Ethiopia’s Jews, practitioners of an ancient form of Judaism, have occupied an important chapter of Jewish history, coming to the attention of mass media with the airlifts from Marxist Ethiopia to Israel in the 1980s and 1990s.69

One of the most prominent discussions surrounding the Lemba Jewish community in Zimbabwe is the subject of migration and diaspora. The story of the origin of the

Lemba people is an oral one, transmitted from generation to generation. Thus, exact chronological placements and orders of events are often lost or not documented at all.

This results in a common dismissal of their history by both other Jews and indigenous community members, as it is seen as fabrication or myth. Additionally, as Lemba history has been received and transmitted by non-Lemba peoples, Lemba leaders acknowledge a possible discrediting by issues of periodization and bias.

There are several vital aspects with which to examine diasporic patterns of the

Lemba Jews, common amongst other Afro-Judaic communities, which claim biblical origins. I will focus on two popular ones. First, is the Solomonic international trade links with Africa and Arabia and second, the narratives by Lemba people and their neighbors.

Research has shown that during the time of King Solomon around 900 BCE, the ancient kingdom of Israel had political and trade relations with Egypt, Phoenicia, the

Arabian peninsula, and the Eastern coast of Africa.70 Historian and Assyriologist Hayim

69 William F.S. Miles, Jews of Nigeria: An Afro-Judaic Odyssey (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013), xi. 70 Abraham Malamat and Hayim Tadmor, A History of the Jewish People (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 104. 48

Tadmor and Abraham Malamat’s work reveals that under the leadership of King

Solomon, Israel engaged in international trade that resulted in the creation of strong economic bonds with its neighbors:71

The two states complemented each other economically: Solomon supplied Hiram, the king of Tyre, with agricultural surpluses and in return received the raw materials he needed for his buildings, particularly cedar wood. The close ties led to a joint maritime enterprise: the establishment of a shipping route from Eziongeber on the Red Sea to Ophir, which seems to have been situated on the East coast of Africa.72

It is not exactly clear where the land called Ophir was located. However it is mentioned in several biblical references and commentaries such as The Book Of Job, Psalms, and

Isaiah.73 Several scholars agree with Tadmor and Malamat, who situate Ophir somewhere on the Eastern coast of Africa.74 The critical aspect of Solomon’s kingdom for this study is that its trade links with the East coast of Africa through Hiram allows us to think of

Jews going to Africa for exchange.75 For these reasons, one could consider how Lemba

Jews are connected to this history.

Proof Phenomena and Oral Narratives

Amongst the Lemba there is a widely accepted diasporic link between Israel and

Zimbabwe by way of Yemen. According to oral narratives, King Solomon sent Jewish merchants to Yemen to prospect for gold and silver with which to adorn the temple in

71 Ibid., 72 Ibid., 105. 73 Ibid., 104. 74 Rabson Wuriga, Of Sacred Times, Rituals, and Customs: Oral Traditions of the Lemba Jews of Zimbabwe (Washington D.C.: Epicenter Stories, 2012), 10. 75 King Solomon and Queen Sheba’s descendants ruled Ethiopia as well, providing another link between Israel and Africa. 49

Jerusalem.76 In view of the maritime undertakings of King Solomon and other Judean kings in the Red Sea, it is not far-fetched to assume that some Judeans settled in Yemen in that early period.77 Similarly, Jewish Studies scholars Jacobs and Ochser describe a

Sanaite Jewish legend that states their ancestors settled in Yemen forty-two years before the destruction of the first temple, in 629 BCE.78 During the same time approximately

75,000 Jews traveled to Yemen.79 Additionally, the Jews of Habban (the Southern part of

Yemen) have a legend which states they are descendants of the Judeans who settled in the area before the destruction of the second temple.80 If these histories are explanations for the Jewish presence in the Arabian Peninsula, then one could support the theorized migration from Israel to Yemen and further into Southern Africa. This supports the

Lemba claims of their origin. According to medieval Jewish historian Haim Hillel Ben-

Sasson, Jews during the Middle Ages continued to be involved in commercial activities in the Indian Ocean, particularly in the area that became Yemen which served as their hub.81 This all supports the story of Jews coming to Southern Africa in search of gold, silver, and ivory as they expanded their trade routes. As mentioned above, Jews may have come to the region through Hiram’s trade routes and as a result, they had a prior knowledge of the region as a commercial destination. With these––especially the

76 Ibid., 11. 77 Shelomo Dov Goitein, “The Jews Of Yemen,” in Religion In The Middle East: Three Religions In Concord And Conflict (London: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 226. 78 Joseph Jacobs and Schulim Ochser, “Yemen,” in The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York: KTAV Publishing House, 2002), 592. 79 Wuriga, 11. 80 Ibid., 81 Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson, A History Of The Jewish People (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 465. 50

Solomonic––relations in mind, it is possible to accept the Lemba history that they came from Israel through Yemen and onto the continent (figure 3). Lemba people express the aforementioned diasporic path in three commonly accepted versions, depending on whom you speak to.

I r a q I r a n J o r d a n

E g y p t

L i b y a U ni t e d A r a b S a u d i A r a b i a E m i r a t e s

O m a n

S u d a n C h a d E r i t r e a

D j i b o u t i

E t h i o p i a S o u t h S u d a n C e nt r a l A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c

S o m a l i a

U g a nd a K e ny a

D e m o c r a t i c R e p u b l i c o f t h e C o ng o R w a nd a

B u r u nd i

T a nz a ni a

A ng o l a

M a l a w i Z a m b i a M o z a m b i q u e

M a d a g a s c a r

N a m i b i a

B o t s w a na N o t d r a w n t o s c a l e B e c c a M i c h a e l s o n

Figure 4. Map displaying Israel, Yemen, Ethiopia, and Zimbabwe. 52

The first version states that the Lemba could be associated with a place East of the

Dead Sea called Lemba that existed during the time of Alexander Janneus in Judea.82

This place also appears among the towns that the Jews inhabited during the time of

Alexander. From this town, they travelled south to the Arabian Peninsula and settled in

Sena. From there they travelled to Zimbabwe.

The second version claims that a man called Buba––believed to be a variant of the name Judah––led the Lemba out of Judeans to Sena. According to regional scholar

M.E.R. Mathivha, the Buba dynasty ruled in Sena for over one hundred years before the

Hamisi dynasty began.83 According to oral narratives it was during the Hamisi dynasty that the Lemba left for the African continent. According to Mathivha, the reason for this exit was trade, specifically the search for gold and ivory.84 This theory can be corroborated with the widely popular and used trade route between the Hadhramaut kingdom and the Eastern coast of Africa. The Hadhramaut kingdom is recognized as one of the wealthiest of all the pre-Islamic kingdoms in the Arabian Peninsula, due to its strategic positioning and gold deposits.85 One could then be led to believe that the extensive and competitive commercial activities could be reasons that encouraged Lemba to engage in trade with Africa.

82 Flavius Josephus, “Antiquities Of The Jews,” in Complete Works of Josephus: Antiquities Of The Jews, The Wars Of The Jews, Against Apion, Etc Vol. 2, 286. 83 M.E.R. Mathivha, The Basena/Vamwenye/Balemba (Zimbabwe: Morester Printers, 1992), 1. 84 Ibid., 3. 85 Ibid., 9. 53

The third version connects the Lemba with the biblical story of the Babylonian exile.86 The prophets Nehemiah and Ezra state that Jews returned from Babylon to Judea with over 3,000 of the children of Sena to help rebuild Jerusalem.87 According to Lemba narratives, instead of returning to Judea, the Lemba left to travel south because they did not want to part ways with their Babylonian wives and children as was demanded by the prophets.88

One through-line, which can be observed as constant between all three versions, is that the Lemba are descendants of the Jewish people who migrated from ancient Israel to

Yemen and continued into southern Africa. The consistent beginning, middle, and end seem to suggest a common link.

In speaking to various members of the Lemba Jewish community, I was told varying versions of some form of the three histories listed above. To hear of this diasporic journey from the perspective of a Lemba Jew, note Lemba Cultural Association

President Modreck Maeresera’s retelling of the Lemba Jewish diaspora in his own words:

The Lemba have always been related to Judaism. We migrated from Judea 2500 years ago and travelled to Yemen where we stayed until 700 CE. Then, we were pushed out by the Muslims and the rise of Islam. In Yemen, the Lemba were traders. Mostly bracelets, gold, and textiles. They would cross the Indian Ocean to Africa to trade these manufactured goods, so by the time they were pushed out, they were set up for a good relationship with the African continent. After being pushed out they went to modern day Mozambique and continued trading. They also made contact with Swahili merchants who were coming from Tanzania, as well as trading with Arab merchants. However, because the Muslims were still hostile towards the Lemba it was not safe to stay settled by the Indian Ocean. Muslims were coming to Africa spreading Islam and also trading so Lemba were pushed further into the African continent. This is how we ended up in what is now

86 Wuriga, 16. 87 Ezra. 2:35. 88 Wuriga, 16. 54

called Zimbabwe. The Lemba gave the country its name. Oral histories point towards a large Lemba stone settlement built with rocks and no mortar. This was the source of the country’s name. Zimbabwe means a big house of stone. So our people stayed there and developed relationships with the African interior all while maintaining Jewish customs. Those traditions have been maintained up to today and now here we are, trying to continue.89

The Theory of Dispersion

To better understand the diaspora of the Lemba Jews, it would be valuable to take a look at how the theory of diaspora itself has changed over time. The notion of diaspora, implying forcible dispersion, can be first found in the book of Deuteronomy in Old

Testament. “Then the Lord will scatter you among all the nations, from one end of the earth to the other.”90 In contemporary scholarship, the term acquired renewed importance in the late 20th century (Demir 2015, Peters 1999, Alfonso 2016, Dufoix 2008). Until recently most characteristics of diaspora emphasized their catastrophic origins and unfortunate outcomes (Gilroy 1993, Clifford 1997, Safran 1991).

Diaspora studies are generally concerned with cultural dislocation, examining the effect of displacement in relation to a new constitution or cultural meanings. Essentially, diaspora can be understood as a consequence of imperial dominance, the displacements of people through slavery, indenture, and settlement. It not only involves geographical dispersal of significant numbers of people, but also the identity, memory, and home which such displacement produces.

This understanding of the term is critical to our examination of the diaspora of

Lemba Jews. One way we can gain insight into the Lemba Jewish diaspora is through the

89 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, May 28th, 2019. 90 Deuteronomy, 28:64. 55 concept of double consciousness.91 Double consciousness refers to an individual whose identity is separated into multiple facets. Diasporic double consciousness allows for the emergence of different meanings of belonging.92 In the case of Lemba Jews, this can be exemplified through the notion of home-binding. This term refers to the work of the collective memory in constructing the imagined homeland, which closely connects to the concrete materialization of objects, traditions, or rituals.93 For Lemba Jews, the re- creation of home-binding signifies the development of cultural belonging by exchanging symbolic or material meanings.

Another characteristic of diasporas is what are referred to as “imagined communities.” Benedict Anderson calls this concept a “mental image.”94 Taking a step back for a moment, Anderson defines a nation as an imagined political community, imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign. This refers to a dynamic that is thought and felt, rather than enforced. A nation can be imagined as limited; you are in or you are out, or sovereign; it should be the ruler of itself, if not it is being oppressed.

Anderson’s mental image here, is the fundamental sociological concept that refers to the set of shared beliefs, ideas, attitudes, and knowledge that are common to a social group

91 W.E.B. Dubois in The Souls of Black Folk, Chicago: A.C. Mclurg and Co., 1903. 92 Samir Dayal, “Diaspora and Double Consciousness,” in The Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association Vol. 29, No. 1 (Spring 1996), https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1315257.pdf?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents (accessed August 21, 2019). 93 Chih-Yun Chiang, “Diasporic Theorizing Paradigm on Cultural identity,” in Intercultural Communication Studies XIX: 1 (Fall, 2010), https://web.uri.edu/iaics/files/03Chih- YunChiang.pdf (accessed July 14, 2019). 94 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections On The Origin And Spread Of Nationalism (London: New Left Books, 2006), 172. 56 and society. Here, diaspora’s sense of identity is not fixed but rather forms in different contexts.

This theory proves true for the Lemba Jews in a few ways. Primarily, Lemba Jews believe their identity is an amalgamation of their diasporic past, having grown in rituals, customs, and traditions from their migratory journey from Israel through Yemen and eventually to Zimbabwe. Lemba Jews also support Anderson’s theory by acknowledging the importance and value of change and development. “What comes into the future we don’t know, but for now we just keep pushing down the road.”95 This quote from an early conversation with Modreck Maeresera neatly captures the importance and recognition of this idea of shifting contexts.

These contexts however, are situationally determined. A collective diasporic identity is necessary because it provides the community with a new possibility to appreciate and critique the past, their history, and positioning. In a social structure that is often based on systems of exploitation, diaspora consciousness is actually constituted by suffering that accompanies strategies of survival. However, in the histories I collected, there is no perceived suffering, yet there is still a strong sense of survival, both past and present. The phenomenon of diaspora does not only signify transnational movements but also embodies political significance. Essentially, the political struggle to define a distinctive community in historical contexts. With the Lemba Jews, we see these contexts shifting over the course of their migration from Israel to Zimbabwe and into the future.

One such context is the communal infrastructure of Lemba Jews in Zimbabwe as it

95 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 7th, 2019. 57 relates to the larger ethnic and sociopolitical dynamic in the country. As communities began to get separated throughout the country––some departing for greater financial opportunities––retaking those traditions became increasingly difficult. “Separated from one another and detached from our community, it was easy to be accidentally assimilated back into modern Christian life.”96 As a result of this, it can be argued that the Lemba

Jewish diaspora is most certainly a process rather than fixed.97 While the biggest question of the diasporic identity of the Lemba Jews might be “where are they from,” I propose that instead we ask, “where are they now?”

Profile of a Lemba Jewish Musician

Immediately following the concluding prayer of my first Lemba Jewish service, I stretch out of my seat and limber outside, looking for a particular person. Before I came to Zimbabwe, back even when I was completing my coursework at Ohio University I had heard the lore of Hamlet Zhou (fig. 1).98 He was a prolific Lemba composer with a decorated music career who had begun work on an intriguing new project: an album of original Lemba Jewish music.99 Through my connection with Lemba Cultural

Association leader Modreck Maeresera I was able to connect with Hamlet prior to my journey. I told him all about my research objectives, how I was interested in learning from him, and my travel plans. During that first service, I knew he was in the room. His

96 Ibid. 97 While one might argue it seems awkward to refer to diaspora as a process, here I am following in the conventional use of the term by contemporary diaspora scholars. 98 All photographs in this document were taken by the author unless indicated otherwise. 99 “Original” here refers to the creation of brand new musical content, as opposed to arrangements of previous compositions. 58 presence was energetic, almost palpable. We had only conversed online and over

WhatsApp until that point so I was still not quite sure who exactly I was looking for. As I rounded the corner out of the synagogue doors into the yard an arm tugged at my sleeve and a voice reached out saying, “you must be Lior.” I eagerly introduced myself, exclaiming how excited I was to finally be meeting him. I was greeted with—what I have come to learn and accepted as a common Zimbabwean response—“it’s fine.” Over a lunch of rice, chicken, and wine, Hamlet and I spoke excitedly about music and the beautiful service I had just observed. An extremely humble individual, I instantly felt comfortable in his presence and welcomed to the table. 59

Figure 5. Hamlet Zhou in the Central Business District, Harare, Anonymous, 2019.

Later that week I arranged to meet up with Hamlet at the lodge I was staying in to discuss the service I observed and his musical contributions. The gate opened and he greeted me with a warm smile. He was wearing stylishly ripped jeans and a t-shirt, 60 holding a can of Kabisa—a popular Zimbabwean energy drink—in one hand, and an mbira in the other. He is a soft-spoken, gentle human who meekly nods my way and asks how I am finding myself so far in the country. We make our way back towards my room where we sit down and begin to discuss the service I attended that Saturday and his life as a musician and Jew.

Born in the town of Mberengwa, Hamlet began playing guitar from a young age.

Guitar came as a natural progression for him from his prior proficiency on mbira. He is proudly self-taught on both instruments. Shortly thereafter, his family moved to Harare for him to finish school. It was during his time in the city Hamlet says he began creating more music and playing out more. He recorded three albums and began playing with some groups around town. It was during this time he met Andy Brown, lead singer and guitarist of the popular group “Andy Brown and the Storm.” Hamlet would go on to tour with Andy for several years, honing his skills, and meeting people from all walks of life.

Reinforcing conversations from his childhood, it was during these interactions that

Hamlet began to ask questions of his religious background and ethnicity:

When I was growing up, we were mixed with non Lemba people, and they always called me and said “you are the Jews, you are Jewish, you are the one who killed Jesus Christ,” and I didn’t understand. It was troubling because we were surrounded by Christian people who filled our heads. So I was feeling bad and I said why? As I grew up, I started to understand how we are connected to Judaism. I learned that what we are practicing, like keeping the Shabbat and circumcision is the same, and we are Jews. That’s where it all started. Then I started to read and research. I learned of our history and artifacts and our culture.100

100 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hamlet Zhou. Personal Interview. Harare, June 3rd, 2019. 61

It was through this re-discovery that Hamlet connected with his new purpose in life: to reconnect with his Jewish roots and establish a musical repertoire representative of his

Lemba Jewish identity, and finally find a place where he belongs. During our conversation that day Hamlet told me, “I loved being Jewish but there was no one making

Jewish tunes so I felt it was my responsibility to do so.”101 Inspired by this, Hamlet began writing and in 2018 recorded a full-length album of original Lemba Jewish music. This music, based on Jewish prayers and text has now been fully integrated into liturgical worship.102 Hamlet continues to compose and write, constantly working on ways to contribute to his community. “Ancient Roots/New Traditions” was released globally on

August 2nd, 2019 and Hamlet has already begun the writing and recording process for another new album of original Lemba Jewish music. Listening to this album, one can witness the strong influence this Zimbabwean pop style of guitar playing had on

Hamlet’s Jewish music compositions. Flowing scalular guitar lines propel the pulsing energy of these songs and lay the bedrock for Hamlet’s clever vocal lines. It is through all of this, that Hamlet not only belongs, but provides a space for others to do the same.

Music that is familiar and comfortable, yet distinctly their own. This is invaluable asset to the identity construction of Lemba Jews, and they have Hamlet to thank.

Musical Contributions to Social Identity

George Zvakavapano, a Lemba Jewish man and I drive through the bustling

Central Business District of downtown Harare, windows open, music blaring. He is

101 Ibid., 102 This music will be the focus of my musical analysis discussed later in this chapter. 62 playing an mp3 of the not yet released for the public Lemba Jewish album, composed and recorded by Hamlet Zhou. As we wind our way through the pothole ridden streets, weaving in and out of foot traffic, George is smiling and singing loudly:

“Oseh shalom bimromav hu ya’aseh aleinu, v’al kol Israel v’imru, amen.”

“May the one who creates peace on high bring peace to us and to all Israel. And

we say: Amen”103

103 This prayer as performed during the Shabbat service at the Harare Lemba Synagogue is transcribed on pg. 98. 63

Figure 6. George Zvakavapano preparing for Shabbat services. 64

George’s overt pride in his Jewish identity calls to mind Phillip Bohlman’s findings from his fieldwork in 1994.104 There, he encountered a form of marimba klezmer music, newly created based on previously existing forms and paradigms. In Zimbabwe, I observed a similar process take place with the Lemba Jews with one exception. The music Bohlman encountered in Hungary was “distinctively American” and bore hardly any relation to pre-World War II Hungarian Jewish music. For Lemba Jews however, music is viewed as distinctly original and, to borrow a term from Bohlman “their own.”105 While the music itself is different, the functions served by both of these examples are remarkably similar.

Music provides members of the Lemba Jewish community a symbol with which to identify—a way to say that Lemba Jewish music is different from Lemba or Shona music

—and serves as a platform on which to display his identity. Additionally, this moment can also be understood as a commentary on the aesthetic pleasure of religious songs, especially those outside of worship context. This is exciting and engaging music and we can observe Hamlet’s compositional strategies paying dividends in Lemba community members desire to listen to this album outside the synagogue.

One of the reasons Hamlet Zhou’s music has caught on so quickly is due to the nature of the music itself.106 Like the marimba Klezmer music Bohlman observed in

Budapest, this is music that is new, and as he describes, “it both belonged and did not belong.”107 I observed this dynamic not just in music, but also as a larger theme within

104 Phillip Bohlman, The Music Of European Nationalism: Cultural Identity and Modern History (Santa Barbara: Phillip V. Bohlman, 2004), 275. 105 Ibid., 276. 106 For a detailed analysis of these songs please turn to pg. 90. 107 Bohlman, 277. 65 the identity concerns of the Lemba Jews. These Jews belong to Harare, they belong to

Zimbabwe, and they belong to Israel (as well as the Jewish diaspora). In the Lemba

Jewish community of Harare, I observed music being used as a vehicle to construct new

Lemba Jewish traditions, to construct their indigenous Lemba and Jewish identity in modern Zimbabwe, to connect with Jews on a global scale, and to create a sense of solidarity among their community.

Even though we are coming back into the fold, it is important for us to keep our identities as Lemba Jews, so that we don’t lose our Lemba identity when we reconnect with Judaism. Because of this, we saw it as important that we come up with tunes that are our own. If you go to one synagogue like Ashkenazi they have their own distinct tunes, this is the same thing we are doing.108

With this objective in mind however, the current “form” of the Lemba Shabbat service incorporates a heavy mix of Ashkenazic nusach (melodies, Hebrew) with the newly created Lemba Jewish music.109 According to community members, this is in fact seen as a positive, not a negative. “It’s not that we are rejecting our traditions and totally losing ourselves to the new tradition, its that we are merging those whenever possible, to keep track of both identities.”110 As evidenced by this quote from Modreck, there is a constant awareness of identity happening here, and perhaps unsurprisingly, we find it manifest in music making as well. This practice is not unique to Zimbabwe and similar observations have been made by scholars around the region. George Dor notably writes about the use

108 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, July 16th, 2019. 109 Nusach is a Jewish concept referring to a particular melody of a service or prayer depending on when and where it is performed. 110 Ibid. 66 of indigenous music genres in Ghanaian choral art music.111 He illustrates the ways in which Ghanaian composers incorporate indigenous musical qualities in their works as pre-compositional resources. We can discern that this is precisely what Hamlet is doing, which I observed to great success and effect.

Zhou’s ideas about the relationship between his identity and new Shona- influenced Jewish music could be observed as related to this movement. Perhaps we can recognize this as a 21st century trend that one could label as a large-scale indigenous turn in religious culture throughout the continent.

In discussing the role of music in their community with Modreck, he touched on an important element and objective of the recent surge to create new Lemba Jewish music with the ultimate goal of global connection. “It is important for us to have our own music so people can identify what we are doing. We want people to see what we are doing as definitely our own traditions. It is necessary to share with the world and have the world hear us for who we are.”112 This also helps further the necessity of “group learning.”

According to Modreck, “it will be easier for [Lemba Jews] to come and identify with what we are doing and learn without abandoning our own identity.”113

111 George Dor, "Uses of Indigenous Music Genres in Ghanaian Choral Art Music: Perspectives from the Works of Amu, Blege, and Dor." Ethnomusicology 49, no. 3 (2005): 441. 112 Ibid. 113 Ibid. 67

Figure 7. Modreck Maeresera, Brenda Maeresera, Aviv Maeresera, Shlomo Maeresera, and Brenda Chuma on Shabbat afternoon.

Music has also been a tool for transmitting and documenting Lemba culture. This is evidenced through (now documented) oral transmission of songs and prayers, set to distinct music. “You have songs that tell of our movement and our history.”114 Perhaps this can be best observed in the “Ndinde” song. Sung on the holiday of Passover during the portion of the service called “maggid,” where Jews historically tell the story of the

114 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 2nd, 2019. 68 exodus of Egypt, the Lemba sing the Ndinde song, which tells of their Lemba specific diaspora.

Shona:

Ndinde, Ndinde Ndinde Takatiza hondo tikainda Sena Ndinde ndinde Takagara sena, tikaruka shambo Takagara sena tikaruka micheka Ndinde, ndinde Takaruka micheka, tikashamba hanzu, Hanzu dzineshambo Varuki veshambo, nevashambadzi Vadzo Taindo guruuswa! Ndinde ndinde! Kuti tinoshava Tikava Vashavi, Varungu nau, venguwo chena Ndinde Ndinde Takabve Sena tikatiza hondo. Tikagara Sena Mujinga menyanza Munyika ya Zhanji Tikatiza Hondo Tikainda Chiramba, Chiramba chaSeremani Ndinde ndinde! Takabve Chiramba, Chiramba chaSeremani Tikainda Gogomere, KuvaGovera Ndinde ndinde! Takabve Govera tikainda Dzimbahwe. Tikavaka Dzimbahwe Dzimbahwe Ratovakare, Tovakare Mudzimbahwe. Ndinde Ndinde Svingu yakoromoka Ndinde Ndinde mbiru yakoromoka Ndinde ndinde Vamwe Kuchamhembe Ndinde ndinde Vamwe Kumaodzanyemba Ndindende Vamwe Kumabvazuva Ndinde Ndinde Vamwe kumavirira; Ndinde Ndinde Mhunduru Ya Baramina!

Varuki veshambo, nevashambadzi Vadzo Taindaguruuswa! Ndinde ndinde! Kuti tinoshava Tikava Vashavi, Varungu naku, venguwo chena Ndinde Ndinde Takabva Sena tikatiza hondo. Tikagara Sena Mujinda menyanza Munyika ya Zhanji Tikatiza Hondo Tikainda Chiramba, Chirambda chaSeremani Ndinde ndinde! Takabve Chiramba, Chiramba chaSeremani Tikainda Gogomere, KuvaGovera Ndinde ndinde! Takabve Govera tikainda Dzimbahwe. Tikavaka Dzimbahwe Dzimbahwe Ratovakare, Tovakare Mudzimbahwe 69

Ndinde Ndinde Svingu yakoromoka Ndinde Ndinde mbiru yakoromoka Ndinde ndinde Vamwe Kuchamhembe Ndinde ndinde Vamwe Kumaodzanyemba Ndindende Vamwe Kumabvazuva Ndinde Ndinde Vamwe kumavirira Ndinde ndinde Mhunduru Ya Baramina!

English:

We fled the war We went and lived in Sena We made bracelets We lived in Sena, making bracelets

We weaved cloth and made clothes We are makers and traders of bracelets We went to the great plains We became merchants, the beautiful light skinned people of white cloth

From Sena we fled the war and we went to Sena along the coast In the country of Zhanji We again fled the war and we went to Chiramba, Chirambchirma of Seremani

We moved to Chiramba and we went to Gokomere of the Govera We moved from Govera and went to Dzimbwabe, Tovakare’s Dzimbabwe Tovokare of Zimbabwe

The outpost has fallen Some went South Some North Some East Some West The seed of Baramina

A special element of Lemba musical linguistic culture concerns what is referred to as praise songs. The Lemba have praise songs and poems for every clan and each Lemba clan (of which there are coincidentally 12, the same as the tribes of Israel, which

Modreck told me was no accident) has its own special poem and song. These poems are 70 important for constructing the individual identity of each clan, showing off “what we do and what is important to us in terms of values.”115 In discussing the value of ownership over music in society, Modreck expressed serious apprehension.

“It is very important for us to have our own Jewish music. It is part of our identity and shows who we are. Music is an indicator of who a person is, and our music defines who we are. Music gives us that chance.”

Maeresera went on to discuss how this music individualizes them within society.

“Through our music and our poems, it sets us apart from other tribes in Africa, and even in the Jewish world, from the Yemenite Jews, to Arab Jews, our music and culture sets us apart as a different kind of Jewish community.”

On the subjection of communication, Modreck expressed an interesting sentiment.

“People are always interested in the other, so us being the other, music plays a major role in providing us as the other, a way to be diverse and stand out.” In his almost self- alienation, Modreck identifies the future needs for his community and the way in which he believes he can connect to a larger global audience. This music however, does not just aim to connect with a global Jewish audience; it was also created to bridge the gaps between the dispersed Lemba Jewish communities in Zimbabwe.

As discussed earlier in this chapter, there are communities of Lemba Jews located all around Zimbabwe. While they all share in the same “big picture” desires and faith, they often lack in communication and connection. And when they do connect, often times they find themselves at odds. During my fourth week in Zimbabwe, I traveled 160 miles south to Masvingo, home to Great Zimbabwe, a UNESCO World Heritage site and the

115 Ibid. 71 landing point for Lemba Jews in the diaspora, and the small town of Mapokomere, where a smaller Lemba Jewish community resides.116

I spent a Shabbat with this community and their leader, Dr. Rabson Wuriga, observing how another Lemba Jewish community engages with music and worship. In my earlier conversations with Modreck, Wuriga’s name had come up several times as

“someone I should talk to.”

Figure 8. Dr. Rabson Wuriga Outside Mapakomere, Photograph by Kulanu, 2013.

116 This is very important to the history of Lemba Jews and the significance of this is discussed in further detail at the beginning of the chapter. 72

An esteemed elder of the larger Lemba Jewish community, I was eager to sit down with

Dr. Wuriga and discuss their history and listen to his story. It was during a tour of their unfinished construction project, a new synagogue and community center where Dr.

Wuriga revealed some information to me about the status of the relationship between himself, his community, and the Harare Lemba Jewish community. Services in

Mapokomere do not use music at all. In fact, the entire service is read and spoken aloud in English.

I found myself curious as for the last month I had been experiencing beautiful and engaging music used in worship. I knew Dr. Wuriga had a relationship with Modreck and

Hamlet so why were Hamlet’s melodies not being used? When asked about this, Dr.

Wuriga gave a rather interesting answer.

“Well I don’t think its traditional Lemba music. It is a generation trying to develop songs. It’s a generation developing music. What we call Lemba music, its there, the prayers are there, which are only done during very sacred gatherings, which we don’t avail to everyone who comes.”117

I asked him if there would have been music had I, an external visitor to the community not been there, but he said no. In his eyes, these secret Lemba prayers he referred to are the only “traditional” prayers the rest are just “music.” For members of the Harare Lemba

Jewish community music and prayer are synonymous. There is no difference. But for

Rabson, there is. During this conversation, I noticed Rabson become noticeably agitated and start to fidget. I asked him about his community’s relationship with Modreck’s and

117 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Dr. Rabson Wuriga. Personal Interview. Mapokomere, June 11th, 2019. 73 the frustration grew palpable. At several points during our conversation, he offered digs at the Harare Lemba Jewish community, and specifically Modreck. Returning to my inquiry about the use and role of music in his congregation, I was met yet again with a tepid, slightly anxious response:

“In a document in 2003 I outlined a plan that involved creating new music amongst other things. Music that explains our culture and heritage. So what Modreck and the others are doing is okay, its fine, but no one is checking the theological and cultural content about it because sometimes, things are just sad when there is no content with what you believe in.”118

Not only is he contradicting himself here, I observed outward resentment and jealousy that it was Modreck and Hamlet who spearheaded this new Jewish musical movement and not him.

At this point, it is important to make note of a few things. The album of Lemba

Jewish music written by Hamlet was part of what Modreck calls “The Lemba Nusach

Project,” This was a specific communal directive to create new Lemba Jewish musical content. It culminated with the creation of this album, aided partly through financial contributions from Kulanu.

Additionally, the album was produced by American Cantor Mike Stein who had not traveled to Zimbabwe nor met Hamlet or any of the other Lemba musicians on the album. Finally, this album included instrumental backing contributions by Cantor Stein as well as his son. I should also note, that during my time in Zimbabwe, I was fortunate to overlap with a visit from Cantor Stein, who had come to Zimbabwe to help distribute

118 Ibid. 74 physical copies of the album and record a few new tracks with Hamlet and other musicians.

During our time together, Dr. Wuriga exhibited overt jealousy towards Modreck and Hamlet, as well as some resentment towards Kulanu. Later on, it was revealed to me that when Kulanu first began relations in Zimbabwe, it was actually with Dr. Wuriga’s community and not in Harare. Through some form of events––unfortunately I was not given any more information––Kulanu shifted their attention (and money) to Harare.

Later on I asked Modreck about this, and he simply said “Kulanu probably got frustrated because Rabson can be tricky to work with at times.” It also appeared that he felt possibly slighted he was not consulted on this project. He told me “we have to seek permission from the elders for these songs to be recorded” however several elders consented to this project including Modreck, the appointed head of the Lemba Cultural

Association. It seems again perhaps that this is a manifestation of Dr. Wuriga’s jealousy that he was excluded from the project. Throughout the course of my interview, he kept returning to these thoughts, even on questions that had nothing to do with music or

Harare. On why they lit Shabbat candles—traditionally lit on Friday night to welcome in the Shabbat—on Saturday morning, Wuriga told me:

For us, what we are looking at now, is to bring this community—there is a lot of people here, 300, 500 people—and the Lemba people to the faith of their forefathers. So the songs that the young people are writing and doing is not wrong, but of course we will check the content of what they are saying. We welcome this as creativity within our young people, but now we are in a time when we are taking things very seriously. We have songs that we sing, we have prayers that our forefathers had before we lost the Torah. Some of these young 75

people mistranslate everything. I am already writing a book called The Sources Of Our Heritage which explains all those problems which are coming now.119

All of this could possibly explain why there was no music in the services I observed, but it is clear that in spite of the hopeful goals of the Lemba Nusach Project of bridging gaps and connecting communities, there still exists a divide between geographically separated

Lemba Jewish communities.

As I will discuss later in chapter four, titled “Relationships and Neighbors” relationships between Lemba Jewish communities, especially the Masvingo community and the Harare community are often strained. In regard to music, these tensions result in not just less distribution of new Lemba Jewish music, but also less homogeneous use liturgically as well. According to Lemba leader Modreck Maeresera, that musical homogeneity is the most important element to uniting their disparate communities as well as connecting with cultural outsiders.

I think having our own music helps identify us to outsiders because they hear it and think wow that is them, and we are proud. Most people don’t know much history of our origins where we are from, because we were overtaken by Muslims and then Christians. Music helps their understanding of what it means to be Lemba through understanding. They can understand what it means to be one of us through music and they will want to understand120 When it comes to the subject of music and identity within the Lemba Jewish community, one element sticks out as paramount: language. Throughout the course of fieldwork in Zimbabwe, I observed the subject of language being brought up constantly in discussion on the value of individualized music and identity. In Harare, the Shabbat

119 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Rabson Wuriga. Personal Interview. Mapakomere, July 12th, 2019. 120 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, July 18th, 2019. 76 service is performed entirely in Hebrew, with the exception of the weekly Torah reading, which is read out loud by a community member in English. Prior to arriving in

Zimbabwe, my only exposure to Lemba Jewish music—due to the fact that at the time it was the only media published online—was a setting of Psalm 136 by Hamlet, sung in

Shona. Due to this, my initial expectation was that services would be a multilingual mix of English, Shona, and Hebrew. As I discuss below, that original expectancy was slightly incorrect.

In Angela Creese’s study of multilingualism in rap and urban song, she found that in communities where the use of several languages in ordinary speech is common, multilingual mixing in song lyrics was used as a stylistic device for creating new kinds of meaning with critical, analytical, and sociopolitical purposes.121 I initially predicted this would be the case with the Lemba Jews as well. I was wrong. Over lunch after our first

Shabbat service together, I asked Hamlet about this dynamic, and why there was no prayer in Shona. After some consideration, he revealed that he indeed would like more

Shona integrated into worship, but when he was working on the album, he was told by a someone from Kulanu that “all Jews pray in Hebrew,” and they should too. These interactions between visiting Jews from North America and local Jewish communities who are actively developing their music and worship traditions are multifaceted and full of questions of authenticity. In spite of all of this, we must look at this relationship as a

“two-way street,” interactions go both ways and it is a very complex subject. I asked this

121 Angela Creese, “Multilingualism In Popular Culture,” in The Routledge Handbook of Multilingualism (New York: Routledge, 2012), 408. 77 question of several other Lemba community members (not just musicians) and their responses all aligned.

“It should be important to have music in Shona because it will make people understand. Let’s say there is a grandfather in a village, he doesn't speak English, or Hebrew, so at this point, the most important thing is to understand what is being said.”122

As this quote above demonstrates, not only is praising through Shona seen as important for identity purposes, but also for practical reasons as well. In fact, Hamlet told me that he wrote the majority of his songs first in Shona and then later had to change them to

Hebrew. Had is an important word here. It implies forcible or coerced pressure from an external source to alter not just the musical content, but also the very nature of the prayer service itself. A few weeks later the topic came up again and when pressed about why he decided to listen to that Kulanu member’s advice, Hamlet stated he “just has to take it.”

Later he recused himself and told me he needs to take a second to “understand what that is about.” This is contradictory to earlier when he expressed displeasure at this pressure.

However, “I don't think it’s pressure,” he told me, “I think they are helping us to develop our own identity. Identity means a lot to me. Because we are different, where we came from, where we grow up, we are just people, we live our own lives, and other communities are sometimes not happy with that.” This segues into a conversation about the role music lays in connecting with external Jewish communities. In spite of his previous comments however, Hamlet did not express a need to share this music outside of the community.

122 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 2nd, 2019. 78

I don't share my music with them because they won’t understand. I don't see the point. Even to be a Lemba they will be “ahhh” (makes a disgusted face). They are against us. If they wanted to, if they were interested, I would, but I have no plans to share.123

I asked Hamlet if these comments were based on any prior negative experience but he said no. It seems that this attitude is directed only at other religious communities within

Zimbabwe however, because he did however express a desire to connect with other Afro-

Judaic communities through music. “I would love to collaborate with other Jews from other communities like Abayudaya. I want our music to be heard worldwide.” This all goes back to the dynamic of language usage in music and how important a tool language can be in these efforts. The value of praying in Shona should not be understated and directly refers back to our earlier discussion of how music can bridge gaps between disparate Lemba Jewish communities in Zimbabwe. The following quote from Modreck emphasizes this idea. “It is important to have music in Shona because if we take this music to other communities in Zimbabwe not many people will understand the

Hebrew.”124 This was the same with the Abayudaya Jews in Uganda when they were composing hymns to aid in the revitalization of their community after Idi Amin’s rule in the early 1980s.125 They used Lugunda translations of those texts in an appeal to black worshippers and as their community grew, they eventually began singing more hymns in

123 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hamlet Zhou. Personal Interview. Harare, May 28th, 2019. 124 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 4th, 2019. 125 Jeffrey A. Summit, Abayudaya: Music from the Jewish People of Uganda. Recorded, compiled and annotated by Jeffrey A. Summit. Smithsonian Folkways Recordings, SFW40504. 2003, 5.

Hebrew.126 The Harare community is the most Hebrew-literate of Lemba Jews—partly due to their access to electronic resources as well as attention and visitors from Kulanu— and many members of this community emphasized to me the importance of linguistic homogeneity and the power music can have in that.

Cultural historian Eric Hobsbawm’s theories on invented tradition provide a useful model for understanding the practices of the Lemba Jews. Lemba Jews in my research believe that their newly adopted practices are in fact a rediscovery and continuation of ancient biblical and Lemba customs. To them, their practice is not constructed tradition, but rather a rejuvenation of a tradition which was lost during British colonization. Hobsbawm argues that invented traditions occur more frequently at times of rapid social transformation, when old traditions are in danger of disappearing.

In his text Jewish Music and Modernity, Bohlman discusses a period of time in which European Jewry dealt with issues of acculturation, abandonment, and the decay of the definition and use of traditional Jewish music. The German Jewish leaders of that time observed this trend and began to take action, a parallel to what can be observed here with the Lemba Jews. Bohlman uses Hobsbawm’s work as a point of departure, seeking to further define and reformulate the concept of invention. He argues that invention does not override tradition but rather invention takes something old and makes it new. Perhaps most importantly, the old does not disappear, but rather it assumes a new identity within a different form. This is precisely what I observed in the newly created musical tradition of my research about Lemba Jews in Zimbabwe. With regard to invented tradition, there is

126 Ibid., 80 always a reason for the invention, and in this particular case, there are several. There is a sense of great legacy and pride, a need to build and educate their community, and a way to establish connections to the outside Jewish world.

Musical Performance Practices

As discussed, the Lemba Jewish community of Zimbabwe is dispersed throughout several regions of the country but its current cultural hub is located in the capital of

Harare. The first Lemba Jewish congregation was established in the rural locale of

Masvingo.127 In Harare, the Lemba Synagogue (fig. 1) was established in 2013, according to Modreck, “out of necessity.”128 Modreck was referring to the fact that many Lemba

Jews migrated to the city for better employment and educational opportunities. Thus arose the need for a congregation and home for worship in Harare. Although Modreck stated that this community has been thriving since its inception he also conveyed to me that it has been a struggle to maintain a Jewish community in the urban, business oriented, and densely populated capital. In rural communities he told me, “the setup is easier for Jews to preserve their traditions…They can live together in one group, while in the city they are forced to be scattered.”

127 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 1st, 2019. 128 Ibid., 81

Figure 9. Backyard area of the Harare Lemba Synagogue.

In Harare, Lemba Jews were detached from their community and some began to assimilate into modern Christian life. Regarding the current status of Lemba Jewish life in Harare, Modreck maintained that “right now, we have a community center and a synagogue where people can come together to learn and share ideas.” The primary way in which Harare Lemba Jewish community members accomplish this is through the shared communal practice of music making. This music, which is an amalgamation of Hebrew texts with local musical styles, is the focus of this section.

In spite of the shared communal belief in the power of music as a social identifier, there is only one individual in Harare actively composing Jewish music. This man––as 82 profiled in chapter two–– is Hamlet Zhou. The entirety of the musical content that will be analyzed and discussed in this chapter is his. As a result, and out of respect for the importance of this, I spent much time in Harare with Hamlet, learning from him, listening to stories, talking about music, and studying mbira, the instrument he frequently composes on.

The Harare Lemba Synagogue is located just West of the Central Business

District of Harare and is constructed following typical Zimbabwean architectural paradigms. The open floor plan inside invites members to explore the communal space that feature shelves of Jewish texts and engage in theological, philosophical, and spiritual conversations. Modreck and his family currently occupy the synagogue. In one of our many conversations about Lemba Jewish identity and their current place in society,

Modreck told me:

Even though we are coming back into the fold, it is important for us to keep our identities as Lemba Jews, so that we don’t lose our Lemba identity when we reconnect with Judaism. Because of this, we saw it as important that we come up with tunes that are our own, if you go to one synagogue, like ashkenazi etc, they have their own distinct tunes, this is the same thing we are doing. To help this, we started the Lemba Nusach Project. Hamlet is helping us compose tunes and new melodies for the prayers.129

While the total number of participants in a weekly Shabbat morning service at Harare

Lemba Synagogue varies, I observed an average attendance of 25 individuals. This number is greatly impacted by the current financial crisis. It is difficult for Lemba Jews to travel to the city due to the cost of fuel and the limited amount of public transportation

129 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, July 14th, 2019. 83 options. Members come and pray when they are able and are welcomed back into the space with open inviting arms.

At the Harare Lemba Synagogue, music is viewed as integral to worship and the participants spirituality and relationship with God. In discussing this with Modreck, he explained to me that composing music is not only vital for their own community, but also it enables them to connect to a larger global Jewish audience. “It is important for us to have our own music so people can identify what we are doing. We want people to see what we are doing as definitively our own traditions.” And this is precisely where

Hamlets newly created original Lemba Jewish music comes into play. However, it is important to note that––as I discussed earlier in this document––these philosophies do vary from community to community, evidenced by the active choice to not include music in worship in the Mapakomere community led by Dr. Rabson Wuriga.

Due the simple fact that there is no music used in worship in several other Lemba

Jewish communities in Zimbabwe and that the Harare Lemba Synagogue has the highest concentration of new musical content, in addition to being home for Hamlet, the most prolific Lemba Jewish musician and composer, the focus of this chapter will be exclusively on new musical content created for worship in the Harare Lemba synagogue.

Services at the Harare Lemba Synagogue could be easily paralleled to those of many mainstream Conservative and Orthodox Jewish services on Saturday mornings in regards to structure, organization, and form. Thanks in part to a recent donation from

Kulanu of 40 identitcal copies of the “Koren Sack Siddur,” a popular edition of the

Hebrew/English prayerbook, congregation members are now easily able to follow along 84 and participate in the order of prayers and readings. Saturday morning services at the

Harare Lemba Synagogue begin with p’sukei d’zimra (a preliminary service with psalms), Hebrew), move into Shacharit (the morning service, Hebrew), then Torah service and musaf (additional service, Hebrew). The one distinction perhaps, is that instead of breaking up the Torah reading into seven portions, the entire parshah (weekly

Torah portion, Hebrew) is read aloud in English from start to finish. Following this is a reflective sermon on the words just read.

Practices and Customs

A principal piece of evidence used by Lemba Jews to support their explanations of ancient Hebraic ancestry are the distinct parallels between traditional Lemba religious practice and rabbinic Jewish “halacha” (law). Alongside their diasporic routes, these customs are what connect all Lemba Jews to one another and the outside Jewish world. It is through these practices that they create their Jewish identity and they maintain strict adherence to these beliefs to this day.

Among the fundamental practices of Judaism is the observance of Shabbat, the day of rest. Honoring the seventh day of the biblical creation story where, on the seventh day of creating the world, God rested. Shabbat, for many observant Jews around the world is a day of rest, where the engagement of electronics, fire, work, and musical instruments amongst others are prohibited. The Lemba day of rest was not known by a specific name, just simply referred to as the seventh day.130 It was customary amongst the

Lemba to abstain from all work related activities on this day. This tradition was upheld

130 Wuriga, 51. 85 until the arrival of Christian missionaries and colonizers, when Sunday was imposed as the day of worship and rest.131 However, for some time––how long exactly is not known–

–the Lemba continued to observe their day of rest in secret as best they could.132

Rosh Chodesh—translated literally as head of the month—is the name for the first day of every month in the Hebrew calendar. It is marked by the arrival of the new moon.

The observance of this holiday in biblical times is cited as one of the earliest periods of time featuring much ceremony and ritual.133 Popular commentary on these verses suggests that the observance of the new moon in Israel was an important festival celebrated by a state of ritual purity by families and clans.134 In Lemba tradition the new moon was seen as “the compass that held cardinal guidance for Lemba Life in its entirety.”135 Traditionally, the chief or leader of a community would announce its arrival, signifying the time frame for observing all other holidays and festivals. Lemba scholars contend that due to the striking similarities between the Judaic observances of Rosh

Chodesh and the Lemba new moon customs, the two are one in the same.136 Lemba oral tradition states that the traditional Lemba calendar considered lunar cycles as important landmarks that influenced their daily lives.137 The coming of the new moon or “kugara kwo Mwedzi” in Shona was announced by a leader of the community by blowing the

131 The Jewish weekly calendar begins on Sunday. 132 Wuriga, 52. 133 Numbers, 28:11-15. 134 David Liever and Jules Harlow, Etz Hayim: Torah and Commentary (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2001), 445. 135 Wuriga, 58. 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid., 59. 86 ram’s horn. This practice is mirrored in Judaism and in Hebrew is referred to a shofar.138

While no recordings or documented evidence exist, oral histories also point to a Lemba custom of gathering all the children in a village together to witness the new moon and sing songs.139 When asked about these traditions and the observance of a lunar calendar,

Lemba elder Runochinya Zvinowanda says “it is something our forefathers and fathers told us to do and to tell our children and the children of their children and generations to come to do the same.”140

Brit Milah, or, ritual circumcision marks a key moment in every Jewish male’s life, signifying the covenant between Abraham and God and further, the Jewish people.

In Lemba culture as well, male circumcision is seen as the central ritual in a male Lembas life.141 According to Dr. Rabson Wuriga, Lemba circumcision defines their religion, culture, and identity.142 It also defines a male’s membership to community, commitment to the law of God and a responsibility to family. Wuriga makes a point here that this is one of the primary, most critical parallels in support of their claims of Hebraic ancestry.

As the other major ritual moment in a Jew’s life is their B’nai Mitzvah—a custom that was a later development not prescribed by the Torah—circumcision is the ritual that most connects and identifies them with Jews from the land of Israel.

138 The blowing of the shofar for marking the new moon and other sacred times is detailed in Numbers 10:10. 139 Wuriga, 60. 140 Wuriga, Rabson. Interview with Runochinya Zvinowanda. Personal Interview. 141 Wuriga, 91. 142 Ibid., 92. 87

The last parallel I will mention—though there are many more—concerns the concept of Kashrut, Jewish dietary laws. In contemporary Lemba culture, these laws and observances are viewed as paramount to all other religious practices. These laws are seen as some of the most tangible, concrete ways for Lemba Jews to maintain their traditions and religious identity and separate themselves as a distinct religious ethnic minority.

Lemba dietary laws share a—perhaps to some—shocking number of specific detailed similarities to the intricate halachic laws of kashrut, as prescribed in great detail in the

Torah. These include specificities on what animals are permitted to be eaten as well as how to properly slaughter those animals. According to historian Monica Wilson, “the

Lemba were careful to avoid pork and cut the throat of any animal slaughtered.”143 This observation serves as important evidence to support not just oral narratives, but documented tradition as well. Much research has revealed the links between what Lemba tradition said and biblical Israelite dietary culture and practice. While this documentation supports Lemba claims beginning in the 16th century, Lemba scholars are quick to acknowledge that these practices are not a recent development and have been observed well before this time, with instructions and customs passed on from generation to generation. According to Lemba elder Runochinya Zvinowanda, the source of the dietary laws the Lembas observed––and is claimed to have been lost––was referred to as “the book of laws.”144 It was the content in this book that was lost that has been orally transmitted from one generation to the net. Extra emphasis was placed on dietary laws.

143 Monica Wilson, Oxford History Of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 131. 144 Wuriga, 139. 88

The Lemba believe that this book of laws was in fact the Torah, which instructed them how and what to eat along with every other Jew around the world.145

In prior research and fieldwork I conducted on the musical performance practices of the Igbo Jews in Nigeria, I wrote about my observations of the tensions that arose surrounding the subject of the role of music in worship. This specifically was in regard to when its use was appropriate and who was allowed to perform said music. This was a central conflict in Nigeria and the ramifications of this debate greatly impacted liturgical musical performance. Concerning the Lemba Jews in Harare however, I observed quite the opposite. Here, I observed nearly full communal support for and pride of music used in worship contexts. This was revealed through many personal formal interviews and conversations that arose during less formal “hangs,” most of which took place at or around the synagogue center. Prior to arriving in Zimbabwe, I hypothesized that contentious issues I observed regarding music in Nigeria would manifest as well in

Zimbabwe. In spite of their differences politically, geographically, and culturally, I initially theorized that Lemba Jews would respond to the liturgical music debate in a similar fashion to the Igbo Jews due to the similarities they share of both their double minority status and their recently renewed re-emergence into rabbinic Judaism.146 My hypothesis was quickly proven wrong as I experienced nearly full communal support for

145 Ibid., 146 In Songs of a Lost Tribe, I define double minority as an cultural group which exists as a minority ethnic group within their nation in addition to being a minority religious group within their minority ethnic group. 89 the newly created Lemba Jewish music being put forth into the liturgy and community by

Hamlet.

Musical Analysis

The first selection of Lemba Jewish music to examine is a hymn titled “Adon

Olam” (Eternal Lord) which comes from the closing of the daily and Shabbat services.

The origin of this prayer is not officially known, however it is often attributed to

Solomon Ibn Gabirol, an 11th century Jewish philosopher and poet.147 The poem itself was not adopted into the liturgy until the 15th century.148 This poem and its many varied musical settings is one of the most widespread and well-known prayers in the gamut of the Jewish liturgy and composers are often setting the text to new melodies. This was extremely prevalent for the European Jewish composers of the 19th century who attempted various forms of polyphonic composition. Part of the reason for its popularity and ease-of-setting is due to its meter. The poem is precisely metrical, composed of twenty lines of eight syllables each. Prior to arriving in Zimbabwe, I knew there was a large repertoire of Lemba Jewish music from my already ongoing conversations with

Hamlet, however the compositional specifics were still a mystery to me. I expected that of all the possible textual selections from the liturgy, there would be a setting of Adon

Olam.

Hamlet’s treatment of this text follows the conventional Adon Olam syllabic structure, creating a strophic setting of the initial melody and harmony, which is then

147 Macy Nulman, Encyclopedia Of Jewish Prayer (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1993, 7. 148 Ibid., 90 repeated for each of the following phrases. In Figure 6 below, I have transcribed the first four lines of the text as they complete a larger eight-bar phrase to show how Hamlet’s composition works.

q. = 70 Leader # # & # 86 œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ A-don o - la - mœ a - sher ma - la - ch b' - te - rem kol y' - tzir niv - ra # # & # 86 ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ.

? # # 6 ∑ Œ j œ œ œ. œ # 8 œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ

5 ### œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ Le'- et na - sah œ œ ve - chef -tzo kol a - zai - me-lech sh' - mo ni - kra

### œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ #œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ

? ### œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ Figure 10. Adon Olam, Hamlet Zhou.

Elements that we can initially observe from this transcription are congruent with

Hamlet’s style of and approach to Jewish composition (as I will show later with additional transcriptions). The setting begins with a brief call from the leader followed by a full response and resumption of the prayer by the rest of the congregation. It should be noted that when Hamlet is present at services he, not the leader of the service, takes on © this role typically. The music continues “ad organum” once the congregation enters and 91 follows a larger eight-bar phrase that consists of four smaller phrases consisting of one line of text each.149 This is then repeated nine more times until the prayer reaches its conclusion. As I will show later, for all prayers that are strophic in nature, Hamlet applies this compositional technique. Additionally, for prayers whose text is not composed strophically, a similar style is also applied. This directly correlates to the importance

Hamlet placed on constructing short-repetitive phrases in an effort to allow his music to be learned quickly by congregants and visitors for maximum accessibility. He also acknowledges this “hook based” approach to composition permits the possibility of

“catchier” melodies, which will increase the popularity of his music.

As I mentioned earlier, this prayer, through its various settings across European and American Jewry is typically stricter in its adherence to the syllabic structure of each lines, with melodies conforming to the eight syllables of the text. For example, in Figure

7.,––one of the most prevalent melodies for the Adon Olam, a setting by Russian Cantor

Eliezer Mordechai Gerovitsch––you can observe the strict 1:1 relationship between syllable and note value.

149 A reminder here that none of this music is notated and is composed, taught, and performed orally. As a result, all musical transcriptions in this document are create from live contexts. 92

# 4 j j j j j & 4 Ó Œ ‰ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ A - don o - lam a - sherœ #maœ - lachœ. b' - te - rem kol y' - tzir ni - vra L'-

6 # œ. j j j ‰ & œ #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ et na - sa be - chef - so - kolœ. œa - zai me - lech she - moœ #niœ - kraœ.

Figure 11. Adon Olam, Eliezer Mordechai Gerovitsch.

This ratio is even reflected in parody, a popular way to set this particular prayer amongst

Jewish youth, specifically at American summer camps or day schools (Figure 8).

b & b b 4 Ó Œ ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ nœ Aœ - donœ œo - lamœ œa - sher ma-lach œb' - teœ - remœ kolœ y' - tzir niv - rahœ œl' -

4 œ œ œ bbb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ et na - sa be - chef - so - kol a zai me - lech she - mo ni - krah

Figure 12. Adon Olam, William Tell Overture Parody, Giachino Rossini.

So perhaps it is no surprise then that Hamlet’s Adon Olam––in spite of no conscious attempt to do so––obeys this “unwritten© rule.” However, where Hamlet’s treatment does differ rhythmically is with meter. While some of his compositions (as I will show later) are set in more simple duple meters, many are felt in some combination of six or twelve pulses (depending on how one chooses to feel the phrasing). Adon Olam is no exception and the bouncy six feel felt here contributes to the dynamic of what Hamlet refers to as

“feeling more like Zimbabwe.” This is an important element in Hamlet’s Jewish music,

“It is important for my music to sound like Zimbabwe, so people can get used to the melodies. It is easier. It is better for people to understand from what they are used to. It is in the melody and in the rhythm.”

Here, Hamlet also present an awareness of the importance of not just rhythmic familiarity but melodic as well. Hamlet composes the majority of his Jewish music on the mbira, a plucked metallaphone indigenous to Zimbabwe and popular throughout the region. In

Paul Berliner’s revolutionary study of the Shona mbira, he observed that the pressures of

African nationalism on European-dominated institutions has led to an amplified infusion of traditional African forms of musical expression within many of these institutions.150

As a result of this, he noted that some Christian religious associations introduced the mbira into their services and music making processes in an effort to incorporate Shona musical style in their compositions.151 I observed the exact same dynamic Berliner noted in 1978, pervasive amongst the Jewish Zimbabwean composers in 2019.

150 Paul Berliner, Soul Of Mbira: Music and Traditions of the Shona People of Zimbabwe, Chicago: University of Chicago Press (1987), 25. 151 Ibid., 26. 94

Figure 13. A 15-key mbira. 95

As a result of this choice and the extended techniques needed for proficiency on this particular instrument, vocal compositions produced by composing on the mbira––as opposed to, say, a piano––inherently have specific rhythmic properties native to that instrument and style. “I compose using the mbira and sometimes guitar” Hamlet told me one afternoon while we were playing mbira together and discussing his compositional process. “It comes out of improvisation” he said, “I play around like this (noodles on his mbira), then I pick out a melody I like and it just comes to me.” This is a semi- unconscious contribution to the “Zimbabwe sound” Hamlet identifies his music as.

Coupled with his attempt to create this sound the resulting musical composition is uniquely Zimbabwean Jewish music. While one might argue that this observation is trite and obvious, this is Hamlet’s ideal original objective and is a great source of pride for him. This philosophy and desire for original sounding music related to indigenous musical styles and properties can be observed in the musical practices of many Jewish communities South of the Sahara, including notably the Igbo Jews of Nigeria and the

Abayudaya of Uganda. This is one example of how Hamlet’s experience as a

Zimbabwean musician has influenced his approach to Jewish composition.

Another manner in which this element is present can be observed in his approach to harmony. Discussing harmonic approaches to Jewish music composition is a much larger analytical “gray area” than understanding rhythm or melody. For Hamlet and the

Lemba Jewish congregation of the Harare Lemba Synagogue, harmony is a more ineffable phenomenon that occurs instinctively, without conscious choice. Here, as is the case with all of Hamlet’s compositions, harmonies are not prescribed and consciously 96 conceived by the composer, they come naturally to the performer/congregant. When asked about this, Hamlet said “it is sung the way it is natural to us as Africans. It is instinct.” Hamlet here is not just creating an association with local Zimbabwean musical styles, but an even larger connection with the continent, suggesting this is a phenomenon felt across the region universally.

Scholars of Southern African music (Berliner, Kubik, Kaemmer, Muller, Allen) have revealed that many cultural communities south of the Zambezi river border tend to sing in octaves and fifths.152 In contrast, Hamlet’s Adon Olam places distinct emphasis on the relationship between the sixth and seventh degree intervals. Hamlet’s approach thus enriches the scholarship in ethnomusicology on harmonic tendencies in music south of the Zambezi.

The mbira as an instrument provides the conceptual basis for the Shona musical system. The Shona have historically praised the instrument for its complexity and ability to “sound like many instruments at once.”153 This is primarily an improvisational tradition based on recurring harmonic and rhythmic cycles.154 Berliner notes as well that an mbira piece is not fixed musical structure with a clear beginning and end. It is a composition of certain cyclical patterns that provide a framework for variation and embellishment.155 We can observe a nice confluence of this and Hamlet’s Lemba Jewish music in the relationship between short-repetitive melodic patterns that are applied to

152 A.M. Jones, Studies In African Music (London: Oxford University Press, 1959). 153 Berliner, 23. 154 John E. Kaemmer, “Southern Africa: An Introduction,” in Africa: Garland Encyclopedia of World Music Vol. 1,” (New York: Routledge Publishing, 2013). 155 Berliner, 52. 97 strophic Jewish prayers. Knowing this helps understand Hamlet’s process from writing from an mbira background to this new Lemba Jewish musical tradition. This is especially prominent in the full-band arrangements of these prayers, which––as I mentioned earlier in this document–– were compiled and recorded in 2019 for the first ever full-length album of Lemba Jewish music. On these recordings––as opposed to during worship where music is performed strictly a capella––one can clearly hear the relationship between Hamlet’s music and certain musicological elements highlighted by Kaemmer, including the emphasis on instrumental embellishment and improvisation, cyclical forms, and polyrhythmic tendencies. When performed liturgically and a cappella, prayers are often performed at slower tempos and with altered rhythms and meters. These recordings, where Hamlet is also featured playing mbira and guitar truly emphasize specific rhythmic and musicological elements characteristic of this region: cyclical forms, emphasis on variations, and extensive improvisation.156 It is also of course through improvisation that

Hamlet composes in the first place, and the importance and value of improvisation on what Hamlet refers to as Zimbabwean music should not be understated.

To continue to understand both Hamlet’s compositional process and Lemba

Jewish music itself, we should examine another one of his pieces, which is also used liturgically. “Oseh Shalom,” meaning “he who makes peace,” is a passage that commonly occurs as a concluding sentence to many Jewish prayers in the liturgy. Unlike the previous musical example of Adon Olam, which is a full strophic poem, Oseh Shalom is

156 You can find an example of this recording in the digital appendix number___ 98 a singular line, which has been musically treated many different ways throughout time and geographic regions.

q = 90 Leader # # 4 & # 4 Ó Œ ‰ j œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ Œ Ó Œ œ œ Oœ - seh shaJ -lo - m sha - lo - m bim - ro-mav hu - ya-a - seh shaJ -lo - m v' - al j ### 4 j j œ & 4 ∑ Ó Œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ ‰ œ œ. œ œ Œ shaœ - loœ - mœ bimœ - roœ -mav˙ shaœ - lomœ a - leiœ - nuœœ ? # # 4 j j j # 4 ∑ Ó Œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ ‰ œ œ. œ œ Œ sha - lo - m bim - ro-mav sha - lom a - lei - nuœ

6 ### œ œ œ œ. œ œ r œ j œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰. œ œ œ œ ‰ . œ œ œ kol yis-ra - el v' - al - kol yis - ra - el v'-i - me - ru œ œ v' - i - me - ruJ œ. A Oœ - seh shaJ -lo - m sha # j ## œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ . r œ & Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ Œ Ó yisœ -raœ - elœ œv' - alœ - kolœ yis - ra - el v'-œi - meœ - ru˙ œv' - œi - me - ru˙ Aœ. - œ menœ

? # # . . r j œ # Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ Œ Ó yis-ra - el v' - al - kolœ yis - ra - el v'-i - me - ru v' - i - me - ru A - men

Figure 14. Oseh Shalom, Hamlet Zhou.

Here, Hamlet leans on a ubiquitous compositional device South of the Sahara, call and response. This however, is not so common amongst the repertoire of Lemba Jewish music. Typically a piece will follow the pattern of the Adon Olam above, where the leader sings the first measure bringing the congregation in and then everyone joins following measure one. Here, the leader and congregation work together to complete the cyclical design of this composition. In mm. 10, as the congregation reaches the cadence on the final word “Amen,” the leader simultaneously begins the cycle over again with the first syllable of the first line “Oseh.” Thus, the composition fluidly cycles over and over again for as many repetitions as is desired by the leader before entering into a slight ritard 99 and concluding the prayer. Once again, as we observed with Hamlet’s setting of Adon

Olam, there is a strong emphasis on the use of parallel 6ths and octaves as well as the occasional 7th. Similar to the Adon Olam, this piece also employs short, repetitive phrases with familiar rhythms and melodic lines. Again, this is not by accident. He presented an awareness of the necessity of “easily accepted” music that permits congregants and visitors to quickly learn music, prayers, and language in the interest of faster communal involvement. “If I am writing a song, people in the synagogue need to be able to learn it quick.”157

As mentioned above, there is a difference in performance practice between liturgical use of these songs and secular commercial/casual use and enjoyment. This is dynamized by the recent release of the “Ancient Roots/New Traditions,” the album of

Lemba Jewish music recorded and released by Hamlet in 2019. In the context of worship, this piece is performed down tempo and more rubato (although still felt in four), allowing individual members to express themselves more passionately and intently. On the recording, the piece is felt distinctly in 12 (consistent with much music of the region), performed at a much more brisk tempo, and includes instrumentation such as mbira, electric guitar, drums, and electric bass. This alternative expression of the prayer and piece permit two uniquely separate contexts for engagement with this music. First, as a powerful religious moment during the worship service, and secondly, as a zemer, or, song. This recording has given Lemba Jews a brand new opportunity to experiment with

157 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hamlet Zhou. Personal Interview. Harare, June 2nd, 2019. 100 their identity, whether through playing songs through their car speakers or sharing music via the web.

As I mentioned earlier, Hamlet, coming from a traditional Shona music background composes mostly out of improvisation, primarily on the mbira or his acoustic guitar. During our many conversations, both informal and formal, one dynamic we discussed in detail was his compositional process. How he goes about writing and where his inspiration comes from. When asked about how quickly the initial idea for a piece comes to him, he told me:

“It is not easy for me to compose the songs. I have to concentrate a lot. When I compose first I create the melody. I think of what the meaning is and how it goes along. Once I create the melody for me it Is easy to take the words and put them.”158

For Hamlet, writing is a deeply spiritual process and one that he respects and takes his time with. Like many composers of Jewish music South of the Sahara, he often finds that he cannot explain how a certain piece came to be, citing a “spark of inspiration” or an almost enlightened like state. On composing Oseh Shalom, he said “Honestly I cannot say, it just happened when I concentrated and think about something came.” To Hamlet however, this is not “chance” or an accident, he believes the music that comes to him happens for a reason and it is God’s will. This belief is shared with several Jewish composers and musicians I have worked with across the continent.

The next Lemba Jewish prayer to explore is a setting of Psalm 150, “Hallelujah.”

Said during the daily portion of the morning service known as “P’sukei Dezimra,” it is

158 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hamlet Zhou. Personal Interview. Harare, June 2nd, 2019. 101 the final of five consecutive psalms read and often sung aloud. An element of this psalm that holds special meaning, both for practicing Jews around the world and especially for

Hamlet and Lemba Jews concern the text. This particular psalm encourages its readers to praise God through song and noise. The text mentions specific instruments––horns, harps, and cymbals––which are to be used in the spirit of praising God. Psalm 150 gives advice and guidance on how to connect to one another and God through sound and music.

As a result, this psalm in particular is commonly set to music and Hamlet’s contribution to the Lemba Jewish music repertoire is no exception. Set in a slow bouncing six feel,

Hamlet cleverly employs instinctive traditional rhythms––including polyrhythmic conversations between chorus parts––and another short, repetitive melodic line that, when applied to this strophic psalm achieves its desired effect. The whole congregation is engaged, participating, and praising through song.

102

qd = 50 # # œ œ œ & # # 86 Œ. Œ œ œ œ œ 42 œ œ œ 86 œ. œ œ œ œ. Œ. HaJ - lle-lu - jahœ ha - lle-lu- jahœ Ha - lle-lu - jah

# ## 6 2 6 & # 8 ∑ ∑ 4 ∑ 8 œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ Haœ. -œ lle-lu - jahœ. ha-lle-lu- jah # œ œ œ œ ? ## # 86 ∑ ∑ 42 ∑ 86 œ. œ œ œ œ œ Ha - lle-lu - jahJ ha-lle-lu- jah

6 #### œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ & . œ œ. œ œ. œ . œ. œ œ œ œ Ha - lle-lu - hu el b'-kod - sho ha - lle - lu - jah ha - lle-llu-jah

#### œ & œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ Haœ. - lle-lu - hu elœ. b'-kod - sho haœ. - œ lle - lu - jahœ. ha - lle - lu- jah # œ. j œ œ. œ œ ? ## # œ. œ œ œ. œ Œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ Ha - lle-lu - hu el ha - lle - lu - jahJ ha - lle - lu- jah

10 2 # ## œ. œ œ. œ & # œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ Ha - lle-lu - hu - hu bir-ki - ya u - zo Ha - lle - lu - jah ha - lle-lu- jah 2 # ## & # œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ Ha - lle-lu - hu bir-ki - ya u - zo Haœ. - œ lle - lu - jahœ. ha - lle-lu- jah 2 # œ. œ œ ? ## # œ. œ œ œ œ Œ. œ. œ œ œ Œ. Ha - lle-lu - hu - hu Ha - lle - lu - jahJ

Figure 15. Psalm 150, Hallelujah, Hamlet Zhou. ©

The first two lines transcribed here show Hamlet’s construction of melody and rhythm following the influence of the pulsing cyclical nature of traditional Shona mbira performance. When listening to the album version of this prayer––which prominently features Hamlet on mbira––this connection is even clearer. As mentioned before, 103 harmonies are not prescribed by the composer, but occur instinctively and naturally for the performers. Here, in contrast to the parallels 6ths and 7ths as observed in Adon Olam and Oseh Shalom, there is a heavy emphasis on 3rds and octaves. In contrast to observations made by area scholars of Southern African music (Jones, Blacking, Kubik,

Kaemmer) who have identified parallel third singing as a trait found exclusively in culture North of the Zambezi, here the harmonic choices made by the congregation lean heavily on this motion as shown in mm. four, nine, and thirteen. So far, as shown in just three transcriptions, Hamlet’s music, while one could argue is distinctively

“Zimbabwean” and accomplishing his goal of a new original Lemba Jewish sound, does not confirm to scholarly recognized musicological traits of the region, including heptatonic and hexatonic scale use, patterned movements of bichords in 4ths, 5ths, and octaves.

104

Chapter 3. Rusape Jews

Sitting alone in the back of the massive synagogue’s sanctuary in Rusape, I watched as community members dressed to the nines in ornate tuxedos and floor length dresses slowly filtered into the synagogue. Services offer members of this congregation an opportunity to dress up and show their respect to God, and everyone, including the youngest children in attendance leaned in to this practice. It was Friday night. The sun was setting. It was time to begin the Kabbalat Shabbat service.159 Organized in a “U” formation, the “bimah” (alter, Hebrew) consisted of elders, members of the clergy and the two male and female choristers and music directors. A choir of around 80 individuals was organized in the pews below, patiently waiting for the service to begin. All of a sudden, without any warning, everyone stood up and began to sing in thunderous harmony. I quickly flicked my camera to “record” and opened up the program I was given upon entrance to follow the service.160

I knew this service would be different from the services I had participated and observed in with the Lemba Jewish communities in organization and content. Yet I was still caught off guard as I immediately recognized the language echoing off the synagogue’s high-arched ceilings was Shona rather than Hebrew or English. As I began to flip through my program to find my place a young teenager sat down next to me, took my program, and pointed to where we were. He smiled and whispered, “I will guide

159 In the Jewish faith, the Kabbalat Shabbat (meaning literally receiving the Sabbath) service occurs on Friday evenings and serves as a prelude to Shabbat services. It was composed in the 16th century by a group of kabbalists. 160 As noted earlier in this document, at this synagogue, I was encouraged to record Friday night and Saturday morning services, as long as I set my camera up in the back and out of the way. 105 you,” as he put on his kippah and tallit. As the service progressed––both in Shona and

English––he offered translations, commentary, and observations, which proved especially illuminating during one leader’s sermon.

As the service concluded with the community’s traditional closing hymn, he took my journal in which I had been furiously scribbling notes. He wrote down his email and said, “you will have more questions, yes?” I returned to my room that night and couldn’t sleep. I thought about my prior meeting with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. I thought about how because his Rusape community was ravaged by the economic crisis gas and travel were nigh impossible. Yet this group of almost 200 Jews somehow gathered together, some from towns almost eight hours away to sing, pray, and convene. I began to tear up as I thought about privilege in my life and many aspects of my religious experience that I take for granted. I was touched by many things I experienced that first weekend in

Rusape, but what moved me to tears most was that first Friday night service when I watched from the back of the room as a disparate community of engaged individuals, sang, danced, and offered praised.

Diaspora and History

Throughout this document, I refer to the community of black Jews headquartered in the town of Rusape colloquially as the “Rusape Jews.” I use this terminology partly for ease of categorization and in comparison with the other Jewish communities living in

Zimbabwe and partly due to its prior use by scholars before me. However, this community whose practice dates back to the late nineteenth century is more widely known both in Africa and the United States as “The Church of God Saints of Christ.” In 106 this section I will examine the multifaceted history of this community and discuss the power of a name and why this group of practicing Jews refers to themselves in such a way.

Unlike the religion of the Lemba Jews, the Rusape Jews’ practice is referred to as

“prophetic Judaism.” For many communities, this is in reference to Jesus Christ as a prophet figure. However for the Rusape Jews, prophetic here refers to the notion that their leaders—in addition to every individual member— is a prophet of G-d. Their current “chief prophet” is American Rabbi Phillip E. McNeil who is located in

Pennsylvania. It should be noted McNeil has yet to visit Zimbabwe.161

In 1893, former enslaved African American William Saunders Crowdy began citing visions from G-d, claiming that G-d had chosen him to lead African Americans back to their original religion and identity, Judaism.162 Shortly after receiving these visions, he became a preacher and began spreading his message across the country, establishing communities in Texas and Chicago, which attracted a considerable following among African Americans.163 Three years later in 1896 Crowdy arrived in Lawrence,

Kansas and formally established the Church of God and Saints of Christ.164 Rusape

Jewish community members hold varying theories on why Crowdy chose that particular name. Some say it was simply to avoid ridicule while others argue that it was consciously

161 A further discussion on the complete hierarchy of leadership in the greater Church of God and Saints of Christ community can be found further on in this chapter on pp. ___ 162 Ezra Chitando, “Vajudha (African Jews) In Harare: Expressing Contested Identities In Tight Spaces,” African Studies Vol. 64 No. 2, 2005, 139. 163 Ibid., 164 Hans Baer, “The Black Spiritual Movement: A Religious Response To Racism, (University of Tennessee Press: 2001), 97. 107 chosen to avoid persecution and hatred from external communities who might not approve of their Jewish practice. Regardless of origin, the name perseveres and is still formally used today in North America and Southern Africa, where there are communities not just in Zimbabwe, but Malawi, Mozambique, and South Africa.165 According to oral narratives and confirmed by several Rusape Jewish community members I spoke with, in

1903 a man named Albert Christian left South Africa after having a vision that instructed him to go to America to find the prophet of G-d. Christian then met Crowdy in America and believed that he was the one whom God had referred to in his vision. Christian brought Judaism as interpreted and practiced by Crowdy to Southern Africa. This circulation of religious ideas from the African American community to South Africa is particularly striking considering the double diasporic connection to the land of Israel. In that regard, this religious movement is unique in that its complex history is intrinsically linked to both biblical ties with ancient Israeli narratives and African Americans and slavery.

Alongside their contemporary origins this community is quick to highlight the ancient nature of its faith. While not affiliating themselves with the Lemba diaspora—in fact they are members of the Shona ethnic group—Rusape Jews still ascribe to lost tribe rhetoric and believe they, along with all Bantu peoples are descendants of Abraham and the Jewish people.

“We are a true house of Israel. As much as we are Africans, we are equally members of the Jewish community. Our culture demonstrates our unique Jewish identity. All aspects of our culture proceed from the Creator. Our marriage practices, inheritance customs, circumcision of the male child and possession of

165 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea. Personal Interview. Harare, July 30th, 2019. 108

totems confirm our Jewish identity. We have never been Gentiles and we crossed the Suez Canal to come to Africa. We are Hebrews, descendants of Abraham and we have always observed the Sabbath and all the laws. Our indigenous language, Shona, is closely related to Hebrew.”166

This thinking is a constant across time and space as shown by this quote from Rusape

Jewish musician Solomon Guwazah nearly ten years later:

We believe most African (Black) descendants are in fact the ancient Hebrews and in fact most Blacks are the descendants of the 12 children of Israel. We believe the true faith of the African descendants is Judaism and not Islam, as Islam is a revelation for descendants of Ishmael.167

This quote illuminates an important piece of this puzzle. The Rusape Jewish community does in fact believe they share ancestral and geological roots with the Lemba Jews. When asked about this, Elder and District Evangelist Hosea Risinamhodzi had the following to say: “Yes we believe that we and the Lembas share the same origins and ethnic grouping.

And we also share the same cultural practices that originated from our father

Abraham.”168 This was a startling piece of information. At this point I had been working in Zimbabwe for two months and somehow this critical piece of information had never come up. I asked Hosea, with this in mind, why are the Rusape and Lemba Jewish communities so isolated and separate? Hosea went on to tell me the following: “The difference is we are organized into a religious body with affiliates all over USA, South

166 Interview with Elder Makuwaza. Harare, 1997. 167 Solomon Guwazah, Rusape Jewish community member in a letter to the African Sun newspaper. 168 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, August 2nd, 2019. 109

Africa, and Central Africa while the Lembas are just a cultural practicing group, not properly organized into synagogues and structures.”169

Four weeks later I returned to the Harare Lemba Synagogue and presented this information to a few leaders to gauge their responses and opinions. I was met with cheeky smiles and a confident declaration that “I would most definitely say this is very much not true.” When asked to elaborate on his assessment and if he could provide any evidence to support this, Modreck shared the following story with me:

When the Lemba came to Zimbabwe, the Shona, who are natives to Zimbabwe keep totems. A totem is something that is used to identify a clan or group. Mostly those totems are animals or organs on animal bodies. If your totem is a lion you are not supposed to eat a lion, and so son. The Lemba came to Zimbabwe as outsiders so we have no totem. So from observing how the Lemba behaved. The Lemba already didn’t eat mice (because of kashrut) among other things so they picked the mice to be the totem of the Lemba. It was something that came from their neighbors, not from the Lemba. So we identify each other by the totems we have and the totems that were given to ourselves by the locals. For the Rusape Jews, I was familiar with someone, an elder from that community, they had a program on television where they would argue comparing Christianity and Judaism and why they were choosing Judaism over Christianity. These guys had totems proving they are not Lemba. They belong to the local totems. We can tell most of the Rusape Jews from their totems and that is why they are locals.170

The fact that almost any Lemba Jew you told Hosea’s statement to would vehemently disagree—as Modreck did—with this statement is almost irrelevant. Hosea does not say this with any malice or judgment in his voice, to him it is simply matter of fact. I was still burning with questions following this revelation and asked him if there have ever been attempts to connect with the Lemba Jewish community—in either Zimbabwe or South

169 Ibid., 170 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 10th, 2019. 110

Africa— and he told me that yes, on many occasions they have communicated but also admitted they have “not done enough.” “We have met some of their leadership” he told me, “but we have not mixed our congregations in services.” “We plan to do more,” he went on to say:

“There are no concrete plans but we have a department that addresses such issue and I only need to let them prioritize this issue among their other objectives. Our first port of call will be to engage their leadership proposing this interaction.”171

Despite the similarities and believed shared lineage, in this document I show how different musical performance and prayer can be between the Rusape and Lemba Jews.

Presently, Elder Farsi Nyawata who is based in Harare, is the leader of the Rusape

Jewish community in Zimbabwe. At its inception in Zimbabwe in the 1930s, there was rumored to be around two hundred members.172 As of 2004, membership was rumored to be around 5,000.173 Now, in 2019 that number has only increased. There are members who are based in urban areas such as Bulawayo as well as more rural parts like Murehwa,

Mutoko, Masvosva, Chiendambuya, Devedzo, Gokwe, and Bocha. Unlike the Lemba

Jews, members of the Rusape Jewish community cite that they are not followers of indigenous African religion. It should also be noted that in contrast to Lemba Jews who support their oral narratives with as much tangible evidence as possible, Rusape Jews I spoke with did not seem concerned with “evidence,” and instead gave sweeping statements and observations regarding their Abrahamic origins. To them, it is simply accepted fact. The notion of proof phenomena that is prevalent in many Afro-Judaic

171 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, July 7th, 2019. 172 Chitando, 140. 173 Ibid., 111 communities does not really manifest itself with these members according to my observations.

As I stated before in chapter two, I believe it is imperative to hear these histories—especially those centering on oral narratives— in full from individual members. Take note of the Rusape Jewish story as told by Elder District Evangelist

Hosea:

Back in 1944 a preacher came from South Africa and when he came here he had heard that there are some people who are looking for a change. A change that belongs to G-d. He explained to them about the Church of God and Saints of Christ that was founded in 1896 by prophet William Saunders Crowdy in America. So he explained to them that this church organization believes that the blacks are the Jews who migrated into Africa from Palestine. So some years ago, there were many symptoms and signs that linked us with Judaism. So they repented and were baptized into that church. In the late 50s they became a very big conversation but many were situated within the rural areas. Then evangelist Ambrose Makuwaza was in South Africa and got ordained and came to Zimbabwe to embrace the church community. From 1960 we count that as our formal Jewish practice. The Judaic principles that we follow is one who circumcise our males, we keep the Sabbath we keep Passover, we keep Shabbat, Yom Kippur, Rosh Hashanah, Shavuot, Sukkot and we also keep what we call the holy days. Those are the customs that we follow. We also encourage our members to have love for humanity.174

Hosea’s story is similar to the plethora of oral histories and diasporic retellings I heard from the many community members I was fortunate to speak with. One common thread throughout all of it is faith, passion, and hope. Faith in their mission and beliefs, passion in the work they do, and hope for a better future.

174 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, August 9th, 2019. 112

Musical Contributions to Social Identity

Ethnically, the Rusape Jewish community belongs to a larger group of Bantu peoples who are recognized as having a Semitic origin.175 While certainly valuable to their Jewish identity, these ties are not regarded as much of a critical pillar as those of the

Lemba Jews. They are seen as a given, and simply part of who they are. There is not nearly as much of a push/struggle to “prove” their Jewish-ness as observed in other communities.

The Rusape Jewish community seeks to emphasize their identity in terms of their differences from other competing religious traditions. These differences come into play most frequently in separating themselves from their Christian counterparts. One of the primary tools by which Rusape Jews help along this distinction is through music. As one

Rusape Jewish composer and chorister told me, “Music is a way of communicating gods message into the congregation. Through singing, we are talking to the souls.” During a casual conversation with Elder Hosea after services one day, he told me:

Music is the most integral, important part of our worship. In its melodies, prancing, clapping, and undulation we express our inward reverence praise and honor to almighty god and our identity. As we sing our souls communicate with our Heavenly Father. Our mode of music can better be described as chanting sometimes to the level of being overtaken by hypnosis. This is how important music is to us.176

However, some Rusape Jewish musicians do not feel as strong of a connection as Hosea and other Elders do: “we are identified by our music, however we do not make any

175 Chitando., 141. 176 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, July 7th, 2019. 113 special effort to be identified as such. It is just automatic.”177 To this composer and musician, any resulting benefits relating to their identity struggles is incidental. Others disagree and feel much more strongly that the music they write, sing, pray, and put out into the universe has much wider, long lasting implications.

As long as they are Jewish, our music can connect us with people around the world through messages in the songs. Our cultures and our social types of lives may be different but our messages remain the same as they are derived from the Torah and writings of the prophets.178

Margaret continued to tell me, “music is important to my identity because it is how I express my feelings and my joy. We give praise to the almighty God through music and we offer hymns of love. For this alone music is very important.”179 In more of my many conversations with Hosea, he offered this historical anecdote regarding the importance of music to his community:

Music is very important to our tabernacle. Culturally, if you date back music to our culture, we had to sing for the spirit to come. Even in the same vein in the church, music plays a similar role. If you go back to the biblical times, like the story of Saul. Saul had to ask David to sing for him to chase away the evil spirits. So in the same vein, music plays a very integral part in our services. It is our music which brings down the spirit of god in our mists. it is our music which inspires all those who worship. Especially those who are speaking to the congregation and need to be inspired.180

Just as I discussed earlier regarding the Lemba Jew’s (primarily Hamlet’s) approach and attitude towards incorporating local music styles and actively striving to make their

177 Ibid., 178 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Margaret Makuwaza. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 16th, 2019. 179 Ibid., 180 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, August 12th, 2019. 114 newly created music “sound Zimbabwean,” many Rusape Jewish composers and musicians share parallel thinking in this regard.

To have our music in a Shona way, it is the way everyone speaks. Even the rhythms are mostly composed of our culture, even culturally, because our music is so diverse, it is borrowed from many cultures.181

This includes an emphasis on Shona language as well and is congruent with the observations I made in chapter ___ on the Lemba Jews use of multilingualism in worship.

“We have songs in English and Shona, but the music in our vernacular language lifts the spirit of everyone.”182 This quote neatly captures a common dynamic across Jewish communities South of the Sahara. Language dynamics plays an important role in not just establishing the identity of a church and its congregants, but also for its practical applications as well. “We must use both languages because our church is international, and if we have visitors we want them to praise too.”183 While there is a large emphasis on the international nature of their religion, I did not observe an active effort to establish connections to the outside Jewish world, contrary to observations made with the Lemba

Jews. Music for Rusape Jews, while integral to their sense of individualized identity throughout difficult historical moments, does not seek to connect Rusape Jews with a global Jewish audience. Instead, its purpose looks inward, at how music can affect individuals at the local communal level. As one Rusape Jewish composer shared with me after Shabbat services one day, “music lifts up the spirit of the people when we worship

181 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elude Mukanhami. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 22nd, 2019. 182 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, July 22nd, 2019. 183 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Darangwa. Personal Interview. Harare, July 22nd, 2019. 115 our God. As a Jew music is important and most of our songs reflect that and our identity as Jews.”184

Customs and Practices

In contrast to the Lemba Jews who view daily practice Jewish as evidence in support of their claims of lost tribe ancestry, the Rusape Jewish community of Zimbabwe views their practice and observance in a slightly different light. While, as I discussed in chapter three, the Rusape Jews do in fact ultimately believe they share diaspora with the

Lemba Jews, there is not as severe an emphasis on “reclaiming a lost identity” as with the

Lemba Jewish community. In conversations with Rusape Jewish community members, the notion of proof or the general feeling of having to prove and support their Jewish status and history through empirical evidence was not demonstrated amongst community members. With all that in mind however, the Rusape Jews do in fact observe and maintain many rabbinic Jewish religious practices alongside their Lemba counterparts.

Before mentioning the holiday specific practices maintained by the Rusape Jews,

I should first mention their observance of a few ubiquitous Jewish daily customs and practices in contrast to Lemba observance. In regards to kashrut (dietary laws, Hebrew), while the Rusape Jews do refrain from eating any food that is inherently not kosher, they will eat kosher meat that has not been slaughtered in a kosher manner. This is to say, they will buy chicken, or goat for example from the grocery store, whereas the Lemba Jews, in an effort to maintain complete strict adherence to these dietary laws grow, raise, and

184 Ibid., 116 slaughter their own meat and poultry and avoid those purchases at grocery stores and restaurants altogether.

While daily and weekly rite and ritual (as in Shabbat) is valued, there is an even greater emphasis on observing and celebrating major religious holidays as a community.

Due to the geographic and economic disparity between not only many members of the community but also between community groups at large, daily observance is not a shared activity. However, the opportunity to come together as a larger community for major holidays presents Rusape Jewish community members with the prospect of celebrating their religion as a group, engaging in Jewish practices and customs relevant to each specific holiday.

Following the chronological order of the Hebrew lunar calendar, Rusape Jews observe and place in high regard the celebration of Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New

Year. Translated literally as “head of the year,” Rosh Hashanah celebrates the beginning of the new calendar year according to Jewish teachings as well as the creation of Adam and Eve. In Rusape, Jews gather at their tabernacle and read from the siddur, marked by the blowing of the shofar, a ceremonial ram’s horn whose reference and usage in Jewish liturgy can be cited back to the biblical era. 185 Prayers from the siddur are interrupted with songs of repentance that ask for forgiveness. These are original new works that have been composed by community members specific for this occasion. Additionally, monetary offerings are presented as a supplementary system for repentance. These monetary offerings represent the individual’s sins over the past year.

185 Exodus 19: 7-19. 117

Following Rosh Hashanah, the next major holiday that Rusape Jews gather to observe is Passover, which celebrates the Jews exodus from slavery and the land of

Egypt.186 Typically in American Jewish households, Passover is observed on the first and second nights in individual households, with a gathering for the seder (order, Hebrew) a service and meal which follows a strict order or distinct rituals and customs. In Rusape however, the entire community gathers at the tabernacle for one large communal seder and gathering, organized by elders and what is referred to as the “seder committee.” They prepare a seder meal for the whole congregation––up to 200 plus individuals––which includes such items of ritualistic importance including the lambs shank, charoset (fruit and nut paste, Hebrew), bitter herbs, eggs, and matzah.

For both the Rusape and Lemba Jewish communities, matzah specifically is quite difficult to obtain and is often brought in from neighboring countries, most frequently

South Africa where the Jewish population is much larger. During the seder, the whole community listens while a preacher reads from the haggadah (narrative text recited on

Passover, Hebrew). Songs are sung intermittently which tell the story of the exodus from

Egypt. Similarly to Rosh Hashanah, these songs are original, new pieces that are composed specifically for this event and holiday. They are only permitted to be performed in this context. Following the first two nights of Passover when the seder is held at the tabernacle, morning services are held daily for the duration of the holiday

(eight days).

186 Between Rosh Hashanah and Passover are several other major and minor Jewish holidays. Rusape Jews observe these on their own terms, however there is no formal gathering at the synagogue for these holidays. 118

Seven weeks after the conclusion of Passover, Rusape Jews gather at their respective tabernacles to celebrate the Jewish holiday of Shavuot. This holiday commemorates the reception of the Torah from God on Mount Sinai. It also celebrates the beginning of the grain harvest in early summer. On this holiday, Rusape Jews gather once again at the tabernacle as a community and read from the siddur and sing. Following these songs, passages from the Torah are read and a preacher gives a sermon. Offerings are given which resemble bikurim (firs fruits, Hebrew) which in the Torah, were the first fruits farmers brought to the holy temple every year.187

While there are other holidays belonging to the Jewish calendar that the Rusape

Jews observe and celebrate, these three, in addition to Shabbat every week, are the most revered and celebrated occasions. As a result, we can also observe the most contributions to the liturgical musical repertoire occur around and for these dates as they are times of maximum communal engagement and involvement.

187 Exodus 23:19 119

Profile of a Rusape Jewish Musician

Figure 16. Elder Hosea standing outside Beth El Temple after Shabbat services. 120

I first met Elder Hosea Risinhamodzi (fig. 12) in the lobby of the Bronte Gardens

Hotel, our mutually agreed upon meeting point. We had been communicating over

WhatsApp for a few days now and he graciously agreed to sit down with me and as they say in Zimbabwe, “make a plan.” A short, stocky man with a big smile and even bigger heart, Hosea is a cornerstone of his community. His official title—as he is proud to tell me—is District Evangelist Hosea and his function is assisting the District Rabbi.188

Alongside these duties, Hosea is a prolific composer, musician, and member of the prodigious Beth El Temple choir.

Born into his religion, Hosea has endured a diverse career throughout

Zimbabwe’s many hardships.

I was born a follower of this church. My father was a deacon of this church. My mother was a sister elder of this church. I grew up in the rural areas and I went to a Methodist school. Then after that I went to and did a college for accounts in Marondera, that was during the war. After the war, I went to teach in Rusape. I taught for four years and then I left teaching. I went for farming. I farmed for five years before I got a diploma in agriculture. After that I was given a farm by government so I farmed for fifteen years and then I came here and met elder Makuwaza.189

It is due to his storied life that Hosea credits his ability to produce and create the music so valuable to himself and his congregation. For him, there is nothing more important than his religious identity and community. “For me, the church is my home, my salvation. It molds me. It molds me culturally and spiritually. It directs me and provides me a life that

188 The use of Christian vernacular terminology might strike some scholars as curious. These terms are used with specific intent and meaning, and as these are terms used by members of the Rusape Jewish Community, I will use these terms in this portion of the document. 189 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, July 7th, 2019. 121 is righteous.”190 Hosea and I met first before I traveled to Rusape to experience a service at his church. Sister Elder Margaret Makuawaza, daughter of Elder Makuwaza, a respected leader of the Rusape Jewish community, put us in touch initially. She told me one day’ “if you are here for music you must talk to my elder.” She was referring to

Hosea, who lives in Harare, but journeys the two and a half hours every weekend to

Rusape to pray. In that first interview, he spoke to me about the power music holds not just for himself, but also for his whole community.

To speak personally for a moment, the services I experienced in Rusape were extraordinary. Filled with song, dance, and faith that seemed to push outwards on the rafters and wood beams, propelling their prayer into the heavens, experiencing and participating in services with them was a powerful moment for me. Hosea and I met many more times after that first encounter, to discuss his life, Judaism, and how music fits into that story. The value of this music, to him and his community, cannot be understated. When he speaks, his passion is palpable. His eyes glitter with hope and excitement as he tells me all about the community of musicians, composers, and company of individuals that give his life meaning every week through communal gathering and prayer.

190 Ibid., 191 Ibid., 122

Musical Performance Practices

“Music is a way of communicating God’s message into the congregation. Through singing, we are talking to the souls.”192

Similar to the Lemba Jewish community, the Rusape Jews of Zimbabwe live in various scattered rural and urban communities throughout the country. This larger community additionally stretches across borders, existing in transnational spaces. Thus, the continued efforts by religious leaders to maintain a unified corpus of song and prayers is challenging––given many reasons, language being a primary one––however every elder and composer I spoke to unanimously agreed it was worth it, and that without their

“universal songbook” their Jewish practice would not exist.

From these conversations it became clear that music was recognized as the primary tool for bridging gaps between communities and maintaining traditions and practices. During the first Shabbat weekend I spent in Rusape a delegation from South

Africa was visiting, and the music director for the Rusape synagogue included three songs in Afrikaans during the service to make the visitors feel welcome and engage them in the service. I asked the music director about this at a later point, and how that worked, specifically, did the whole choir already know these songs and melodies in that foreign language? I was told that while some were aware of it from exchange programs with churches in South Africa, many were unfamiliar. But as a direct result from how they were composed choir members were able to pick up the melody quickly and join in on vocables until they caught on to the text.

192 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Gawani Rufaro. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 123

This emphasis on easily “catchable” melodies and cyclical forms, even more so than I observed with the Lemba Jews in Harare is a critical component to musical composition and synagogue performance. Prayers containing as little as six words of text would be sung for upwards of seven minutes. The momentum of the choir’s voices ebbed and flowed with energy similar to a piece of minimalist music by Steve Reich. As I will show with my transcriptions, these compositional elements are not coincidental. Text and melody are composed with the intention of being memorable and easy to learn.

Whereas I observed in the Lemba Jewish community one composer responsible for the whole corpus of liturgical music, the opposite was true in Rusape. In addition to a significantly larger repertoire––the current version of the Rusape Jewish songbook has nearly eighty songs––pieces are composed by different musicians, composers, and community members. Some have contributed upwards of twenty songs. Others have written one or two. I was grateful for the opportunity to sit down with many of these composers and leaders and discuss their compositional process and how music intersects with their daily Jewish life.

One important element to acknowledge is the difference in liturgical organization and repertoire from the Lemba Jewish community. While the Lemba Jews pray out of

Western published siddurim (prayer books) the Rusape Jews have compiled their own prayer books specific to each service and holiday.193 These are comprised of written

193 At the Harare Lemba synagogue, they exclusive use the “Koren Sacks” siddur, a Hebrew/English edition edited and annotated by Rabbi Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi of the British Commonwealth. 124 prayers to be spoken and read aloud as well as songs to be sung by the full choir and congregation.

The prayers that are read aloud are completely “new” and original to this community. They cannot be found in preexisting Western siddurim or biblical texts. As one might assume this also factors into their musical composition. Instead of settings for texts being taken from pre-existing prayers in the contemporary Western siddur, prayers and songs in Rusape are composed primarily originally, with texts sometimes inspired by biblical moments, but rarely quoted directly. Often times, composers will search for biblical references and moments that reflect contemporary Zimbabwean struggles. As one prominent Rusape Jewish composer told me: “I refer to the Bible for stories because all what happens today is a mirror of what happened then. For example, during the war, a lot of tabernacles stopped worshipping, but once we gained our freedom and independence, so many compositions came.”194 He then went on to sing in Shona a prayer he composed referencing this dynamic: “I am so happy because once again God has brought me to his tabernacle.” Another composer, Elder Elude Mukanihami had this to say on the subject:

Usually when I compose music, I am pushed by circumstances. Something happens and I want to talk to the people about it. Like what happened at the Red Sea, when the children of Israel beheld the might of god after crossing the Red Sea, Miriam and the women sing about the great works they have seen. I do the same thing.195

Here, Mukanhuami is showing the connection between biblical musical practice and contemporary Rusape Jewish musical practice. Referring back to the conversation above

194 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Daranga . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 16th, 2019. 195 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Elude Mukanihami . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 16th, 2019. 125 on how the Rusape Jews organize and structure their prayer books, an example of how said prayer book looks can be seen in Figure 17 below.

EVENING SERVICE FOR SABBATH1

(Reader and Chorister open the Ark and Holy of Holies; Congregation stand) Reader and Congregation: And God spake all these words, saying, “I am the LORD thy God which have brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. Thou shalt have no other gods before Me." (Reader and Chorister go to their podiums and remain standing) Anthem: ……...... "I Love Thy Church, 0 God" Prayer Song: (The Holy of Holies is closed; Congregation be seated) Reader: The LORD reigneth while the people stand in awe; He is enthroned upon His judgment seat, While the earth trembles.

Congregation: The LORD is mighty in Zion; He is exalted over all peoples. Reader: They praise His name: "God, great and revered, is holy."

Congregation: Mighty King who loveth justice, Thou has: established equity; Justice and righteousness hast Thou wrought in Jacob. Reader: Exalt the LORD our God, And worship at His footstool, declaring: "Holy is He!" Congregation: Moses and Aaron were among His priests; Samuel was among those that called upon His name, Calling upon the LORD and being answered. Reader: He would speak unto them out of a pillar of cloud; They kept His testimonies and the laws He gave them. Congregation: Thou, O LORD, didst answer them; Thou wast a forgiving God unto them, Though punishing them for their evil. Reader: Exalt the LORD our God, And worship at His holy mountain; For the LORD our God is holy. Song: ...... Reader and Congregation: Praised be Thou, O LORD our God, Ruler of the universe, who with Thy word bringest on the evening twilight, and with Thy wisdom openest the gates of the heavens. With understanding Thou dost order the cycles of time and variest the seasons, setting the stars in their courses in the sky, according to Thy will. Thou createst day and night,

Figure 17. First page of Rusape Friday evening service prayer book.

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As one may notice, in the heading of this text there is a superscript “1” following the title

“Evening Service For Sabbath.” This specific prayer book contains three different possible versions of the evening service and it is up to whomever is leading services at any given point to decide which version they would like to use. These contain different prayers and songs and the choir is not told which version will be used prior to the service.

This is the same with Saturday morning services as well. “Scriptures,” as notated on another page of this prayer book do not correspond to the Jewish Torah calendar, as they are commonly read in many parts of the world, but rather are taken and read aloud by discretion of the preacher. These are also interspersed throughout the service, rather than within one dedicated portion. Additionally, songs are not necessarily always predetermined specific to the version, so choir members must be proficient in all songs at any given moment. They are not told what will be sung ahead of time, their only indication and instructed is a brief one or two measure introductory “call.” This call, as shown in Figure 2 below serves two purposes. It informs the choir what piece will be performed, and it sets the key and tempo for that specific performance. This is ultimately left to the discretion of the lead chorister. Choir members only have that brief musical moment to internalize those facts before joining in singing.

127

Figure 18. Opening Call of “Mweya Wangu,” Hosea.196

Rusape Jewish music includes a few musical and performative elements unique to their community. Most notably, what are referred to as “undulations” and “prancing.”

Undulations are the practice of individual members of the congregation or choir

(typically female) performing a high-pitched vocable––usually “ai”–– repeatedly at a high volume for several seconds in length. These can occur at any point during a song and there are not set rules or restrictions on the amount of frequency of undulations a person can contribute. “These are sounds of praise, its praise for the holy atmosphere they feel themselves in.”197 In addition to being inspired by the moment, atmosphere, and music, these undulations also provide a historic link and point of connection for Rusape

Jews to their biblical ancestors.

The undulation is sort of a sound culturally made by Jewish women. When Miriam saw the redemption that God has given to Israel, Miriam gave praise to God who had done great things. At the time of praise women get that anxiety when they feel the holy atmosphere when words are being sung to the holiest high.198

196 A complete transcription and analysis of this piece can be found on pp. ___ of this chapter. 197 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Elude Mukanihami . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 16th, 2019. 198 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 25th, 2019. 128

The other performative element worth noting in this tabernacle is the concept of prancing.

Prancing refers to any individual or group movements that occur while standing and singing a prayer. These can be as simple as a moderate sway back and forth, to “step- touches,” all the way to full on dancing, complete with spins and heavy arm movement.

Often times I observed prancing occur in unison amongst smaller groups that separated within the pews, however it is not uncommon for an individual to be the only one standing in a row of people sitting, or prancing in their own manner, contrary to those around them. In reference to how prancing, music, and prayer intersect, Elder Hosea told me that:

Musical Analysis

The first prayer to discuss from this community is “Ivo Vanochengeta.” This piece comes from the Shabbat morning liturgy and is translated as follows:

Shona:

Ivo vanochengeta sabata vacha ropa fadzwa

English:

They that keep the Sabbath shall be blessed by the father

199 Ibid., 129

This prayer––as I alluded to before––is an original composition and does not come from any preexisting Jewish text. Both the melody and lyrics were originally composed for the

Rusape tabernacle. This is in contrast to the approach to Jewish composition taken by

Hamlet and the Lemba Jewish community, which draws exclusively from preexisting

Judaic texts.

130

Figure 19. Ivo Vanochengeta, Hosea Risinhamdozi

The piece begins with the leader’s introductory call––as most Rusape Jewish songs do–– which sets the tempo and key for the performance. This song ––shorter than most but not uncommon––follows a twelve beat cycle which repeats without change to rhythm, harmony, or tempo until the leader decides it is time to move on. At that moment, the music director signals the choir and the last cycle is sung. Here, there are no verses, just one simple chorus repeated passionately ad infinitum. 131

A significant distinction between group learning and performance between the

Lemba Jewish community and the Rusape Jews can be made here. Harmonies in the

Lemba Jewish community of Harare are not taught and simply performed “instinctively” at the discretion of the congregant and performer. But here the composer works with the music director to pre-arrange vocal harmonies for the (much larger) ensemble. The congregation at large however is still responsible for providing their own voices and harmonies. Whether they choose to mimic a voice part already being sung or contribute a new line, it is up to the discretion of the individual.

In terms of harmony, we have tenor, bass, soprano, and alto. Each prayer has its own separate parts. Our music is oral. We do not write anything. Harmony is originally taught to the choir by the chorister and cantor but everyone else in the congregation is adding in their own melodies.200

It should also be noted that the “Rusape Jewish Songbook” of which I mentioned earlier contains only text and lyrics, no music. As a result, my transcriptions in this chapter contain every voice heard. Delineations between originally prescribed harmonies and congregational additions are not made. While one might argue that these transcriptions should only include the music that was “intentionally” written for these prayers, I contend that since it ultimately manifests as a group liturgical performance, it is imperative to include all voices sounded.

One of the first observations we can make about this piece is its vocal density and its “fullness.” This quality––often attributed to and sounding like other popular vocal musics of the region––is a musical result of the heavy emphasis on octave doubling in

200 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Gawani Rufaro . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 132 different registers, parallel 3rds, and rhythmic overlap emphasized by contrary motion as observed in mm. 6 and 9. This combination leads to a dense, rich, and emotionally uplifting musical feel that results in inspiring congregants to rise to their feet, clap, and dance.

At this point it is necessary to discuss a distinct musical and compositional element inherent to Rusape Jewish music. One question I asked of all my interlocutors was if it was important for their music to “sound Zimbabwean,” and be reflective of their local musical styles and traditions. In discussing this question with Elder Hosea, he informed me that not only is this dynamic highly valued and regarded, but in fact, to underline this idea even further, many Rusape Jewish compositions are actually mash-ups or combinations of several Shona melodies woven together to create one new song. When asked to expand on this further, Elder Hosea relayed the following to me:

Culturally, we have our own tunes, and the composer mirrors the word with a tune of their own choice. I don’t know how to explain it but culturally, there are these melodies that came about. Our culture has so many melodies and sometimes you link one melody with another, three, four, five melodies and create something new. I take different sections from different Shona melodies to come up with a new song.201

This is approach to composition is a distinctive tactic to incorporate and retain valued indigenous musical elements into a new musical genre. I was eager to unpack this concept more. However using Arom’s method of playback technique and inviting Hosea to break down and show me this dynamic at play in one of his compositions, he was

201 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Harare, June 11th, 2019. 133 unable to do so or provide any evidence of this phenomenon.202 In speaking with other

Rusape Jewish composers, some offered agreement that this was how music was written, while others declined to comment, but insisted their music was wholly original and their own. “When I write music it is all from my head,” “sometimes I just think of something or see something and I am inspired and sing the melody.”203204

By examining another Rusape Jewish composition, we can further understand the desire of indigenous composers to have their music be reflective of local musical styles.

202 This technique involves playing back a recording to an interlocutor giving them space to comment on it and make observations. 203 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Daranga. Personal Interview. Harare, July 20th, 2019. 204 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Elude Mukanahami. Personal Interview. Harare, July 20th, 2019. 134

Figure 20. Masabata Angu, Hosea.

This prayer, titled “Masabata Angu,” comes from the Friday night liturgy and when performed, is typically the first song sun to begin the service.205 It is translated as follows: Shona:

Masabata angu Jacobi Ngaaue matsuene Zuigoue chiratidzo Kwausi Pakati pangu newe

English:

Let me Sabbath be holy unto you Jacob So that it will be a sign between me and you

205 Every Rusape Jewish service begins with an “anthem,” a hymn specific to each tabernacle. 135

One of the first musical elements that jump out at us here is the harmony. Again, it is important to note that whereas within Lemba Jewish composition, harmony is not prearranged and is instead, performed “instinctively,” these harmonies are intentionally composed and chosen. Here we can observe more heavy use of fifths and octaves. We expect this, as it agrees with scholars’ analysis of approaches to harmony in the region.

What does stand out is the inclusion of thirds, something contrary to scholars’ observations. In fact, Jones goes as far as to say that while singing in parallel thirds is a common trait North of the Zambezi, “all groups South of the river sing in octaves and fifths.”206 This inclusion is congruent with the musical observation we made with Lemba

Jewish composition as well. There is something about that interval that is both, in these two permitted contexts, intentionally desired and instinctively performed. Rhythmically, it can be said this is characteristically “of the region,” with a strong emphasis on the 2:3 polyrhythm that we can observe occurs in mm. 4, and 5 and repeats with every pass of the cycle.

In regard to form, this prayer is organized into one larger eight bar phrase, separated into two shorter four bar phrases, as labeled in Figure 5 “A” (mm. 7-10) and

“B” (mm. 11-14).

206 John Kaemmer in The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music Vol. 1 , Africa, ed. Ruth M. Stone (New York: Garland Publications, 1998). 136

137

Figure 21. Masabata Angu full cycle, Hosea Risinhamodzi.

The piece does not begin on the “A” where one might expect, but rather the last two bars of section “A,” continuing with section ”B” before beginning the cycle fully for the first time at mm. 7. Following this, the piece is repeated obeying the eight bar form. Similar to the piece above, “Ivo Vanochengeta,” the prayer continues through its cyclical form ad infinitum, gaining intensity and energy from the congregation, culminating in fervent dancing (or as Elder Hosea refers to it as “prancing”), clapping, and loud passionate singing. In agreement with “Ivo Vanochengeta,” this prayer also begins with a call–– which I have excluded from my transcription to show the transition into the cyclical form better––which contains simply the first two measures sung solo by the leader. Again, this 138 call serves to inform the choir and congregation what key and what tempo the prayer will be performed in.

These conscious attempts to contribute new original musical content for worship while retaining indigenous musical styles is ubiquitous amongst Rusape Jewish composers. As one musician told me one Shabbat while we were casually conversing over lunch: “to have our music in a Shona way, it is the way everyone speaks. Even the rhythms are mostly composed of our culture.”207 Another choir member and composer chimed in to echo this sentiment: “It is important for my music to sound like Shona.

Because of communication, you have to sing a song that sings into the hearts of the audience.”208

As discussed in my prior section on music and social identity, language is a critical element in maintaining that connection. For Rusape Jewish musicians, praising and singing in Shona is just as critical to “sounding Zimbabwean” as is rhythm, melody, and harmony. “For that to happen they have to understand the song, it is also important to write in Shona language for that reason and many of my songs do that.209 Not only does this help supplement efforts to sound more Zimbabwean, but it also provides a much- needed element of connection and spiritual association. “We have songs in English and

Shona, but the music in our vernacular language lifts the spirit of everyone.”210 While

207 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Margaret Makuwaza . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 208 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Daranga . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 209 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 210 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Daranga. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 139 much liturgical music is performed in Shona, a large amount of the repertoire exists in

English as well. This is a conscious effort to maintain a direct link with their international community. “We must use both languages because our church is international, and if we have visitors we want them to praise too.”211 For these Jews however, prayer and song does not ever exist in Hebrew. When questioned about this, I was told simply, we don’t pray in Hebrew because we lack the literature and the resources.”212

So far, both compositions we have looked at were composed by individuals who were either deceased, or not currently living in Zimbabwe. Many of the prayers and songs

I found myself most connected to, I was not able to speak with the original composer.

This is due to the overwhelmingly large corpus of Rusape Jewish music. I believe it is valuable then, to examine a piece of music written by a Rusape Jewish musician I was able to interview and sit down with, to discuss the specific compositional process.

This piece––referred to briefly in Figure 2––is titled “Mweya Wangu” and comes from the Saturday morning service. The lyrics are as follows:213

Shona:

Mweya wangu Mweya wangu Rumbidza

211 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 212 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Margaret Makuwaza . Personal Interview. Rusape, July 20th, 2019. 213 Rusape Jewish leader and musician Elder Hosea translated this text, as well as every other piece of Rusape Jewish music analyzed in this chapter. 140

Mweya wangu Mweya wangu Rumbidza

Mweya wangu Rumbidza Jehovah

English:

Oh my soul Oh my soul Praise God and all that is within me Praise God

Oh my soul Praise God Praise Jehovah

This piece, while not quite as concise as the eight pulse cycle of “Ivo Vanochengeta” is still quite brief. Consisting of an eight-bar cycle containing just two “true” lines of text, this piece, composed by District Evangelist Elder Hosea moves around in a manner different from how we’ve observed other pieces so far. The primary melody is made up of a partially broken sequence that follows a pattern of a whole step down, a leap of a fourth, and a descending third.

Figure 22. Melodic Sequence Of Mweya Wangu, Hosea Risinhamodzi.

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While not obeying the so-called “rules” of Southern African tonal cycles, this is the first piece we have analyzed that does in fact follow any sort of “true cycle” at all.214 This allows the piece to, despite it’s slower tempo and straight ahead four feel, seem truly cyclical, and propel itself forward in a manner that does not seem to feel tiresome or endless. This was reflected in the performance time of this particular prayer, which long exceeded any other recording I made. On Hosea’s compositional process for this prayer, which, again, I will note, is an original prayer textually as well, he told me:

There are times and moments in life where you see yourself as a split human being. Sometimes what you want to do is not what you believe in, so at that point, you must speak to your soul, to be in line with God. You must convince your soul to toe the same line with God. So when I compose, I often encounter this dilemma with my soul. Where I want to praise God, to give adoration to God, to have concern over God’s work more than anything else. And in the same way I compose so everyone else can have those moments. So you must talk to you soul, admonish your own soul, just like David did, and challenge what you’re made of, to be focused towards praise of the almighty. That is the feeling I have when I compose this song.215

On a more literal note, he told me that he always writes the text first, then the melody.

“The melody, it just came to me as I was going through the words.”216 This concept of composition through dramatic inspiration is not uncommon in my research. It was observed as the primary explanation for a composition in both the Rusape and Lemba

Jewish communities, as well as my prior research with the Igbo Jews of Nigeria. When discussing this process with this particular tabernacle’s musical director, he told me:

214 These cyclical forms, appearing most in Shona mbira music are most commonly constructed of a succession of 5ths, in addition to other more intricate harmonic details. 215 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Rusape, June 14th, 2019. 216 Ibid., 142

Our musical journey has evolved after many years. Our composers mostly are inspired. They dream then write songs. Some of these songs are about a life journey are relate to your experiences and its those inspirations that lead our composers into composing songs in an effort to praise god. Most of then at the end of the day we prefer to praise god using these songs. Our music is A capella which lets us be more harmonious which we can use to praise god.217

And while as I mentioned before, almost all new compositions come from exclusively original texts, some composers still feel a connection to drawing inspiration from the

Torah.

Sometimes when I will be thinking of how can I start composing music, some of the songs I read in the Bible, then after reading a verse the song just comes out. Like one of the times I was seated discussing with my wife, and she asked me how do you make it when you want to compose songs, I said, have you got a bible? She said yes, I said give me a bible, so I read a verse, and when I read that verse, the song just started and I began singing.218

While speaking with Elder Hosea one afternoon, he brought up something fascinating in response to my query on how often new music is composed for their tabernacle and what the contribution and proposal process is like.

We have had some melodies in the past but now they are getting too old. The members of my generation are sick and tired of the old ones so I came up with a new melody.219

Whereas in Nigeria, I observed that the elder members of the community wanted to grasp on to older traditions, customs, and melodies, here, they are the ones pushing for a renaissance of musical content:

217 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Howard Daranga. Personal Interview. Rusape, July 6thth, 2019. 218 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Rusape, June 14th, 2019. 219 Ibid., 143

We encourage singers to compose songs. Everyone and anyone is encouraged to compose songs. We believe that God is meant to be praised through music. Also, old songs become monotonous and boring and we want something new.220

It is also curious that at fifty plus years of age, Elder Hosea considers himself part of the younger generation of his tabernacle still.

220 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Elder Hosea Risinamhodzi. Personal Interview. Rusape, August 7th, 2019. 144

Select Photographs from Fieldwork

Figure 23. Hamlet Zhou recording an original Jewish composition on mbira. 145

Figure 24. Margaret Makuwaza and Rudo Kwindima posing following the conclusion of Shabbat services. 146

Figure 25. Blessed Jona, Brenda Maeresera, Nyasha Mlalazi, Aviv maeresera, Shlomo Maeresera and Brenda Chuma posing in the kitchen at Harare Lemba Synagogue.

147

Figure 26. Hilary Zhou, Listen Zhou, Pedzisai Hwingwriri, Daniel Van Der Nerwe, and Norman Mafaune enjoying a luncheon following Shabbat services outside Harare Lemba Synagogue.

148

Figure 27. Taking a snack with George Zvakavapano and his aunt Fungisai Zvakavapano, a popular gospel musician at her compound.

149

Figure 28. Roadside sign outside Beth El Temple in Rusape.

150

Figure 29. Mbira ensemble performance at Great Zimbabwe.

151

Figure 30. Interior, Beth El Temple, Rusape.

152

Figure 31. Blessing Tirarwo and Rose Maziriri congregating after the conclusion of Shabbat services at Beth El Temple.

153

Chapter 4. Relationships and Neighbors

The subject of inter-communal religious relationships in Zimbabwe—especially considering those within just the greater Zimbabwe Jewish community—is a complex one. In this chapter I will examine these relationships—or in many cases the lack thereof—and explore how different Jewish communities in Zimbabwe interact with and perceive one another.

In chapter two I discussed the dynamic relationships between individual Lemba

Jewish communities and how valuable these connections can be. On several occasions, this was expressed to me, often unprompted:

Having these relationships helps with our sense of oneness. Sometimes groups are persecuted because of being a minority, so small groups getting together with a similar agenda helps strengthen their purpose and make them feel like they are part of something bigger, rather than being just one isolated community. This helps our global image that we are one Jewish community and we can work together.221

Building upon this idea from Modreck, we can zoom out and apply this philosophy towards Lemba relationships with other external Jewish communities, specifically the

Rusape and white European Jews.222 Unlike other Afro-Judaic communities who have encountered persecution and oppression following their practice of Judaism, the Lemba

Jewish community has claimed they are mostly free from this dynamic as of present day.

This was not the case however prior to and during the colonization period.

221 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 10th, 2019. 222 This chapter is examined primarily through the lens of the Lemba Jewish community. This is largely because, as I demonstrate later, the simple lack of effort in forming and maintaining these relationships between the Rusape and the European Jewish community. 154

Presently there are no negative implications of being Jewish in Zimbabwe. It is way different than the colonial period, however, there are still some areas where we are affected negatively. In school we are not given a choice about Christian bible study, so our freedom of worship is not directly persecuted, we grow up being forced to believe one thing and needing to believe it to succeed. Everyone has the freedom to pursue their own religions, but education wise it is a problem.223

This quote from Modreck captures the dynamic of what is often referred to in the Lemba

Jewish community as indirect persecution. It mostly manifests in the education system as

Modreck points out. Adult members of the Lemba Jewish community see this indirect systemic persecution as a real problem. Modreck also mentions the national recognition of Christian national holidays. He calls it “a disadvantage to Jews,” who are “bound to these national obligations but are not free to observe their own holiday,” another example of indirect persecution, this time in the workforce.

In the nearly three years since Robert Mugabe left power, I speculated there would be an important shift in transition with the Jewish communities as well. However, Modreck and several other community members state there is no difference religiously, only politically and economically.

Initially we thought things were going to change for the better, in some ways things have changed for the better. What was very bad during Mugabe’s time was political violence, especially towards elections. People would be asked what party they belong to and then victimized for not following the other party. Now we don't have as much political violence as we did during Mugabe's time, no police present, but still, the economy is failing and affecting everybody. We have power outages, we have absolutely do not have water we have no fuel, so the economy is the big challenge now, rather than the oppression that was there during Mugabe’s time.224

223 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 9th, 2019. 224 Ibid., 155

It is a critical aspect of Lemba history that they were cut off from the rest of the Jewish world for many centuries resulting in a lack of inter-communal Jewish interactions.225

That lack of connection with other Jewish communities and the homeland resulted in a gap in the Lemba Jew’s knowledge and development of post-rabbinic Judaism. Not having these interactions with other Jewish communities, many Lemba Jews professed to me that they must work harder to be acknowledged by the larger Jewish community.

These sentiments were most commonly expressed to me by community leaders. That being said, in this chapter I will show that the entire Lemba Jewish community does not share this desire.

Lemba culture has traditional laws surrounding the concept of neighbors.226 These have come to play a significant role in both their diasporic journey as well as their geo political situation in present day Zimbabwe. To understand how these values affect both past and present day Lemba Jews, it is important to examine how the Lemba create networks of relationships within their non-Lemba neighbors. History shows that the circumstances of Lemba relationships required them and their neighbors to decrease their cultural particularities in order to maintain amiable relationships.227 These circumstances––including changes in host nation (Israel, Arabia, Southern Africa)–– and social interactions are a result of population increase, and the economic impact of extraneous governments.228 The question central to this section then is: how did the

225 Wuriga, 49. 226 Ibid., 192. 227 Ibid., 193. 228 Ibid., 156

Lemba make use of these neighboring values to create and sustain relationships? Wuriga notes that many narratives on the history of the Lemba show that these values can be summed up by the phrase “peaceful coexistence.”

The Lemba policy of coexistence (there is no Shona name for this term) promoted neighboring that was open yet exclusive.229 They believed that it was permissible to mingle with other tribes but not inherently absorb any of their cultural traditions. This tepid approach enabled them as a minority ethnic group to coexist for many centuries following their arrival in Zimbabwe.230 According to Wuriga, the ambivalence of open and yet exclusive relationships shows how they facilitated between incorporation in a bigger society and remaining secluded so as to maintain their own identity.231

The process of neighboring—as Wuriga refers to it—carries with it interconnected dimensions of community and collectivity. The notion of community centers on social and political aspects while that of collectivity focuses on the common good of participants. On Lemba Jewish life according to Wuriga, the collective life of a community is achieved through social networks and various sets of institutional arrangements. Due to the fact that the Lemba were not a political threat to other local communities due to a lack of patriotic claim to any part of Southern Africa, they decided to reside in the region permanently.

In Neighborhoods: Their Place In Urban Life social scientist Howard Hallman theorizes that neighbors share common interests and common values while still

229 Ibid., 195. 230 Ibid., 193. 231 Ibid., 157 preserving opportunities for diversity and individual differences.232 While one might argue that this seems like an obvious observation, I suggest that in Zimbabwe, these generalizations are not always the case. We can apply Hallman’s observations to contemporary Lemba Jewish life as a prime instance of the Lemba philosophy of coexistence. While Lemba Jews do not actively seek out relationships with their neighbors—both Jewish and secular—there is an underlying respect for their individual beliefs and religious preferences. As Wuriga describes, “the history of Lemba life and process of neighboring affects their primary relationships and connections to other households, organizational participation and territorial boundaries.”233 For Wuriga however, in spite of these beliefs, there are still tensions between Lemba Jewish communities, specifically his community in Masvingo and Modreck’s in Harare. In a conversation with him after Shabbat services one day, he expressed a real disconnect between the two communities.

In Harare, we don't really know what is happening. With Modreck, they are bringing everyone they want to bring (referring to external visitors) but we are not a part of that. We are only part of Great Zimbabwe Synagogue. We are in communication with other Jews of other communities, like in the Congo and the Igbo in Nigeria, and the other Lemba in South Africa. We are in communication with those because they are the ones practicing the traditional Judaism around Africa.234

Much like I observed before in my previous conversations with Wuriga, there is some clear and outward judgment present here, both of other Lemba synagogues and also non

232 Howard Hallman, Neighborhoods: Their Place In Urban Life, Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, 1984, 13. 233 Wuriga, 197. 234 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Dr. Rabson Wuriga. Personal Interview. Mapakomere, June 15th, 2019. 158

Lemba Jewish communities in Zimbabwe. It is important to note that this rhetoric is certainly not shared by all members of his community despite him being their representative. This is however just one isolated instance in an otherwise overflowing sea of acceptance and positive neighboring. It is clear through my observations and fieldwork that this Lemba philosophy is still highly regarded today especially as observed in not just inter-Lemba community relationships but also with the Rusape and white

European Jewish communities.

This peaceful approach to coexistence is mirrored in the intrinsic communal values of the Rusape Jewish community as well. While there is not set traditional belief system in place that dictates neighboring policy, a passive approach to relations can be observed.

Us and the Lemba community, we are one. We have so many things in common, and although we do not have an organized relationship, we approve of them and we actually support their claim as Jews, because we believe that apart from the vision of Prophet Crowdy in the United States, we are the same.235

In conversations with Lemba Jews, they expressed mutual sentiments and even upon sharing this quote, remarked “how nice that was.” All this being said, neither community actively attempts to connect or develop any kind of tangible relationship with the other.

They are content to live in peaceful coexistence. However, when one begins to bring the

European Jewish community into the fray, the image starts to cloud.

After spending several shabbatot at both the Ashkenazi and Sephardi congregations in Harare, one point became clear: black Jewish practice in Zimbabwe is

235 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea. Personal Interview. Harare, July 11th, 2019. 159 not recognized and accepted.236 This was apparent from offhanded comments from community leaders, formal conversations, and observations and reflections made by

Lemba and Rusape Jewish community members. Despite this lack of recognition and frank dismissal of their Jewish identities, members of the Rusape and Lemba Jewish community remain unfazed and keep an open coexisting mind about their relationship.

We have no religious relationship with them (European Jews), we have similar practice, they keep Sabbath, we keep Sabbath, they wear yarmulka, we wear yarmulka. But they have got the written and we only have the oral. We are not enemies but we are not partners.237238

This awareness and emphasis of the diasporic documentation is critical to how white

European Zimbabwean Jews view the other Jewish communities. This notion of “proof phenomena” is central not only their Jewish identity, but also the discrediting of their fellow Jews. Hosea went on to tell me, “you must understand that for a long time people believed that the only Jewish people were white people. There are synagogues that didn’t have any black people in their congregation. We have the Ashkenzi and Sephardi congregations in Harare, but no [black] people can use them.”239 However, this is not such a binary issue. The halachic (referring to the collective body of Jewish laws,

Hebrew) implications alone necessitate some unpacking. According to the traditional

Rabbinic interpretation, only halacha can determine who is or who is not a Jew. This is

236 Shabbatot––applying the Hebrew language suffix––refers to the plural, meaning the multiple weekends I spent with this community. 237 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Hosea. Personal Interview. Harare, August 6th, 2019. 238 In the context of Jewish observance, “written” refers to the laws of the Torah and “oral” refers to the rabbinic tradition and interpretations. Hosea is using these terms differently here in this quote. 239 Ibid., 160 defined by either matrilineal descent or formal conversion. This becomes problematic when examining cultural groups who exclusively maintain oral traditions. Additionally, this can be further complicated by bringing in the discussion of Israel and Jewish communities south of the Sahara’s desire to be integrated into Israeli life and granted asylum. This subject, while acknowledged previously in this document as not a matter of immediate concern for many Lemba or Rusape Jews, is discussed in great detail by scholars working with communities in Nigeria, Uganda, and Ethiopia. In spite of these negative associations with their fellow Jewish communities, both the Rusape and Lemba

Jews carry on. They carry on with their faith, their beliefs, and their hope that one day, all of Jewish Zimbabwe can be united.

An additional relationship with a not-quite-so-close neighbor is that with the state of Israel. For the Lemba Jews in particular this is a source of pride, but also struggle. It should come as no surprise that for any developing community in the 21st century, technology plays a large role in that process.240 It is through technology that the Lemba

Jews have such a dynamic relationship with Kulanu at all, regularly communicating with community members over email and Whatsapp and supplying funds. This relationship is viewed positively by most in the community and has directly led to the development of relationships with other neighbors on the African continent; groups who share similar histories and are considered valuable to connect with.

Fortunately for us, because of Kulanu we have been able to network with other Jewish communities, those we call “Kulanu communities,” sometimes we have

240 I use the term developing here only because many Lemba Jewish leaders refer to themselves that way. 161

conferences where we talk on Skype. I pretty much know somebody from each of those communities. We talk on Skype, Facebook, and Whatsapp.241

The value of the opportunity for these connections cannot be overstated and is not taken for granted by Lemba Jewish leaders. However, the mere presence of “Kulanu communities” as Modreck referred to them as, could be seen as problematic in that an external entity is claiming ownership of these independent groups. Returning to the subject of Israel, this is one area in which Kulanu and its members have coordinated efforts for Lemba Jewish individuals to study in, connect with Israeli citizens and develop relationships. Amongst Lemba Jewish individuals, there is a deeply rooted connection to the land of Israel, their diasporic homeland. “There is a sense that Israel is something that belongs to every Jew,” Modreck told me one sunny afternoon relaxing in the guest room at the Harare Lemba Synagogue. He then shared with me an old Lemba proverb, which goes like this: “for a lizard to enjoy the sunshine, it must have a cave to crawl back to.”242 “That’s what Israel represents to the Lemba,” he told me, “we always have somewhere to go back to.”243

However, regarding issues of asylum, Israel's stance is clear. It does not formally recognize the Lemba Jew’s—or Rusape for that matter—claims. Contrary to other Afro-

Judaic communities like the Igbo Jews of Nigeria for instance, who encountered similar roadblocks which were met with anger and outward frustration, the Lemba Jews seem almost at peace with this decision. “It doesn’t generally concern us that Israel has not

241 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 6th, 2019. 242 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 1st, 2019. 243 Ibid., 162 accepted us yet,” Modreck told me, “however there is hope that if we need to make aliyah, Israel will accept us.”244 For Modreck and many other members of his community, this is simply not as pressing of an issue for their community as some. They see it as a need based issue only, not concerning themselves with overall acceptance. This attitude presents an awareness of the complicated dynamics with any external Jewish community attempting to gain asylum. Modreck states, “we are not pushing to have those political frictions with the government of Israel. They have observed previous individual and community struggles with this issue and in recognition of this, are holding off and not pressing the issue.”245 “What we need more now,” Modreck continues, “is to be connected to Israel in one way or another.”246 There is no desire for conflict or friction where it is not absolutely necessary. I also observed this manifest in potential conflicts with foreign visiting religious leaders who have made perceived inappropriate remarks towards the Lemba Jewish community. This decision is not mirrored in the attitudes of the Igbo Jews of Nigeria for example for whom issues of asylum are some of their highest concerns and priorities. “It is not fair that Abayudaya, or Ethiopians are welcomed into Israel, yet we are not still. We are just as much Jews as they are, why are we not accepted?”247

244 Ibid., 245 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 2nd, 2019. 246 Ibid., 247 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Sar Habakkuk Nwafor. Personal Interview. Abuja, August 5th, 2014. It should also be noted that contrary to this individual’s comments, the Abayudaya have not been accepted by the State of Israel. 163

At this point, it is important to acknowledge that the Rusape Jewish community has expressed little to no interest in a relationship with Israel. Not once did it come up organically in any of my conversations or interviews and when asked about it specifically, the topic was met with tepid response. For many Ashkenazic and Sephardic

Jews still living in Zimbabwe, Israel can mean many things. It might be where they came from, where they have family, or where friends have gone. Many individuals of this community who chose to leave Zimbabwe during the Third Chimurenga decided to either return to or move to Israel as an escape.248

Over the course of my fieldwork I had the privilege to get to know several Israeli

Zimbabweans who maintain a strong relationship with their motherland. Hearing these stories from Zimbabwean with personal relationships to Israel brings to mind anthropologist Steven Vertvoec’s theory on what he refers to as “diaspora consciousness.” He defines this term as the awareness that communities have that they are simultaneously “home away from home” or “here and there,” a way of performing what he calls “multi-locality.”249 For Vertovec, this notion of diaspora consciousness is marked by dual or multiple identifications. While some individuals identify more with one society than the other, the majority seems to maintain several identities that link them simultaneously to more than one nation. That is precisely what is happening here with many Israeli Zimbabweans. The empowering paradox of diaspora is that residency

248 An explanation of this period in Zimbabwe’s history can be found in my introduction. 249 Steven Vertovec, “Three Meanings of "Diaspora," Exemplified among South Asian

Religions,” Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies Vol. 6 No. 3 1997, 284. 164 implies a solidarity and connection, but there is not necessarily a single place or an exclusivist nation. It is rather the connection that makes a difference. For Lemba Jews,

Vertovec’s theory manifests in a different manner. Lemba Jews with no connection to

Israel display elements of the aforementioned double diaspora consciousness, purely on faith and hope alone. Later on in that same conversation cited above, Modreck went on to tell me, “what comes into the future we don’t know, but for now we just keep pushing down the road. For the Lemba, perhaps one day, the lizard will indeed be able to return to its cave.”250

Relationships between neighbors impact the involved parties both psychologically as well as socially.251 It has been shown that the Lemba have adjusted their psyche as a community over history to the changing socio cultural environment. While as I discussed that currently, the Lemba Jews do not face any minority persecution from neighboring ethnic groups or political regimes, neighborhood relationships throughout history have been traumatic insofar as they resulted in the loss of cultural traditions, icons, and language.252 Neighbors tend to say things about each other that display one side’s perception towards the other.253 Such perceptions thus impact how neighbors behave and interact with one another. As shown in chapter two, the Lemba Jews were known by many names and for many differently things by their neighbors, be them, Israeli, Arabian, or Southern African. Over the course of their history, it can be observed that the Lemba

250 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, June 1st, 2019. 251 Wuriga, 192. 252 Ibid., 253 Hallman, 13. 165

Jews surely were responding to several sociopolitical neighboring occurrences but as a result of the aforementioned values, kept their distance and maintained long lasting human relationships that resulted in socio political solidarity. According to Hallman, social ties may be stronger if a neighborhood is populated by a particular racial, ethnic or socioeconomic group.254 However, it is possible for a heterogeneous neighborhood to achieve a strong sense of community, in spite of any conflicting values present. This is precisely what we can observe with the Lemba over the not just the course of history, but recaps even more prominently, in their daily life in Harare.

254 Hallman, 14. 166

Chapter 5. Conclusion

One week after returning from Zimbabwe, I was asked to give a sermon at my hometown synagogue in Minneapolis, commenting on my research and sharing my experiences in Zimbabwe. That week in synagogue, we read the parashah (chapter)

Va’etchanan, meaning, “and I pleaded.” In this portion, there is an eloquent appeal for the

Jews not to forget everything they’ve seen on their journey. An emphasis is placed on the value of remembering a collective history. For black Jews in Zimbabwe, this is not so easy. Listening to Jew after Jew tell me their story and the many varied versions of their migration from Israel into Zimbabwe, I was struck with how much I take for granted here in the United States. Themes of preservation and rejuvenation are abundant in the diasporic narratives recited daily by Zimbabwean Jews, struggling to keep their story alive.

This dissertation has sought to demonstrate how black Jewish Zimbabweans combine local musical styles to create new hybrid genres of music with the intent of establishing their distinct identities in Zimbabwe and garner international attention.

Readers of this dissertation may challenge the subject of music and identity and ask simply, “why?” I would respond to those criticisms by just asking them to listen. Listen to the music created by these marginalized communities. Listen to the pleas for acceptance and recognition. Hear it in their songs that implore its practitioners and listeners to see them for who they desire to be. Contrary to some modern critics, I assert that identity studies in ethnomusicology is just as important now to the field in the 21st century as it was in the 1980s. 167

I hope this dissertation will ultimately contribute to three separate projects. First is to bring into the discourse the study of southern African Jewish music. Much more needs to be done, not just in the nation of Zimbabwe, but across borders in South Africa,

Mozambique, and others. I would encourage interdisciplinary area scholars to explore these deeply rich communities and musical traditions, in an effort to bring them to the forefront of the field. Second, I hope this research culminates in a collaborative interdisciplinary monograph that combines photo journalism, anthropological scholarship, and an annotated album of black Zimbabwean Jewish music comprising multiple communities, supplemented by ethnomusicological essays. For this project, I draw inspiration from the seminal text, Abayudaya: The Jews of Uganda by Richard

Sobol and Jeffrey A. Summit. Finally, I dream of incorporating this research into a one- of-a-kind survey of African Jewish music south of the Sahara. This anthology would integrate prior and current scholarship on the subject and seek to collaborate with my extremely bright and talented peers and colleagues actively working on this topic. For this project, I take inspiration from Robin Moore’s Musics of Latin America, a very valuable monograph to my ethnomusicological education. The ultimate wish for all of these projects is to bring the stories and music of these marginalized––and often times subaltern––communities to the forefront of academia and the public sphere.

Throughout my time in Zimbabwe, I kept coming back to one word: belonging. What does it mean? And how does that meaning shift depending on context? For me, belonging means where do I fit in. To black Jews in Zimbabwe, it means much, much more.

Belonging means hope, it means community, and perhaps most importantly, it means 168 acceptance. Acceptance by family, peers, neighbors; all the way up to governmental leaders. Black Jews in Zimbabwe pray every day for a place to belong, somewhere they can call home. I spoke with hundreds of men, women, and children and asked them what belonging meant to them. “To be a Jew is to belong,” one 13-year-old girl told me.255

“For as long as we are Jews, we will have a place to belong.”256

Constructing identity has always been a major issue for ethnomusicologists. A fundamental question has been: how do musical cultures form identities for individuals based on live experiences. In Zimbabwe, black Jews struggle for identification and recognition. The ethnographic evidence in this dissertation illustrates that music is the primary means through which individuals construct and use music as a resource for acquiring space, acknowledgment, and infrastructure. Additionally, the musical interactions show that cross-cultural music making can be both emotionally satisfying and sociopolitical action. They reveal a diverse community of individuals who use music every week to show religious devotion and make their voices heard.

255 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Brenda Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, August 8th, 2019. 256 Shragg, Lior. Interview with Modreck Maeresera. Personal Interview. Harare, May 29th, 2019. 169

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