The Euromaidan in Ukraine November 2013 Till February 2014

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Euromaidan in Ukraine November 2013 Till February 2014 13 / 2014 The EuroMaidan in Ukraine November 2013 till February 2014 Guest Editors Carmen Scheide, Ulrich Schmid (St.Gallen) | downloaded: 26.9.2021 Kiev 2014 © Sergiy Glasgo Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe https://doi.org/10.7892/boris.106073 University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce.unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708 source: Center for Governance and Last Update 17 March 2014 LANDis & GYR Culture in Europe STIFTung University of St.Gallen Contents The EuroMaidan in Ukraine, November 2013 till February 2014 3 Editorial by Carmen Scheide and Ulrich Schmid, St.Gallen Maidan 2013 in Kiev: Revolution in People’s Heads 5 by Kyril Savin, Kiev EuroMaidan: Context and Meanings 9 by Andriy Portnov, Berlin EuroMaidan in Dnipropetrovsk: Problems and Peculiarities 15 by Victoria Narizhna EuroMaidan in Lviv: A View From the Inside 20 by Pavlo Ostrovs‘kyj, Lviv Laws are for “Suckers”, not for “Big Shots” 26 by Larysa Denysenko, Kiev The Writers and the Maidan 32 by Alexander Kratochvil, Prague Crimean Passions Around EuroMaidan: An Active Pro-European Minority of Crimeans Against the Autonomous Republic’s Pro-Eurasian Authorities and an Ambivalent Majority 37 by Andrij Ivanec‘ The Blood For Yanukovych 46 by Oksana Syroyid EuroMaidan. Chronology of Events 52 by Alexander Kratochvil and Carmen Scheide Publishing Information/Contact 56 Euxeinos 13 (2014) 2 The EuroMaidan in Ukraine November 2013 till February 2014 he events in Ukraine have unfolded very Another complicating factor is Russia’s Trapidly over the past few months. Initially, imperial claim to this part of the country, it looked as if President Yanukovych could sit which only was incorporated into Ukraine in out the crisis. However, after new laws against 1954. The mood is very tense due to the stead- the Maidan activists were passed on January fast agitations and provocations of the Putin 16th, 2014, a further radicalization and politi- government. The western media have paint- cization took place, which led to the dramatic ed a rather one-sided picture of the events in Editorial clashes between the government and demon- Ukraine: here the evil dictator, there the pro- strators on the Maidan between February 18th testing civil society. However, two things are and 20th, 2014. The situation fundamentally being crossed here: first, Yanukovych could changed with the unexpected increase in vio- have brutally dispersed the EuroMaidan, as lence and brutality on the EuroMaidan. The there were indeed such plans. He did not do tragic loss of human life made it immediately this. There are also significant doubts wheth- clear that Yanukovych not only was fully dis- er he ordered the use of snipers. Second, the credited as head of state, but also that he was right-wing block was given intense media at- not capable of guaranteeing peace and order tention, which did not correspond at all with in the Ukrainian capital. its share of voters. Most house occupations and street battles were carried out by right- Yanukovych’s escape from Kiev provided wing radicals. It will be difficult for the in- an occasion for Moscow to brazenly intervene terim government to impose democratically into Ukrainian politics. With great media atten- defined constraints on their claims to power. tion, Putin had the highly compliant Federa- tion Council authorize him to deploy the army One positive result of the EuroMaidan is outside the territory of the Russian Federation. surely the political involvement of broad seg- Since then the Kremlin has been following a ments of society. Unlike in Russia, where the blunt legalistic line of argument: Yanukovych protests of 2011 and 2012 tapered off, there is was democratically elected by the people in an increased sensitivity to political decision- 2010. An impeachment procedure, as provid- making processes in Ukraine today. The me- ed for in Article 111 of the Ukrainian Consti- dia landscape has also become more diverse tution, did not take place. The EuroMaidan as a result of the events. Above all, online demonstrators are collectively defamed as fas- media have significantly grown: the reach of cists and Moscow speaks of a “brown revolu- the internet newspaper “Ukrainska Pravda” tion” against the legitimate government. One promptly increased with the protests, while of the most important problems is the future independent internet television stations such of Crimea. Already after the collapse of the as espreso.tv or hromadske.tv now also have a Soviet Union, Crimea wanted to separate from large regular viewership. Ukraine. The status quo – Crimea is an autono- Unlike many Russians, who are indif- mous republic in the unitary nation of Ukraine ferent towards politics, many Ukrainians are – seems to be no longer acceptable for many now highly involved in the affairs of their Re- ethnic Russians on the Crimean Peninsula. public and their collective struggle. Euxeinos 13 (2014) 3 The present issue of Euxeinos was Since 2011, the Center for Governance planned for December 2013, while the mass and Culture in Europe of the University of St. protests in Ukraine continued, but no solu- Gallen has been linked to a project on Ukraine, tion had emerged yet. Instead, the events have which analyzes interdependencies between taken a tragic turn. Up to now, there have been regions, nations and cultures and assumes 98 fatalities, a change in government, and new that Ukraine is not only divided in two, rather elections will take place on May 25th. Simulta- that different regional characteristics overlap Editorial neously, the country faces diverse challenges each other and that they are constitutive for as well as political and economic reforms. self-identity processes (http://regionandcul- ture.krytyka.com/) Therefore, several texts in this issue have been partially “outrun” by the current events. Among the project members was the Nevertheless, they convey interesting internal sociologist Bohdan Solchanyk. insights and analyses and can also be seen as He was killed by a shot to the head on the a chronicle of the events in the present form. Maidan on 20 February 2014. He was 28 years old. On behalf of all project members, this edition is dedicated to his memory. Carmen Scheide, Ulrich Schmid Euxeinos 13 (2014) 4 Maidan 2013 in Kiev: Revolution in People’s Heads by Kyryl Savin, Kiev 30 December 2013 he banner of a young woman protest- the association agreement with the EU was Ting on Independence Square in Kiev said not signed at the Vilnius Summit and that the “Maidan1 is the best thing that could happen to dream of many, in particular young Ukraini- my country”. The Maidan has indeed become ans, to live one day in a European country had an island of freedom in the Ukrainian capital, been taken away. Therefore, hundreds of civil where thousands of free-thinkers gather and society actors (as well as journalists, students, where every Sunday at noon several hundred etc.) gathered on the evening of November thousand people meet to demonstrate their de- 21st on Maidan Square and organized a small sire for fundamental changes in Ukraine. Al- stage, which functioned as the focal point of though the people’s will to live in a European, the protests 24 hours a day. The stage and the democratic and free country is strong, all le- logistics associated with it were funded by do- gal means of pressure on the government and nations which were collected in large numbers President Yanukovych have already been ex- on the square. On November 24th, the first hausted and the protests have reached a deep large-scale demonstration occurred in Kiev. political dead-end. This is what explains the Attended by approx. 150,000 people, the motto of the event was “The association agreement with the EU must be signed in Vilnius”. Oppositional politicians set up their stage on the neighboring square (the Europe Square, located approx. 300 meters from Independence Square) on November 24th. Until November 27th there were two stages – one on Maidan Square where students and civil society ac- tivists gathered and one on Europe Square, which primarily served as a focal point for party supporters. However, more and more people came to the stage on Maidan Square, Kiev November 2013 © Carmen Scheide which is why the oppositional politicians gave up their stage. This resulted in strong frictions profoundness of the political crisis in Ukraine. between oppositional politicians and civil so- The whole story began on November 21st, ciety activists on the Maidan, which became 2013 when it was announced that the phase increasingly visible. of EU integration of Ukraine would be put on In the night between November 29th and hold. This decision by the President meant that 30th, Independence Square was cleared by the police with brutal force – allegedly so that the 1 Independence Square (in Ukrainian Kiev municipal services could put up a large – Maidan Nezalezhnosti, often called just Maid- Christmas tree. These evacuation measures an) is the largest square in the center of Kiev. Euxeinos 13 (2014) 5 Kyryl Savin were absolutely irrational, as the “small stu- elections must be held!”3 By then, their aims dent Maidan” was already more or less over had changed though. It was no longer about after Yanukovych did not sign anything in the European integration of Ukraine, rather Vilnius. According to unofficial information, domestic policy demands: the protesters de- Yanukovych returned from Vilnius in a very manded that those responsible for the evacua- bad mood, because several EU heads of state tion measures on November 30th, 2013 should reportedly demeaned him. Yanukovych is be named and brought to justice. Furthermore, said to be very sensitive. Perhaps he took ac- they called for presidential and parliamentary tion against the demonstrators on the evening elections to be re-held.
Recommended publications
  • Cyber Insecurity
    #1 (107) January 2017 How economic recovery Ukraine's response to hacker attacks Kyiv in the life can change Ukrainian politics against strategic infrastructure of Oleksandra Ekster CYBER INSECURITY WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 4 Where’s the elite? Who can make the foundation of Ukraine’s transformed political machine POLITICS 8 A toxic environment: The present and future of the President’s party 10 Migration and mimicry: How much parties in Donetsk Oblast changed after the Maidan 12 Ride that wave: Political challenges of the possible economic recovery in 2017 16 Emerging communities: Decentralisation of Donetsk Oblast in the time of war ECONOMICS 18 Lessons learned: The benefits and flaws of PrivatBank transfer into state hands 20 Privatization, sanctions and security: How the Rosneft deal happened with the Russia sanctions in place NEIGHBOURS 24 Listen, liberal: Does Alexei Kudrin’s strategy to liberalise Russia’s economy stand a chance? 26 The unknown: Michael Binyon on what Europe expects from the presidency of Donald Trump 28 Nicolas Tenzer: “It makes no sense to negotiate with Putin” French political scientist on the prospects of ending the war in Ukraine, global and European security FOCUS 31 The other front: What cyber threats Ukraine has faced in the past two years 34 Shades of the Lviv underground: How Ukrainian hackers fight the cyber war SOCIETY 36 The invisible weapons: Ukraine’s role in the information warfare 38 The titans: Stories of people who build the future on a daily basis CULTURE & ARTS 46 The champion of Avant-Garde: The life and inspiration of Oleksandra Ekster 50 French films, Ukrainian Surrealism and contemporary theatre: The Ukrainian Week offers a selection of events to attend in the next month E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • 17Th Plenary Session
    The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 20 th SESSION CG(20)7 2 March 2011 Local elections in Ukraine (31 October 2010) Bureau of the Congress Rapporteur: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 A. Draft resolution....................................................................................................................................2 B. Draft recommendation.........................................................................................................................2 C. Explanatory memorandum..................................................................................................................4 Summary Following the official invitation from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to observe the local elections on 31 October 2010, the Congress appointed an observer delegation, headed by Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (R, Austria, SOC), Member and Vice-President of the State Parliament of Salzburg. Councillor Nigel Mermagen (L, UK, ILDG) was appointed Rapporteur. The delegation was composed of fifteen members of the Congress and four members of the EU Committee of the Regions, assisted by four members of the Congress secretariat. The delegation concluded, after pre-election and actual election observation missions, that local elections in Ukraine were generally conducted in a calm and orderly manner. It also noted with satisfaction that for the first time, local elections were held separately from parliamentary ones, as requested in the past by the Congress. No indications of systematic fraud were brought
    [Show full text]
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse Und Errungenschaften: 2020  Band 4
    25. Dezember, 2020 München, Deutschland 71 . DOI 10.36074/25.12.2020.v4.23 UKRAINIAN STUDENTS’ COPARTNERSHIP IN THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY (2013-2014) ORCID ID: 0000-0001-8350-8069 Melnyk Nadiia а postgraduate student of Department of History and Culture of Ukraine Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi Hryhorii Skovoroda State Pedagogical University SCIENTIFIC SUPERVISOR: Shevchuk Vasyl Petrovych Doctor of Historical Science, Professor of the department of Ukrainian history and culture of the National institution of higher education Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi Hryhorii Skovoroda State Pedagogical University UKRAINE The transitional economic system of Independent Ukraine caused a chain of social issues. One of those issues was educational devaluation due to the rigid labor market. That was the reason for the protest caused by unsatisfied students in November 2013. The students were ready to take part in the revolutionary movement, regardless of the risk of expulsion from the universities. That movement became a decisive factor of Euromaidan, which grew into a Revolution. After the government's decision not to sign the agreement with the European Union (EU), the chain of events happened in the city of Lviv. On the 22nd of November, more than one hundred students gathered in front of the building of the city rada. They protested against the governmental decision. The students improvised the EU flag and declaimed all-Europian slogans. After some time, they decided to turn their meeting into a street demonstration and appealed others students and passers-by to join them. In a short period of time, the demonstration increased to several thousand. Moreover, the academic power of local universities and collegiums stated about students support.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in History 103 Reordering of Meaningful Worlds Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine Yuliya Yurchuk ©Yuliya Yurchuk, Stockholm University 2014 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 101 ISSN: 1652-7399 ISBN: 978-91-87843-12-9 Stockholm Studies in History 103 ISSN: 0491-0842 ISBN 978-91-7649-021-1 Cover photo: Barricades of Euromaidan. July 2014. Yuliya Yurchuk. Printed in Sweden by US-AB, Stockholm 2014 Distributor: Department of History In memory of my mother Acknowledgements Each PhD dissertation is the result of a long journey. Mine was not an exception. It has been a long and exciting trip which I am happy to have completed. This journey would not be possible without the help and support of many people and several institutions to which I owe my most sincere gratitude. First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisors, David Gaunt and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, for their guidance, encouragement, and readiness to share their knowledge with me. It was a privilege to be their student. Thank you, David, for broadening the perspectives of my research and for encouraging me not to be afraid to tackle the most difficult questions and to come up with the most unexpected answers. Thank you, Barbara, for introducing me to the whole field of memory studies, for challenging me to go further in my interpretations, for stimulating me to follow untrodden paths, and for being a source of inspiration for all these years. Your encouragement helped me to complete this book.
    [Show full text]
  • International Crimes in Crimea
    International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
    THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Banking: Part 2 Banking Crisis: What Rock-Bottom Will Feel Like Where to Get the Kyiv Post?
    December 23, 2016, Vol. 3, Issue 4 Banking: Part 2 Banking Crisis: What Rock-Bottom Will Feel Like Where to get the Kyiv Post? The Kyiv Post distribution list, with map, is now available online at distribution.kyivpost.com STAND SUBSCRIBE COPIES 1 YEAR 6 MONTHS 3 MONTHS (RENT PER YEAR) to the Kyiv Post 1 1,300 650 390 Feel free to contact us: +38 044 591 34 09, mail to [email protected] 20 6,000 4,000 3,000 or order at kyivpost.com 50 1,200 8,000 5,000 4,000 100 10,000 6,000 5,000 All prices are in hryvnias including VAT To get a Kyiv Post corporate subscription for your hotel or restaurant contact us at [email protected] or call us at +38 044 591 33 44 Editors’ Note Contents Opinions: Banking sector still not out of woods 4 Anders Aslund: Credit expansion still weak after fi nancial crisis This the 12th edition of the Kyiv Post's Legal Quarterly, meaning this “new” product is com- ing to the end of its third year. It was born on March 28, 2014, only a month after President 6 Brian Bonner: Why many don’t Viktor Yanukovych fl ed the EuroMaidan Revolution. want to talk about asset recovery We are grateful that it has found a place in the market. We are still experimenting with the format, but have evolved to one in which each issue takes an in-depth look at a single topic Articles and its legal ramifi cations, such as banking, customs, taxes, budget, courts, prosecutors and so on.
    [Show full text]
  • The Crimean Tatar Question: a Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism*
    The Crimean Tatar Question: A Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism* Andrew Wilson Abstract: This article discusses the ongoing debates about Crimean Tatar identity, and the ways in which the Crimean Tatar question has been crucial to processes of reshaping Ukrainian identity during and after the Euromaidan. The Crimean Tatar question, it is argued, is a key test in the struggle between civic and ethnic nationalism in the new Ukraine. The article also looks at the manner in which the proponents of different versions of “Eurasianism”—Russian, Volga Tatar, and Crimean Tatar—have approached the Crimean Tatar question, and how this affects the attitudes of all these ethnic groups to the Russian annexation of Crimea. Key words: Crimean Tatars, Euromaidan, Eurasianism, national identity, nationalism—civic and ethnic Introduction In the period either side of the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Crimean Tatar issue has become a lodestone for redefining the national identities of all the parties involved. The mainstream Crimean Tatar movement has been characterized by steadfast opposition first to the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine and then to Russian rule. This position has strengthened its longstanding ideology of indigenousness and special rights, but it has also * The author is extremely grateful to Ridvan Bari Urcosta for his invaluable help with research for this article, to Bob Deen and Zahid Movlazada at the OSCE HCNM, to Professor Paul Robert Magocsi, and to the anonymous reviewers who made useful comments and criticisms. 1 2 ANDREW WILSON belatedly cemented its alliance with Ukrainian nationalism. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s would‐be new supra‐ethnic civic identity draws heavily on the Crimean Tatar contribution.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Persons and Entities Under EU Restrictive Measures Over the Territorial Integrity of Ukraine
    dhdsh PRESS Council of the European Union EN 1st December 2014 List of persons and entities under EU restrictive measures over the territorial integrity of Ukraine List of persons N. Name Identifying Reasons Date of information listing 1. Sergey Valeryevich d.o.b. 26.11.1972 Aksyonov was elected “Prime Minister of Crimea” in the Crimean Verkhovna Rada on 27 17.3.2014 Aksyonov February 2014 in the presence of pro-Russian gunmen. His “election” was decreed unconstitutional by Oleksandr Turchynov on 1 March. He actively lobbied for the “referendum” of 16 March 2014. 2. Vladimir Andreevich d.o.b. 19.03.1967 As speaker of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Konstantinov 17.3.2014 Konstantinov played a relevant role in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine and called on voters to cast votes in favour of Crimean Independence. 3. Rustam Ilmirovich d.o.b. 15.08.1976 As Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Crimea, Temirgaliev played a relevant role 17.3.2014 Temirgaliev in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine. He lobbied actively for integration of Crimea into the Russian Federation. 4. Deniz Valentinovich d.o.b. 15.07.1974 Berezovskiy was appointed commander of the Ukrainian Navy on 1 March 2014 and swore an 17.3.2014 Berezovskiy oath to the Crimean armed force, thereby breaking his oath. The Prosecutor-General’s Office of Ukraine launched an investigation against him for high treason.
    [Show full text]
  • Situation in Der Ukraine: Verordnung Vom 2
    Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research EAER State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO Bilateral Economic Relations Sanctions Version of 20.05.2014 Sanctions program: Situation in der Ukraine: Verordnung vom 2. April 2014 über Massnahmen zur Vermeidung der Umgehung internationaler Sanktionen im Zusammenhang mit der Situation in der Ukraine (SR 946.231.176.72), Anhang Origin: EU Sanctions: Art. 1 (Verbot der Eröffnung neuer Geschäftsbeziehungen) Sanctions program: Situation en Ukraine: Ordonnance du 2 avril 2014 instituant des mesures visant à empêcher le contournement de sanctions internationales en lien avec la situation en Ukraine (RS 946.231.176.72), annexe Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 1 (Interdiction de nouer de nouvelles relations d’affaires) Sanctions program: Situazione in Ucraina: Ordinanza del 2 aprile 2014 che istituisce provvedimenti per impedire l’aggiramento delle sanzioni internazionali in relazione alla situazione in Ucraina (RS 946.231.176.72), allegato Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 1 (Divieto di apertura di nuove relazioni d’affari) Individuals SSID: 175-27685 Name: Volodin Vyacheslav Viktorovich DOB: 4 Feb 1964 POB: Alekseevka, Saratov region Justification: First Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Administration of Russia. Responsible for overseeing the political integration of the annexed Ukrainian region of Crimea into the Russian Federation. Modifications: Listed on 20 May 2014 SSID: 175-27692 Name: Shamanov Vladimir DOB: 15 Feb 1954 POB: Barnaul Justification: Commander of the Russian Airborne Troops, Colonel-General. In his senior position holds responsibility for the deployment of Russian airborne forces in Crimea. Modifications: Listed on 20 May 2014 SSID: 175-27699 Name: Pligin Vladimir Nikolaevich DOB: 19 May 1960 POB: Ignatovo, Vologodsk Oblast, Russian Federation Justification: Chair of the Duma Constitutional Law Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • CRIMEAN ALBUM: Stories of Human Rights Defenders IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: STORIES of HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS УДК 342.72/.73(477.75-074)(092) К82
    IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: Stories Of Human Rights Defenders IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: STORIES OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS УДК 342.72/.73(477.75-074)(092) К82 Author of text: Iryna Vyrtosu. Editor and author of idea: Tetiana Pechonchyk. Production photographer: Valeriya Mezentseva. Photographers: Mykola Myrnyi, Iryna Kriklya, Olexiy Plisko, as well as photos from the personal archives of the heroes. Transcription of the interviews: Yana Khmelyuk. Translator: Olga Lobastova. Proofreader: Arthur Rogers. Design composition and layout: Pavlo Reznikov. I. Vyrtosu К82 Crimean Album: Stories of Human Rights Defenders / I. Vyrtosu; edit. Т. Pechonchyk; Human Rights Information Centre. – Kyiv: KBC, 2019. – 232 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-16-9 This book contains evidence and memories of Crimean human rights defenders including their work experience before and after the occupation. There are twenty personal stories about the past, present and future of people, who continue to fight for the protection of human rights in Crimea even after losing their home, as well as those, who oppose reprisals living under the occupation. These are stories of Olga Anoshkina, Eskender Bariyev, Mykhailo Batrak, Oleksandra Dvoretska, Abdureshyt Dzhepparov, Lilia Hemedzhy, Sergiy Zayets, Synaver Kadyrov, Emil Kurbedinov, Alyona Luniova, Roman Martynovsky, Ruslan Nechyporuk, Valentyna Potapova, Anna Rassamakhina, Daria Svyrydova, Olga Skrypnyk and Vissarion Aseyev, Iryna Sedova and Oleksandr Sedov, Tamila Tasheva, Maria Sulialina, Volodymyr Chekryhin. The book is intended
    [Show full text]