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Byzantium and Islam” 2003-2017 Rivista Online Registrata, Codice ISSN 2240-5240 Porphyra N Anno XIII Numero XXV Dicembre 2016 “Byzantium and Islam” 2003-2017 Rivista online registrata, codice ISSN 2240-5240 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ In memory of Alessandro Angelucci 2 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ Indice articoli: 1. L’AMBASCERIA DI COSTANTE II IN CINA (641-643): UN INEDITO TENTATIVO DI ALLEANZA ANTI-ARABA? Mirko Rizzotto pp. 5-25 2. FILELLENISMO E ANTIBIZANTINISMO. LA POLITICA CULTURALE DEI PRIMI CALIFFI ABBASIDI Filippo Donvito pp. 26-42 3. PHOTIUS AND THE ABBASIDS: THE PROBLEMS OF ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN PARADIGMS Olof Heilo pp. 43-51 4. TEOFILO, NAṢR E I KHURRAMIYYA IRREDENTISMI POLITICO- MESSIANICI NEL IX SECOLO, TRA IRAN, ISLAM E BISANZIO. Andrea Piras pp. 52-67 5. THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE CALIPHATE AND BYZANTIUM FOR THE CITY OF AMORİUM (AMORION) Talat Koçak pp. 68-85 6. BISANZIO E GLI ARABI NEL CONTESTO DELLA VITA SANCTI MICHAELIS SYNCELLI (BHG 1296) Elena Gritti pp. 86-100 7. BISANZIO E L’ISLAM (1025-1081) Frederick Lauritzen pp. 101-112 8. DID THE CRUSADES CHANGE THE BYZANTINE PERCEPTION OF VIOLENCE? David-John Williams pp. 113-124 9. PER LO STUDIO DELLA INFLUENZA TURCA NELL’IMPERO DEI ROMANI: IL CASO DEL SIMBOLO DELL’AQUILA BICIPITE (SECC. XII-XIII) Giorgio Vespignani pp. 125-131 10. LA RISPOSTA DEL MONDO MERCANTILE ALL’AVANZATA DEI TURCHI Sandra Origone pp. 132-143 11. PETROS PELOPONNESIOS. ABOUT AUTHORSHIP IN OTTOMAN MUSIC AND THE HERITAGE OF BYZANTINE MUSIC Oliver Gerlach pp. 144-183 Indice recensioni: 12. Φ.A. ΔΗΜΗΤΡΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ, Ὁ ἀναµενόµενος: ἅγιος βασιλεὺς Ἰωάννης Βατάτζης ὁ ἐλεήµων. Μὲ ἐκδεδοµένα καὶ ἀνέκδοτα ὑµνογραφικὰ κείµενα Lorenzo M. Ciolfi pp. 184-187 13. K. KALAITZIDIS, Post-Byzantine Music Manuscripts as a Source for Oriental Secular Music (15th to early 19th century) Oliver Gerlach pp. 188-192 14. B.I. KNOTT– E. FANTHAM, Desiderius Erasmus Lorenzo M. Ciolfi pp. 193-197 15. G. RINALDI, Cristianesimo e Islàm. Antefatti e fatti Rosa Conte pp. 198-208 3 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ 4 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ In collaborazione con: Oxford University Byzantine Society (University of Oxford) Istituto Romeno di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Venezia Association dés étudiants du monde byzantin Student Network for Byzantine and Medieval Study (University of Cyprus) Redazione: Nicola Bergamo (Direttore), Flaminia Beneventano, Lorenzo Ciolfi, Giovanni U. Cavallera, Aurora E. Camaño, Angelina Anne Volkoff, Apostolis Kouroupakis, Martina Leitner (redattori) 5 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ L’AMBASCERIA DI COSTANTE II IN CINA (641-643): UN INEDITO TENTATIVO DI ALLEANZA ANTI-ARABA? Mirko Rizzotto Abstract: According Chinese historical sources,in 641 A.D. the Roman Emperor Constans II and his mother Gregoria sent an embassy to the Tang court, in order to support the last Persian rulers against the invasion of the Arabs. Chinese Emperor, however, denied his very decisive help. Keywords: Costante II, Cina, Sassanidi, Gaozong, Yazdegerd III, Peroz III, Taizong, battaglia di Talas, Zemarco 1. I motivi dell’ambasceria L’opera storica cinese intitolata Chiu-t’ang-shu e composta intorno alla metà del X secolo d.C. ci rende noto che l’imperatore Yang-ti (605-617) aveva a lungo desiderato di inaugurare dei commerci diretti con l’Impero Romano d’Oriente, evitando così la mediazione persiana, peraltro senza riuscire nel suo intento, vuoi per l’eccessiva distanza, vuoi per l’opposizione dei Sassanidi1: “L'imperatore Yang-ti, della dinastia Sui, da sempre avrebbe voluto dare inizio a dei rapporti commerciali con Costantinopoli (Fu-lin), ma non vi riuscì.” La situazione parve sbloccarsi nel 641, con l’avvento al trono dei Cesari di Costante II detto Pogonato (ovvero “il barbuto”). Costante era figlio di Costantino III (figlio del defunto imperatore Eraclio, vincitore dei Persiani) e dell’imperatrice Gregoria, a sua volta figlia di Niceta, primo cugino di Eraclio. Dopo la violenta estromissione dal potere di Martina, vedova di Eraclio, e di suo figlio Eracleona, ricordata anche da Teofane2, Costante si ritrovò unico autocrate della città sul Bosforo, anche se la situazione non era di certo delle più rosee. Ciò che rimaneva dell’Impero persiano stava infatti soccombendo agli attacchi degli Arabi, che nel frattempo avevano quasi completato anche la conquista dell’Egitto romano. 1 HONG 1975, c. 198. 2 TURTLEDOVE 1982, p. 41: “Il Senato fece tagliare la lingua di Martina e il naso di Eracleona, dopodiché li esiliò, innalzando al trono Costante II, figlio di Costantino III, che regnò per 27 anni”. 6 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ Costante, ancora troppo giovane per gestire autonomamente il potere, si affidò, almeno fino al 650, ai sapienti consigli del suo entourage, composto da alcuni senatori e dal patriarca Paolo II, ma su cui spiccava sua madre Gregoria, che esercitava sul giovane basileus una notevole influenza3. Come ai tempi di Giustino II, anche Gregoria giudicò opportuno ricercare il supporto e l’amicizia dei regni asiatici, al fine di disporre di un contrappeso da opporre al nuovo prepotere islamico, che minacciava di annientare l’Impero Romano, dopo aver finito la sua opera di distruzione nei confronti di quello sassanide. Del resto, è fondamentale ricordarlo, Gregoria aveva dato sua figlia (avuta dal defunto Costantino III), di nome Manyanh (o Maryanh, ovvero Mariana), in sposa al Gran Re di Persia Yazdegerd III; in quegli anni Yazdegerd, impegnato nella durissima lotta contro gli Arabi, stava intrecciando vari rapporti diplomatici con la dinastia cinese dei Tang. I suoi figli, Peroz III e Bahram VII, dopo la definitiva caduta dell’Impero Persiano, trovarono appunto rifugio e impieghi militari in Cina, grazie ai precedenti rapporti. Dalla romana Mariana Yazdegerd aveva avuto due figlie, Shahrbanu (o Harar) e Izdundad (quest’ultima destinata ad essere la madre di Hisdai Shahrijar, futuro esilarca degli Ebrei di Babilonia dal 660 al 665), oltre a due altre figlie avute da differenti matrimoni, ossia Adrag e Mardawand. Sfruttando i canali diplomatici aperti dal genero e dalla figlia, l’imperatrice decise risolutamente di inviare una nuova ambasceria, affinché riprendesse i contatti con la lontana Cina e negoziasse con essa un accordo politico e commerciale, sfruttando anche il vuoto che minacciava di crearsi dopo la sconfitta dei Persiani, non ancora rimpiazzati saldamente dagli Arabi. L’imminente e pressoché definitiva perdita dell’Egitto, poi concretizzatasi nel 642, ad opera del califfo Othman, dovette convincere anche i più recalcitranti che una missione di richiesta di supporto ad oriente non fosse poi così campata in aria. È probabile che uno dei compiti dell’ambasceria fosse quello di sollecitare – o di comprare – il supporto militare dei Cinesi a favore dei Persiani, alleggerendo così la pressione araba anche sulle province orientali dell’Impero Romano. Siamo però nell’ignoranza più totale intorno alla composizione di quest’ambasceria, dato che le fonti greche e latine tacciono del tutto su di essa. La nostra principale fonte d’informazione è costituita ancora una volta dagli storiografi cinesi, che raccontano4: “Nel 17esimo anno dell’èra di Cheng-kuan (643 d.C.), il sovrano di Costantinopoli (Fu-lin), chiamato Po-a-li (Costante II Pogonato), inviò un’ambasceria in Cina, offrendo in dono del vetro rosso, diverse lu- 3 GARLAND 1999, pp. 61-72. 4 HONG 1975, c. 198. 7 Porphyra n. 25, anno XIII, ISSN 2240-5240 ______________________________________________________________________ chin-ching (gemme verde-oro)5, ed altri oggetti. T’ai-tsung6, l'imperatore allora regnante, li accolse favorevolmente, consegnando poi loro un messaggio a cui era stato apposto il suo sigillo imperiale ed elargendo gentilmente diverse vesti in seta.” Gregoria, per questa delicata e pericolosa missione, dovette scegliere senz’altro un personaggio di sua fiducia, il cui nome è difficile individuare con sicurezza: in questa sede propendiamo per il cubiculario (ovvero ciambellano imperiale) Kakorizos; Kakorizos, eunuco ed elemento vicinissimo alla casata imperiale, aveva rivestito già degli incarichi militari e non era a digiuno di esperienze diplomatiche. Questo suo bagaglio di conoscenze lo avrebbe portato, alcuni anni dopo (648) a comandare la flotta romana contro il generalissimo arabo Muawiyah, partito all’attacco di Cipro7. Ripetiamo, la presente è solo un’ipotesi di lavoro, ma merita perlomeno di essere approfondita. Dell’ambasceria decisa da Gregoria, oltre a Kakorizos, furono chiamati a far parte, con ogni probabilità, anche un corpo armato scelto fra gli excubitores di palazzo, che avrebbe garantito l’incolumità del cubiculario durante il viaggio, alcuni ecclesiastici, degli interpreti (probabilmente Turchi, Persiani e Indiani), dei vivandieri, svariati servitori, bestie da soma ed infine un cospicuo carico di bagagli, che comprendevano anche ricchi doni destinati all’imperatore cinese, ai nobili della corte e ai vari capi tribù e regoli che avrebbero incontrato lungo il cammino. Tra questi, oltre alle monete d’oro recanti l’effige del giovane Costante II, vi erano anche numerosi topazi, come già ricordato dalle fonti cinesi, oggetti
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