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The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. a Historical and Architectural Perspective

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THE CULT COMPLEX OF BEL AT POROLISSUM. A HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL PERSPECTIVE Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu1, Flaminiu Taloș2 Abstract: In this manuscript, we are reopening the archaeological files of a monument – the Temple of Bel – discovered at Porolissum. We start by presenting the history of the monument research and then analyze the chronology and the construction phases of the temple. A temple of Liber Pater has been proposed to have been built under the Temple of Bel in the 2nd century AD and a Christian Basilica over the temple sometimes in the 4th century. However, we did not find indications of these buildings in the archaeological evidence excavated to this date. Moreover, when we analyzed the only remaining architectural elements (a Corinthian capital with human protome and an ornamented merlon) belonging to this temple, we found striking cultural connections with the religious cults of the Palmyrene community to which, most likely, the temple belonged, along with an adjacent banqueting hall. The two stone elements mentioned above carry marks and symbolic meanings that can be traced to the Oriental civilizations. In addition, votive altars ornated with the Oriental crowsteps motif can be found at Porolissum. We propose that a carving workshop with Oriental masters must have existed at Porolissum that worked for the local Palmyrene community and wove aspects of original sophisticated Palmyra monuments into their work. We finalize this manuscript by proposing a 3D reconstruction of the entire Bel cult complex based on all currently available historical and archeological data and using known ancient architectural principles. Our endeavor sheds a new light on the Palmyrene community and the intertwined lives of Porollisum’s inhabitants during an unprecedented time of social, economical and cultural exchange. Keywords: temple, capital, merlon, architecture, reconstruction History of the research and historical interpretation of the temple of Bel Archaeological explorations and excavations at Porolissum have a relatively recent history. In an report from 12 November 1859 sent to the Greek‑Catholic bishop of Gherla, Ioan Alexi, by the priest Iosif Vaida from Brebi concerning the 13 parishes in the area, mentions the presence in the parish of Moigradu (today Moigrad‑Porolissum) of ruins of the fort, as well as aqueducts and the Roman stone paved road (“Memorabilis ab uno veteris castro, cuius ruinae hodie quoque videntur, a fodinibus calcis, pluribus aquae ductibus Romanorum antiquorum, et via lapidea eorumdem”)3. In the same period C. Torma passed through Porolissum and so did A. Cosma, a teacher from Zalău. Around the same period, texts of many Latin inscriptions from Porolissum were published by the famous German scholar Th. Mommsen in his third volume of Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. In 1907, count D. Teleki conducst a first, one‑day excavation at Porolissum. In 1908, the Society of the Transylvanian Museum (Erdely Nemzeti Muzeum) 1 Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Romanian Academy Cluj Branch, Mihail Kogălniceanu Str. 12‒14, 400084, Cluj‑Napoca, Cluj County, RO; e‑mail: [email protected] 2 Ph.D. Student in Architecture at Architecture and Urbanism Department, Technical University of Cluj‑ Napoca, St. Memorandului 28, 400114, Cluj‑Napoca, RO; e‑mail: [email protected] 3 ARDEVAN 1977;136; MATEI 1077, 209. Ephemeris Napocensis, XXX, 2020, p. 101–136, https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.101 102 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș starts financing excavations led by A. Buday. Upon the unification of Transylvania with Romania in 1918, more extended archeological research was undertaken 20 years later in 1939‑1940 by the Romanian archaeologist C. Daicoviciu. Interrupted by WWII, the research was reinitiated in 1943 by A. Radnoti during the period when north‑western Transylvania was temporarily occupied by Hungary. After the war, the Romanian Academy started a research program at Porolissum, the first excavation campaigns taking place in 1949 and then in 1958–1959. After another intermission, the last stage of the archaeological research was resumed by the Romanian Academy in 1977 and continues till today.4 The temple of Bel was apparently discovered during the 1938 Daicoviciu excavations when the building inscription was found.5 However, C. Daicoviciu never published this inscription, nor detailed the description of the excavation and plans or drawings. The only known documentation consists of photographs of the inscription, of the Corinthian capital and of a column that were published much later by the last survivor of the Daicoviciu’s team.6 The inscription was presented for the first time in a catalogue of the monuments published by the Sălaj County’s Museum from Zalău.7 Here is the text of the inscription: Pro salute[I]mp(eratoris) M(arci) Aur[eli] | Antonini Aug(usti) Pii Fel(icis) deo | patrio Belo n(umerus) Pal(myrenorum) sagit(tariorum) tem|plum vi ignis consumptum | pecunia sua restituer(unt) dedi|cantf (sic) [C(aio)] [Iul(io) Sept(imio) Casti]no| co(n)s(ulari) III Daci[ar(um) M(arco)?] Ulpio Victore | proc(uratore) Aug(usti) provi[nc(iae) Po]rol(issensis) cura agen|te T(ito) Fl(avio) Saturn[ino (centurione) le]g(ionis) V Mac(edonicae) p(iae) c(onstantis). The excavations from 1958 directed by M. Macrea named the area of the Temple of Bel “the sanctuaries’ terrace”. For the first time, they attributed the vestiges found by C. Daicoviciu in 1939 to a putative “Temple of Liber Pater”.8 Although, not archaeologically identified, this temple was presumed to have existed on the base of a votive inscription found close by during Daicoviciu’s excavation. Daicoviciu does not draw any conclusion on the “Temple”. Rather, this “temple” is inferred from Daicoviciu excavation by the Macrea team and published its presence as a “fact” in the same catalogue of the museum.9 Indeed, two inscriptions were found in the same area, but the evidence on the terrain indicates that only one temple existed. Out of the two inscriptions only one fits the parameters of a “building inscription” and that is for the Temple of Bel. It appears, that the votive altar for Liber Pater was dedicated by a beneficiarius consularis. Such inscriptions were usually linked to a statio of beneficiarii10, which had an annexed holly area, or a shrine, where beneficiarii offered altars to the gods.11 The zone where this votive was found is appropriate, as it is close to the road and to the limes. As a statio of beneficiarii at Porolissum12 is universally accepted by the specialists13, the inscription is, very probable, coming from this building (it is important to mention that this building has not been yet identified) and 4 GUDEA 1989, 35–36. 5 DAICOVICIU 1937–1940, 330, footnote 2. 6 GHERGARIU 1980, 78, Fig. 3/1; 2/1–2. 7 GUDEA/LUCĂCEL 1975, 14, nr. 12. 8 MACREA 1961, 377. 9 GUDEA/LUCĂCEL 1975, 14, nr. 12. 10 The theory belongs to A. v. Domaszewski who based on the only one altar known at his time declared that at Osterburken was a statio of beneficiarii, with 100 years before the discovery of the other 25 altars (DOMASZEWSKI 1902, 205, nr. 344). 11 For example, the statio at Obernburg‑sur‑le‑Main in Germania Superior (STEIDL 2014). 12 For beneficiarii in Dacia see, CUPCEA 2012. 13 NELIS‑CLÉMENT 2000, 164. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 103 not from the presumed Temple of Liber Pater, which is rather unlikely that it had existed on the same “sanctuaries’ terrace“. However, this confusion was largely perpetuated and even amplified in the coming years after Macrea’s attribution. In 1977, when the excavations at Porolissum were resumed, Al. V. Matei’s mission included research at “the sanctuaries’ terrace”. At this moment, he already assumes the existence of two temples.14 He excavated the building “N2”and after finding many tile‑stamps of the numerus Palmyrenorum he decided it was the temple of Bel. The stratigraphy described by Matei identified four phases: the first covering the building with apse from the first half of the nd2 century to the end of the 2nd century, phase II when the temple of Bel was built and soon a landslide followed (?), phase III when the temple was rebuilt at the beginning of the 3rd century (attested by the inscription), phase IV from the end of the 3rd century to beginning of the 4th century when the temple became a Christian basilica (!).15 However, the stratigraphic sequence was not supported by any graphic documentation. In his vision, building “N2” had a different destination in the first phase (before the Temple of Bel) as well as in the fourth one. The interpretation of the fourth phase seems to be the most problematic and likely the result of the official view of Romanian historiography during the communist period, when demonstration of continuity and of the presence of early Christianity was an obsessive propagandistic pattern.16 The last construction phase identified everywhere at Porolissum does not overpass AD 271, the final year of the Roman rule in Dacia. No Early Christian artifact, or any kind of evidence to characterize this building as Christian was found in Matei’s excavation. Three years later, in his next report of excavation, Matei wrote in a footnote that building “N2” was identified as the temple of Liber Pater and later, the temple of Bel was built on top of it.17 No explanation for such an unusual situation has been offered. From this moment on, the monument was known as the temple of Liber Pater which later on became the temple of Bel, an unfounded assumption perpetuated by many different authors. The first author who firmly rejected this speculation was Al. Diaconescu: “…there is no reasonable argument to link this altar or statue base (of Liber Pater) with the first phase of the temple…”.18 There is not any positive evidence for a phase after AD 271.
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  • Harttimo 1.Pdf

    Harttimo 1.Pdf

    Beyond the River, under the Eye of Rome Ethnographic Landscapes, Imperial Frontiers, and the Shaping of a Danubian Borderland by Timothy Campbell Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Co-Chair Professor Emeritus Raymond H. Van Dam, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Ian David Fielding Professor Christopher John Ratté © Timothy Campbell Hart [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-8640-131X For my family ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Developing and writing a dissertation can, at times, seem like a solo battle, but in my case, at least, this was far from the truth. I could not have completed this project without the advice and support of many individuals, most crucially, my dissertation co-chairs David S. Potter, and Raymond Van Dam. Ray saw some glimmer of potential in me and worked to foster it from the moment I arrived at Michigan. I am truly thankful for his support throughout the years and constant advice on both academic and institutional matters. In particular, our conversations about demographics and the movement of people in the ancient world were crucial to the genesis of this project. Throughout the writing process, Ray’s firm encouragement towards clarity of argument and style, while not always what I wanted to hear, have done much to make this a stronger dissertation. David Potter has provided me with a lofty academic model towards which to strive. I admire the breadth and depth of his scholarship; working and teaching with him have shown me much worth emulating.