The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. a Historical and Architectural Perspective

THE CULT COMPLEX OF BEL AT POROLISSUM. A HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL PERSPECTIVE

Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu1, Flaminiu Taloș2

Abstract: In this manuscript, we are reopening the archaeological files of a monument – the Temple of Bel – discovered at Porolissum. We start by presenting the history of the monument research and then analyze the chronology and the construction phases of the temple. A temple of Liber Pater has been proposed to have been built under the Temple of Bel in the 2nd century AD and a Christian Basilica over the temple sometimes in the 4th century. However, we did not find indications of these buildings in the archaeological evidence excavated to this date. Moreover, when we analyzed the only remaining architectural elements (a Corinthian capital with human protome and an ornamented merlon) belonging to this temple, we found striking cultural connections with the religious cults of the Palmyrene community to which, most likely, the temple belonged, along with an adjacent banqueting hall. The two stone elements mentioned above carry marks and symbolic meanings that can be traced to the Oriental civilizations. In addition, votive altars ornated with the Oriental crowsteps motif can be found at Porolissum. We propose that a carving workshop with Oriental masters must have existed at Porolissum that worked for the local Palmyrene community and wove aspects of original sophisticated Palmyra monuments into their work. We finalize this manuscript by proposing a 3D reconstruction of the entire Bel cult complex based on all currently available historical and archeological data and using known ancient architectural principles. Our endeavor sheds a new light on the Palmyrene community and the intertwined lives of Porollisum’s inhabitants during an unprecedented time of social, economical and cultural exchange. Keywords: temple, capital, merlon, architecture, reconstruction

History of the research and historical interpretation of the temple of Bel Archaeological explorations and excavations at Porolissum have a relatively recent history. In an report from 12 November 1859 sent to the Greek‑Catholic bishop of Gherla, Ioan Alexi, by the priest Iosif Vaida from Brebi concerning the 13 parishes in the area, mentions the presence in the parish of Moigradu (today Moigrad‑Porolissum) of ruins of the fort, as well as aqueducts and the Roman stone paved road (“Memorabilis ab uno veteris castro, cuius ruinae hodie quoque videntur, a fodinibus calcis, pluribus aquae ductibus Romanorum antiquorum, et via lapidea eorumdem”)3. In the same period C. Torma passed through Porolissum and so did A. Cosma, a teacher from Zalău. Around the same period, texts of many Latin inscriptions from Porolissum were published by the famous German scholar Th. Mommsen in his third volume of Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. In 1907, count D. Teleki conducst a first, one-day excavation at Porolissum. In 1908, the Society of the Transylvanian Museum (Erdely Nemzeti Muzeum)

1 Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Romanian Academy Cluj Branch, Mihail Kogălniceanu Str. 12‒14, 400084, Cluj-Napoca, Cluj County, RO; e-mail: [email protected] 2 Ph.D. Student in Architecture at Architecture and Urbanism Department, Technical University of Cluj- Napoca, St. Memorandului 28, 400114, Cluj-Napoca, RO; e-mail: [email protected] 3 ARDEVAN 1977;136; MATEI 1077, 209. Ephemeris Napocensis, XXX, 2020, p. 101–136, https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.101 102 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș starts financing excavations led by A. Buday. Upon the unification of Transylvania with Romania in 1918, more extended archeological research was undertaken 20 years later in 1939-1940 by the Romanian archaeologist C. Daicoviciu. Interrupted by WWII, the research was reinitiated in 1943 by A. Radnoti during the period when north‑western Transylvania was temporarily occupied by Hungary. After the war, the Romanian Academy started a research program at Porolissum, the first excavation campaigns taking place in 1949 and then in 1958–1959. After another intermission, the last stage of the archaeological research was resumed by the Romanian Academy in 1977 and continues till today.4 The temple of Bel was apparently discovered during the 1938 Daicoviciu excavations when the building inscription was found.5 However, C. Daicoviciu never published this inscription, nor detailed the description of the excavation and plans or drawings. The only known documentation consists of photographs of the inscription, of the Corinthian capital and of a column that were published much later by the last survivor of the Daicoviciu’s team.6 The inscription was presented for the first time in a catalogue of the monuments published by the Sălaj County’s Museum from Zalău.7 Here is the text of the inscription:

Pro salute[I]mp(eratoris) M(arci) Aur[eli] | Antonini Aug(usti) Pii Fel(icis) deo | patrio Belo n(umerus) Pal(myrenorum) sagit(tariorum) tem|plum vi ignis consumptum | pecunia sua restituer(unt) dedi|cantf (sic) [C(aio)] [Iul(io) Sept(imio) Casti]no| co(n)s(ulari) III Daci[ar(um) M(arco)?] Ulpio Victore | proc(uratore) Aug(usti) provi[nc(iae) Po]rol(issensis) cura agen|te T(ito) Fl(avio) Saturn[ino (centurione) le]g(ionis) V Mac(edonicae) p(iae) c(onstantis).

The excavations from 1958 directed by M. Macrea named the area of the Temple of Bel “the sanctuaries’ terrace”. For the first time, they attributed the vestiges found by C. Daicoviciu in 1939 to a putative “Temple of Liber Pater”.8 Although, not archaeologically identified, this temple was presumed to have existed on the base of a votive inscription found close by during Daicoviciu’s excavation. Daicoviciu does not draw any conclusion on the “Temple”. Rather, this “temple” is inferred from Daicoviciu excavation by the Macrea team and published its presence as a “fact” in the same catalogue of the museum.9 Indeed, two inscriptions were found in the same area, but the evidence on the terrain indicates that only one temple existed. Out of the two inscriptions only one fits the parameters of a “building inscription” and that is for the Temple of Bel. It appears, that the votive altar for Liber Pater was dedicated by a beneficiarius consularis. Such inscriptions were usually linked to a statio of beneficiarii10, which had an annexed holly area, or a shrine, where beneficiarii offered altars to the gods.11 The zone where this votive was found is appropriate, as it is close to the road and to the limes. As a statio of beneficiarii at Porolissum12 is universally accepted by the specialists13, the inscription is, very probable, coming from this building (it is important to mention that this building has not been yet identified) and 4 GUDEA 1989, 35–36. 5 DAICOVICIU 1937–1940, 330, footnote 2. 6 GHERGARIU 1980, 78, Fig. 3/1; 2/1–2. 7 GUDEA/LUCĂCEL 1975, 14, nr. 12. 8 MACREA 1961, 377. 9 GUDEA/LUCĂCEL 1975, 14, nr. 12. 10 The theory belongs to A. v. Domaszewski who based on the only one altar known at his time declared that at Osterburken was a statio of beneficiarii, with 100 years before the discovery of the other 25 altars (DOMASZEWSKI 1902, 205, nr. 344). 11 For example, the statio at Obernburg-sur-le-Main in Germania Superior (STEIDL 2014). 12 For beneficiarii in Dacia see, CUPCEA 2012. 13 NELIS-CLÉMENT 2000, 164. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 103 not from the presumed Temple of Liber Pater, which is rather unlikely that it had existed on the same “sanctuaries’ terrace“. However, this confusion was largely perpetuated and even amplified in the coming years after Macrea’s attribution. In 1977, when the excavations at Porolissum were resumed, Al. V. Matei’s mission included research at “the sanctuaries’ terrace”. At this moment, he already assumes the existence of two temples.14 He excavated the building “N2”and after finding many tile‑stamps of the numerus Palmyrenorum he decided it was the temple of Bel. The stratigraphy described by Matei identified four phases: the first covering the building with apse from the first half of the nd2 century to the end of the 2nd century, phase II when the temple of Bel was built and soon a landslide followed (?), phase III when the temple was rebuilt at the beginning of the 3rd century (attested by the inscription), phase IV from the end of the 3rd century to beginning of the 4th century when the temple became a Christian basilica (!).15 However, the stratigraphic sequence was not supported by any graphic documentation. In his vision, building “N2” had a different destination in the first phase (before the Temple of Bel) as well as in the fourth one. The interpretation of the fourth phase seems to be the most problematic and likely the result of the official view of Romanian historiography during the communist period, when demonstration of continuity and of the presence of early Christianity was an obsessive propagandistic pattern.16 The last construction phase identified everywhere at Porolissum does not overpass AD 271, the final year of the Roman rule in Dacia. No Early Christian artifact, or any kind of evidence to characterize this building as Christian was found in Matei’s excavation. Three years later, in his next report of excavation, Matei wrote in a footnote that building “N2” was identified as the temple of Liber Pater and later, the temple of Bel was built on top of it.17 No explanation for such an unusual situation has been offered. From this moment on, the monument was known as the temple of Liber Pater which later on became the temple of Bel, an unfounded assumption perpetuated by many different authors. The first author who firmly rejected this speculation was Al. Diaconescu: “…there is no reasonable argument to link this altar or statue base (of Liber Pater) with the first phase of the temple…”.18 There is not any positive evidence for a phase after AD 271. The presumed “Christian basilica” found a supporter in N. Gudea, but he does not appear entirely convinced. Touching on the Christianity at Porolissum, Gudea described the monument as “a possible Christian cult building”, agreeing with Matei’s interpretation of the building as Christian basilica.19 Although Al. Diaconescu did not agree with the Christian basilica statement, he avoids to detail the subject.20 Of note, Christian basilica architecture started its evolution only in Constantine’s time, long after Dacia was no longer part of the Roman Empire.21

14 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 90–91, footnote 21. 15 MATEI 1979, 478; 489, pl. VI; GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 95. 16 This situation is well illustrated by the final conclusion of the two American archaeologists, Matei’s partners for over ten years in the excavations at Porolissum:”… In past years, we assumed, following the orthodox version of Porolissum’s chronology, that all such ‘late’ features necessarily pertained to the immediate post-Roman period (AD 271–375), the so-called Daco-Roman phase. After much scrutiny and careful analysis of the features and artifacts, the Porolissum Forum Project now considers these features to date to the final decade of the Roman period…” (DE SENA/WANNER 2016, 311). 17 GUDEA ET ALII 1983, 139, footnote 13; the presence of Liber Pater altar in the first phase is impossible to imagine, not only because it is not damaged, but mostly because Daicoviciu did not excavate too deep, he found the inscriptions in the upper levels. 18 DIACONESCU 2011, 142. 19 GUDEA 2016, 52, with bibliography of the subject. 20 DIACONESCU 2011, 145. 21 See among many other specialists presenting the existent evidence, OUSTERHOUT 2019. 104 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

Construction phases and chronology The first building was a small rectangular one of 10.50 × 9 m with an exterior apse on its western side with a diameter of 3.30 m (Pl. I). The walls were of 0.60 m width.22 The construction was perfectly East‑West oriented, with the entrance situated on the eastern side. The presence of the apse suggests it was a shrine. Taking into consideration the later added atop temple building, it was very probable a chapel, similar to what is known as hamānā in an inscription from Palmyra. In the temple of Allat at Palmyra, the initial chapel was later enshrined within the 2nd century cella.23 The same likely happened at Porolissum with the new temple using the old apse24, in spite of a different orientation. Similarly, the small cubic shrine at Mašnaqa was later included in the temple building25, while at the Baitokaiké the adyton from the back of the cella was partially preserved when the temple was enlarged in the 2nd century AD.26 The hamānā from Syria was the “house of god”, marking his presence.27 Thus far, the chronology of this chapel at Porolissum was not based on any relevant artifact. But if the arrival of the Palmyrene archers at Porolissum can be considered to have occurred after AD 126, being organized in a vexillation as noted in an inscription from AD 141 from Palmyra,28 their hamānā, was probably built sometime in Antoninus Pius time29, as other stone buildings at Porolissum.30 Moreover, a bilingual inscription in Latin and Palmyrene from Tibiscum dated between 17 December 159 and 16 January 160 recorded a numerus Palmyrenorum.31 Thus, we can agree that sometimes between AD 141 and 159 the vexillation at Porolissum was transformed into a numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium. In our opinion, this military organization change of Palmyrene archers’ vexillation was due to the transformation of their temporary bases in Dacia into permanent garrisons at Tibiscum and Porolissum. The stability brought a new program of building. The inscription from Tibiscum proves that the Palmyrene troops in Dacia were keeping their ethnic identity and their homeland religion. So, after AD 160 a more ample temple of their country’s supreme god Bel, was built at Porolissum. The plan of the temple was changed compared with the old chapel, starting with the orientation. The new orientation was probably necessary due to the configuration of the narrow terrace where it was constructed. But the old apse, the sacred space of the hamānā was included in the new temple (Pl. I). It was a rectangular shaped of 22.60 m × 13.50 m with walls of 0.80 m width and strong basements of 1.30 m deep.32 Sometimes before AD 215–217 a fire affected the temple as the above-mentioned construction inscription registers. I. Piso33 dated the inscription in AD 215–217 based on the office in Dacia of the consular of the three Dacias C. Iulius Septimius Castinus and considered the centurion Titus Flavius Saturninus from the 5th legion Macedonica at Potaissa as the commander of numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium. It is worth adding that other centurions of the same legion are epigraphically recorded in relation with other numeri of Dacia. So, in AD 175–177 centurion M. Verius Superstes was praepositus

22 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 92. 23 GAWLIKOWSKI 2008, 535. 24 Same opinion at RUSU-PESCARU/ALICU 2000, 77; NEMETI 2005, 171. 25 FREYBERGER 1997, 852. 26 FREYBERGER 1997, 853. 27 FREYBERGER 1997, 856. 28 PETOLESCU 2002, 139. 29 An inscription is attesting in the same period the building of a temple at Tibiscum by the vexillation Palmyrenorum (PISO/BENEA 1999, 91–96, nr. 1. 30 See, OPREANU/LĂZĂRESCU 2020, 236 with bibliography of the problem. 31 IDR III/1 167; NÉMETH 1997, 102–103. 32 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 92. 33 PISO 2013, 269–270, nr. 116. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 105

Numeri Germanorum in the fort from Orăștioara de Sus34 and and centurion Ulpius Maximinus was praepositus Numeri Singulariorum Peditum Britannicorum in the fort at Cigmău in AD 238–244.35 Legionary centurions are attested as praepositi over more numeri and auxiliary units in the same garrison. On the altar of the military temple at Dura-Europos dated approximately around AD 210 a centurion from legion IIII Scythica was: “…[prae]positus/[nu]merorum campo ad/ampliato templum ex/truxit cum statua pe[r]/coh(ortem) II Ulp(iae) eq(uitatem) civium/ Romanorum/sagittariorum”.36 Even not mentioned in the inscription, T. Flavius Saturninus was possibly a praepositus of numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium, if not of more auxiliary units from Porolissum.37 The mentioning of the consular and of the financial procurator of Dacia Porolissensis in the building inscription is likely out of an loyalty action towards Caracalla, at that time left for his Oriental expedition. At the same time Caracalla associated himself with the gods, many of them being divinities of oriental origin38which could be the reason of the official care for the inauguration of the temple of Bel. The consecration of the temple at Porolissum was probably organized in the holy day of Bel which was on the 6th of the month of Nisan (April), as an inscription from AD 163 at Palmyra mentions the establishment of a set of sacrifices “forever”.39That was the second phase of the temple. A fire was identified archaeologically on the southern side of the temple.40The building was reconstructed with military manpower as the numerous excavated tiles-stamps with inscription N(umeri) P(almyrenorum) found in the excavation prove.41While the inauguration of the temple occured sometime between 215 and 217, we do not know when happened the fire, nor when the reconstruction started and how much time did it take. In the very neighbourhood, the temple of the customs station was rebuilt, being ruined by time (vetustate dilapsum) sometimes during the reign of a single emperor: Commodus, Septimius Severus, or Caracalla.42 In the first phase of the temple of Bel the excavator wrote in his report that the northern side of the temple was affected by a massive landslide, the cracks of the wall being filled with brick masonry.43 That means in Latin inscriptions’ terms, vetustate dilapsum. The fire was probably accidental, affecting mainly the wooden structure of the roof and transforming the shrine into an out of use building. That means the reparation of the northern wall was possible at the same time as the rebuilding of the customs’ temple44 and the fire happened likely in Caracalla’s time, before AD 215–217.45 In sum, our re-evaluation of the excavation findings as well as of Palmyrene-related inscriptions uncoveres a new timeline for the Temple of Bel: an original hamānā was first built (AD 141-159) by the Palmyrene vexillation followed by a more extensive and built to last structure which incorporated the hamānā, the Temple of Bel. The temple was likely partially destroyed in a fire and other consolidations were made sometime before AD 217.

34 BĂRBULESCU 2012, 151, nr.48. 35 BĂRBULESCU 2012, 149, nr. 44. 36 JAMES 2019, 194. 37 See, other comments to the subject at BERTOLAZZI 2015, 196–197. 38 HEKSTER/KAIZER 2012. 39 KAIZER 2006, 96. 40 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 93. 41 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 95. 42 PISO/OPREANU/DEAC 2016. 43 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 92. 44 Our latest conclusion is that the custom’s temple was rebuilt to the final years of Commodus reign (OPREANU 2021). 45 Most of the construction inscriptions from Caracalla’s reign at Porolissum dated before 6 October 213, no one being in any connection with the wrongly supposition (last time PISO/DEAC 2018) of a visit of the emperor in Dacia and at Porolissum (OPREANU 2015). 106 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

Material traces of religious rituals No other votive inscriptions are known from the temple of Bel. In his report the excavator briefly mentioned that inside the temple were found few rd3 century coins, few fragments of pottery, a sardonix cameo with the image of Minerva, (later became Pallas-Atena46) and a small bronze statuette of Harpocrates. Many fragments of pottery and bones, also a bronze ring with inscription “BALANUS” were recovered from the ritual pit outside the.47 Two years later, Al. Matei48 published several objects found in the area of the temple, offering more details. The cameo was found in the area of the North-Western wall of the temple at 0.20 m deep. The small (5 cm high) bronze statuette identified as Harpocrates, was found on the eastern side between the interior and exterior walls of the temple at 0.30 m deep. There is no reason to believe, as Matei did, that these artifacts, both with symbolic meaning are in secondary position. We think they were votive objects and can be interpreted as proofs that the building functioned as a temple till the end of its existence. Other artifacts linked to the religious rituals of the worshippers of Bel were recovered from the ritual pit located in front of the temple. It is a small bronze statuette identified with goddess Isis (?) and another one of Marte. All the enumerated artifacts were votive objects. Very interesting is also the bronze ring with inscription. Obviously BALANVS was not a name and using the Nominative case is not usual for rings’ inscriptions. In many situations Genitive case is used indicating the ownership of the object. On other rings known as votive objects49 the name of the divinity is in Dative case.50 The ring from the ritual pit in front of the temple of Bel is very probable a “purpose-made” votive51 one. A plausible reading of the inscription can be: BAL(o) AN(nulum) V(otum) S(olvit). Because of the name Bal it was possible dedicated to Baalshamîn.52

Stone architectural elements of the temple Some limestone architectural elements preserved in the lapidarium of the History Museum from Zalău were very probable found in the temple of Bel. We include here a Corinthian capital with anthropomorphic protome, a fragmented engaged column and a merlon. The capital and the column were discovered in C. Daicoviciu’s excavation from 1938, as attested by the L. Ghergariu’s published old photographs of the excavation together with the construction inscription of the temple of Bel.53 There is no known information for the merlon, concerning its place of discovery, but as we will show later it belonged with high probability to the architectural ornamentation of the same temple. The capital is fragmentary, the left side being broken and the bottom base as well. It is 0.45 m high, carved in a brown‑reddish shade limestone with a single row of acanthus leaves under the corner volutes. They were well contoured in the manner well‑known in the Greek‑Roman architecture but unfortunately the upper curved part of the leaves is broken (Pl. II/a; c). The capital appears to have been worked in a simplified manner. It was carved without contouring the central volutes (helices) and their supporting acanthus leaves. This could be a characteristic of the local style of carving. Other Corinthian capitals in the lapidarium of the Museum from Zalău are similarly carved. In the absence of helices and of the second row of leaves, the central part of the

46 MATEI 1982, 75. 47 GUDEA ET ALII 1980, 95. 48 MATEI 1982. 49 Three votive rings with inscriptions dedicated to Mercur, Toutates and Matres Transmarini are known from the Roman settlement at Great Walsingham in Britain, for example (BAGNALL SMITH 1999). 50 Many examples at BUONOPANE 2014, 93–95. See also, SZABÓ 2014. 51 For this category of votive objects see, HUGHES 2017, 194–197. 52 COLLART/VICARI 1969. 53 GHERGARIU 1980, 78, fig. 2/1–2; 3/1. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 107 capital had to be ornated on sides with massive fleurons (Pl. II/c; d), or anthropomorphic images (Pl. II/e), as in our case. On one side from the abacus there is a boss in form of an anthropomorphic image: a head with a longish face, big eyes and curling hair. On this side the volutes are well contoured and carefully worked compared with that from the opposite side. On the opposite side there is a damaged massive fleuron (Pl. III/a; d). It is obviously that the anthropomorphic image was in a visible position. The anthropomorphic image was rough worked and the face’s features are only schematically reproduced. In spite its low artistic achievement, the work succeeds to transmit useful elements to identify the origin of the style of the carving workshop. The beardless face is triangular shaped, the forehead is narrow. The eyebrows are strongly arched, the eyes are big and well contoured. The lower eyelid is doubled, while the pupil and the iris are not separately realized. Instead of two carved concentric circles, there is one round embossed kernel (Pl. III/b). The nose, partially broken, is long, while the mouth is schematic, without the contoured lips. The curling hair was realized with the chisel (Pl. III/c). The character transmits a somber message. The features with longish face, big almond-shaped eyes, long nose and curled hair suggests an Oriental origin. The portraits performed by the ancient artists workshops in Palmyra, of much higher artistic value, have similar features.54 In one of the rare intact relief where Palmyrene gods’ images can be seen, the plaque from Bir Wereb (today in the Louvre Museum), the faces of the triad Baalshamîn, Aglibol and Malakbel can be seen.55 Fixed expression and pouting mouth, long faces, large and prominent eyes remind of the provincial Greco‑Oriental style, typical for Syrian interior with Parthian influence.56 Some portraits from the Museums of Palmyra and Damascus have the same way of suggesting the hair and the face’s features (Pl. IV/a; b).57 The head from the capital at Porolissum brings to mind anthropomorphic sculptures from the Nabataean art, as, for example a head from Meda’in Salih site, in Saudi Arabia (Pl. IV/d).58 In the 3rd period of the Nabataean culture (2nd century AD) the betyl representations of gods without facial features were not the only images of the divinity, but also the so‑called “eye‑idols” identified with their supreme god Dushara appeared on rectangular stone blocks with (Pl. IV/c).59 The features of these “eye-idols” with “almond-shaped eye recesses beneath prominent brows, a long straight nose and oval mouth…it is pure Nabataean in style, with no Hellenistic influence, the stylized features the only concession to an anthropomorphic representation of a god”60 can be aknowledged also in the representation at Porolissum. The same style of sculpture can be seen in the South Arabian Sabaean art, where mask-like faces are triangular in shape and strongly stylized, with the same well contoured almond-shaped eyes under strong eyebrows, long nose and small mouth, while the ears are standing off, ornamentally.61 The Corinthian columns with anthropomorphic protomes on the abacus level are known in the Hellenistic and Roman world, illustrating gods of Greco-Roman pantheon. The Hellenistic trend was present in Roman Orient. But it seems the impulse of creating figured capitals came from the Eastern art. In spite its nonfigurative essence, the Nabataean art contributed to the creation of figured capitals. Among the “classical Nabataean” capitals type there were some types where the front of the abacus is decorated with human, or animal protomes.62 The Corinthian capitals from the temple of Bel in Palmyra do not have anthropomorphic protomes.63

54 WIELGOSZ-RONDOLINO 2016. 55 GAWLIKOWSKI 2015, Fig.18.3 56 PATRICH 2007, 87. 57 SOKOŁOWSKI 2017, Fig. 8; 9. 58 CALLAHAN 2014, Fig. 35. 59 ACCETTOLA 2012, 54, Fig. 6.1. 60 TAYLOR 2001, 105. 61 GERLACH 2005, 34, Fig. 6 a-b. 62 FISCHER 1989, 113. 63 SCHLUMBERGER 1933. 108 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

However, a Corinthian capital with a human mask representation was found in the temple of Baalshamîn in Palmyra.64 (Pl. V/a). The capital found at Porolissum is unique in Dacia. How this type of capital made its way to Porolissum can be traced taking into consideration the place of discovery: the temple of Bel of the Palmyrene community. A long debate in the scientific world revolved around whether the figured capitals had only decorative role or a symbolic meaning as well. The conclusion was that, in most cases, figured capitals were used as decorative, and only rarely with symbolic significance.65 The capital at Porolissum (which likely was not the only one at this temple) was being used, probably, at the porticus of the temple of Bel as a representation very probable the image of the god Bel himself or of one of his companions. A good analogy exists with a Corinthian capital from the temple of Zeus at Jerash (Jordan) (Pl. V/b).66 A human head, probably the image of a god or of a mythological character is placed in the boss position of the capital. In the same way as the Porolissum capital, the upper part of the head at Jerash is flat, at the same level with the top surface of the capital, so the faces of the characters are looking downward. A stone head in high relief from the sanctuary at Si’a (Hauran, South Syria) placed in the center of the lintel over the main entrance in the temple of Baalshamîn showed a beardless young man crowned with rays. It was interpreted as the representation of sun god, or of Baalshamîn himself.67 The beardless face is triangular‑shaped, the hair curled and short, the eyes (pupilless) big almond shaped, the long nose and the mouth with thin lips, and the position of the ears all remind of the head at Porolissum (Pl. III/c), although the artist not necessarily intended to show the same divinity. The style of the basalt region of Hauran with simplification of the face’s volume, the emphasized, double contoured wide eyes, the ears placed high on the head and frontally depicted, the fixed expression of the mouth are features recognizable on the capital at Porolissum. Besides the Nabataean association of the style of the face, we expect this influence to have been brought at Porolissum by the Palmyrene military unit. We do not have any direct evidence of any Nabataean presence at Porollisum, but they were known as very good merchants and skillful builders. Their active presence in Palmyra is recorded in inscriptions68, as well as their religious influence on Palmyrenes’ religion.69 Palmyrene‑Nabataean commercial relations are also recorded.70 Nabataean religious and architectural heritage is better illustrated by the merlon from Porolissum. It was worked in a yellowish limestone, having four stairs on each side symmetrically disposed to a central axis. The dimensions: base’s length = 0.85 m; maximum high = 0.62 m; width = 0.15-0.18 m (Pl. VI/d; e). A flame palmette (anthemion) ornament frequently used for decoration of antefixes in Greek and Hellenistic architecture has been carved on the outer face. This has been very popular motif and spread all the way to the Hellenistic Bactria, as in the town Aï Khanoum (Afghanistan).71 In addition, a carved border line framing the decorative motif is visible all around the contour of the outer face. The decor was very probably painted originally.72 More merlons ornamented with the same type of anthemion as that at Porolissum are known from the temple of Baalshamîn from Palmyra (Pl. VI/b).73Rows of similar merlons were placed along the upper part of the architrave of the temple of Bel at Palmyra, forming a

64 COLLAR/VICARI 1969, 145–149. 65 FISCHER 1989, 128. 66 CALLAHAN 2014, 83–85, Fig. 21. 67 ALMASRI/MUSTAFA 2019, 75, Fig. 19 b. 68 TEIXIDOR 1973. 69 COLLART/VICARI 1969, 190–198; 202 about the Nabataean origin of the god Baalshamîn and his temple. 70 GRAF/SIDEBOTHAM 2003, 73. 71 LECUYOT/ISHIZAWA 2005, 65. 72 As for example in the paintings from the “Tomb of palmettes” from Mieza-Lefkadia (Greece) dating from the end of the 4th – beginning of the 3rd centuries BC (ROMIOPOULOU/BREKOULAKI 2002). 73 COLLART/VICARI 1969, Pl. XCII, no. 3. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 109 sort of ornamented balustrade around the cult‑purposed flat roof (Pl. VI/a). A limestone corner merlon dating from the first phase of the temple ofAllat from Palmyra (Pl. VI/c) had a similar design.74 The reconstruction of this monument shows the roof of the small shrine having all around the edges of the roof a row of merlons, with a bigger central one on the central axis, above the entrance (Pl. VII/a).75 The merlon from the Temple of Bel at Porolissum was also a central one, being probably placed on top of the porticus’ roof, on the axis of the entrance. The significance of merlons in Oriental architecture is to be searched in the history of the region. Likely the crowsteps motifs originated are to be found in Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Persian, Parthian, Arabian civilizations.76 From these roots, the crowsteps motif was adopted and became the main feature of Nabataean architecture mainly in the rock-cut tomb facades (Pl. VII/d) from the 1st century BC77 till the Roman imperial period. It was the element that brought the Oriental touch to the Hellenistic pattern. The crowstep motif in the Nabataean culture had a sacred meaning as a symbol of the “high place” related to their supreme god Dushara and other gods. It was also the symbol of the throne (mwtb) of the gods.78 The crowsteps motif has also a secular interpretation, by this way the Nabataeans making themselves distinctive.79 From the Nabataeans the crowsteps were adopted in the religious architecture at Palmyra, being used in the well-known temples of Bel, Baalshamîn and Allat. Combination of the crowstep shape with the palmette ornament on the merlon at Porolissum represents an example of the Hellenized Oriental decoration in Palmyra. The Palmyrene archers brought by Hadrian in Dacia carried with them their religious beliefs and also, their specific religious architecture. Moreover, the way of carving the Corinthian capital and the merlon used in the architecture of the temple of Bel at Porolissum prove the activity of a workshop where Oriental stone carvers were present. They have seen original Palmyrene or Nabataean monuments and have the knowledge of producing them at Porolissum. The important position of the Palmyrene community at Porolissum makes this hypothesis plausible. An additional evidence for the activity of this oriental workshop at Porolissum are the few fragmentary votive altars having the capitals ornamented with corner crowsteps motif (Pl. VIII). R. Zăgreanu’s typology of altars included them in “IV b type” where he took in consideration the lack of acroteria and its replacement with steps descending towards the centre of the pediment, proposing its origin in Lower Pannonia.80 One of these above mentioned Porollisum votive altars it is worth a more detailed look. The surviving upper part was decorated with steps on all sides (Pl. VIII/a). On the front face an eagle was carved between the two descending crowsteps. On each lateral side a man’s figure is placed in the same position as the eagle, while on the back side the moon is depicted.81 The mentioned author considers that the eagle can be in relation with the cult of Iupiter Dolichenus, but it might be a simple decoration as well. However, the corner crowsteps from the altar are miniatural images of the roof of the Palmyrene temples. Every face of the altar has two descending crowsteps identical with the facade of the tombs at Nabataean sites, as Meda’in Salih (Pl. VII/d).82 An eagle on top of the roof temple or placed inside are recurrent in the Palmyrene religion constructions. It existed in the temple of Bel representing the heavenly vault. Bel is assisted on his right by

74 GAWLIKOWSKI 2008, 535, Fig. 3. 75 GAWLIKOWSKI 2008, Fig. 7. 76 RABADEH/RABADY 2014, 24–26. 77 RABADEH/RABADY 2014, 22. 78 RABADEH/RABADY 2014, 26–32. 79 RABADEH/RABADY 2014, 32–33. 80 ZĂGREANU 2016, 220. 81 ZĂGREANU 2016, 221. 82 CALLAHAN 2014. 110 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

Yarhibōl, the Sun, and to the left by Aglibōl, the Moon.83 In the temple of Baalshamîn the eagle is also present on the lintel of the exedra and the busts of Sun and Moon.84 Both supreme gods are envisioned as rulers of the universe.85 From this point of view, the representation from the votive altar at Porolissum emphasizes the conclusion that the corner crowsteps from the altar are not just decorative, or schematic manner of replacement of acroteria, but they had a clear symbolic meaning, being ordered by Palmyrene clients to Palmyrene or Oriental masters of a workshop at Porolissum. The votive altars of IOM dedicated by P. Aelius Malachus and P. Aelius Iacubus (Pl. VII/c), both Palmyrenes from the municipal aristocracy, are also ornamented on the capital with geometric motifs86, which were possible schematic, hidden crowsteps motifs, due to the official position of the two citizens in the Roman civilian and religious life of the municipium. Besides the Temple of Bel, the cult complex was comprised of another building with a porticus opened towards a square having in the center an altar for sacrifices and libations. The building was identified as a banqueting hall where ritual meetings of groups of worshipers took place.87

The 3D reconstruction of the cult complex of Bel We started by redrawing the plan of the buildings found on the site based on the dimensions gathered and published by D. Gh. Tamba. As mentioned in the paragraph discussing the chronology of the temple, a first cult building likely existed and was later incorporated in the future structures of the temple. As recorded at the temple of Baalshamîn in Palmyra, this first building resembles a hamānā. Significant is the orientation of this building, perfectly on the East‑West axis, with the apse on the Western side similar to others in the Hauran and Trachon area where we found influences for this building.88 Afterwards, preserving the sacred or ornated apse and filling or elevating its interior the first phase of the temple was built. This first phase of the temple has a different orientation (20° deviated South from the East‑West axis) (Pl. I). We assume that this orientation was necessary to make room for a larger temple than the one conceived initially; a 40 by 40 Roman feet resembling the temple at Musmyieh89 would have been otherwise hard to squeeze towards the banquet hall in the neighbourhood. So, the temple was extended from a cella towards South-East facing the altar and the old apse was integrated in the layout. An alignment and a processional alley were traced between the altar and the entry. At such dimensions, interior columns90 would have been needed. Examples of temples of similar sizes like Musmyieh (at 40 by 40 Roman feet, Pl. IX/a) have interior columns. The temple at Musmyiehis a building that seems to set the use of interior columns inside temples and afterwards churches in a basilical manner for halls with large public access. We next reconstructed the second phase of the temple when obvious efforts were made to consolidate the building and to rebuild the roof after the fire. The new or probably preserved from the previous phase room in front of the temple as wide as the temple and almost touching the corner of the banqueting hall prone us to consider that the temple could not have been all together diminished between the inner walls (rather slim – 55 cm in width) that replaced the rows of interior columns. We consider that this room

83 GAWLIKOWSKI 2015, 249–250. 84 GAWLIKOWSKI 2015, 250. 85 STARCKY 1990, 153–155. 86 ZĂGREANU 2016, Pl. IV/A8; A9. 87 A detailed approach in this volume, OPREANU 2020. 88 SEGAL 2008, 116. 89 MA’RZ 1990; SEGAL 1998. 90 TAMBA 2008. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 111 in front of the temple in this second phase to be part of the re‑consacration of the temple as a sort of a portico, a view different from the previous interpretations of A. Diaconescu (Pl. XIV).91 The arguments in favor of our view of the reconstruction are the following. The lateral opening of this porticus relates with the porticus of the banqueting hall (Pl. XVI/a) both having almost the same depth (15 Roman feet), even if they are not done at the same time and with the same basements. As the porticus was added to the entire front of the temple it is most likely that it resembled a Roman‑Greek temple as seen in the Hauran and Trachon areas of Roman Syria and built for the Palmyrene community at Porolissum and in line with the other evidences for the Porollisum Palmyrenes presented previously in our article. The front of the temple at Porolissum matched the so‑called praetorium from Mushmyieh (Pl. IX/b)92 or the front of the building and portico of the synagogue from Baraam (Pl. XI/a; b; c)93 built a bit later. The elements of classical orders as found on site suggest a more representative and identifying front aspect than an entrance structure seen seen on Porolissum’s strip houses (Pl. XV/a; b; c) favoring our interpretation as a portico. The Corinthian capital bearing the human head figure as a boss on the abacus that was found at the site was the essential element for our artistic reconstruction of this aforementioned second phase portico for the Bel temple at Porolissum. We used the capital in the portico in a similar manner as at Baalshamîn’s temple in Palmyra and at the sanctuary in Si’a94 where were found similar human head decorated capitals were found. From the base of the capital we deducted the upper diameter of the shaft of the column. As didactically recommended by Vitruvius this diameter correlates with the lower bottom of the shaft. That revealed to us the overall necessity for the base for such a column (Pl. XII/b; c). Fortunately, this dimension fits with the width of the basement wall and presumed first wall at the entrance of the temple on the Eastern side. Taking this into account, we propose a proportionate height for a portico in hexastyle at the entrance (Pl. XII/a). The use of six columns at the entrance fits a traced model for such a basilical (Pl. IX/a; Pl. X) or synagogal plan (Pl. XI/a) that we have at this temple. The four engaged column bases (their columns could have been even detached from the wall) on the entrance wall would suggest a tetrastyle portico. But considering the dimensions of the column as described above and the width of the temple of 13.50 m (wider than tetrastyle temples, e.g. the Roman temple of Isryie95 which is only 10 m wide), we propose a portico in hexastyle to have been built in the second phase of the temple (Pl. XII/a). The fluted shaft, rather small (d = 30 cm) discovered on the site would have been used on this entrance wall or in the interior as an engaged column (Pl. XIII/a; b). We could say the same about its usage for the column base found on site (Pl. XIII/c). In sum, based on these models and assumptions stated above, we propose a pediment with a Syrian arch facing Southeast and the altar. This is in accord with funerary steles found at Porolissum and with other sources which indicate that the Syrian arch was a well used element in Dacia96 (Pl. IX/b; c; Pl. VII/b; Pl. XI/b; c) as in other analogous temples from Hauran and Trachon area.97 The width of the elevation for the portico, its slight misalignment with the entrance in the hall of the temple and with the proportionate height for the portico led to a difference in height between portico and temple’s naos and pronaos. The naos must have been higher than the

91 DIACONESCU 2011, 147–148, Pl. IX; XI. 92 FISCHER/OVADIAH/ROLL 1984. 93 KOHL/WATZINGER 1916, 89–100, Abb. 186; 191. 94 ALMASRI/MUSTAFA 2019, 75, Fig. 19 b. 95 GOGRÄFE 1997. 96 DIACONESCU 2011. 97 SEGAL 2008. 112 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș portico due to their proportions. We base our assumptions on the basilical looking plan with possibly an upper level over the cella for cult issues. There is also a tight closeness between the corner of the portico and the corner of the banqueting hall (Pl. XVI/b; c). Hence, it is not likely that the portico would have reached the height of the temple and of the nearby banqueting hall. This hall was constructed left to the temple (only 80 cm apart) and it offers supporting evidence for the temple’s height. It was a considerably sized building (23.00 × 13.20 m) and it had certainly a portico as elevations for columns’ bases dimensioned at 90 × 90 cm were found in the excavation. Its intercolumn space indicates a potentially proportionate height for this hall built in a wide areostyle with most probably plastered wooden lintels between columns (Pl. XVII/b). The height of the temple should have been equal or higher, both having approximately the same general dimensions in plan. As we mentioned, we built our front reconstruction for the temple on the described Corinthian capital found in the old excavations. However, other explanations might be possible. This capital could have been used to top one of the columns in the interior or to ornament the apse. In this hypothesis, the porticus’ height could have been even higher (Pl. XV/a; b; c) than the banqueting hall so that their eaves would not intersect. However, because the misalignments in front of the temple, the banqueting hall being likely built before and due to the wide front of the temple we consider that a lower height of the temple portico (Pl. XVII/b) that we propose here is more adequate even if an entrance proportionated with the main building like this is mostly found in synagogues and later church like buildings. We used also the merlon in our reconstruction. Based on its symmetrical incised design we propose a frontal position for it on top of the portico because the design is a flame palmette often used on acroteria of various temples and monuments. As seen at Allat/Baalshamîn temple (Pl. VII/a) and Bel temple from Palmyra (Pl. VI/a) and frequently used in Palmyrene and Nabatean buildings, this architectural element is tracing back to the Near East well developed architecture contemporary to this temple and to its innovative way of incorporating ethnic traces in a Hellenistic‑Roman model. We are not using this element as a balustrade for a terrace because it is not likely that at Porolissum there will be terrace roofs for large constructions due to climatic issues. Cultic roof terraces as in Palmyra are for now hard to imagine here. So, its usage could have been rather in this Greek‑Roman manner, furnishing the corners of the pediment, in a position that would be representative for the community attending the temple (as implied by the palmette design as well). We rejected also its usages on top of cornices due to climatic issues and also because this kind of usage would have been accompanied by gutters carved into cornices with Roman gargoyles; systems and elements not found yet at Porolissum. We also propose that the temple had a surrounding area like a temenos. From the access near the road to the cella, from the profane space to the sacred one there must have been thresholds to be tread upon, to stop or to guard.98 Thus, surrounding the ritual pit (Pl. XVII/a) at least, between the wooden posts of 50 cm in diameter (whose traces were found on pit’s edge edge99), we proposed a rail with a lattice or a diagrid design. This would have protected a pit of sacred value like this (3.5–4 m deep) together with a round roof as initially archaeologists suggested (Pl. XVI/c). We proposed that an enclosure of some sort, railings, latticed chancels, screens, doors and thresholds, as well as curtains (Pl. XIV/d) are most probably needed to be incorporated in a detailed reconstruction of this temple. The study of the enclosure with all the rituals performed here could also shed some light for the design of the altar. Former excavations point out that three steps were built to reach a platform elevating most probably an altar. The altar is placed in front of the entrance of the

98 BRANHAM 1992. 99 TAMBA 2008. The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 113 banqueting hall and in lined with the hamānā. They could have been very well functioning together from the beginning. Both were partially preserved afterwards. We reconstruct here the altar on its elevated platform with known dimensions in plan (2 × 2.5 m)furnished with crowsteps motifs on corners as seen in the votive altars and funerary steles found at Porollisum or in high altars in the Hauran and Trachon area. Although we incorporated and reevaluated previous descriptions of the Temple’s site as well as all the extensive excavations (Pl. XVIII), our conclusions would benefit from further investigations and probing at the temple. Investigating the basements of the apse and inner walls and the rebuilding and consolidation done in the second phase over the first phase of the temple would provide a more accurate image about this temple. Searching and finding evidence of our supposed temenos would also be highly relevant. In conclusion, in our view, the Temple of Bel from Porolissum could have had a more Vitruvian aspect than previously proposed with a look of a hexastyle prostyle temple in its second phase. We consider that it was largely built bearing all the elements and proportions of a classical temple of medium size in an Oriental manner. The temple, together with the altar, processional alley, ritual pit(s), banqueting hall suggests an entire cult complex (Pl. XVII/c) for an established and also travelling community as seen in the Near East. Our work should provide most useful insights for other public buildings and monuments at Porolissum built and used by this Oriental community.

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The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural temple Perspective 119 - phase II

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walls of the hamana

walls and columns of the temple - phase I

walls and proposed columns of the temple - phase II

1. temple 2. altar elevated platform 3. ritual pit 4. roman road 5. banquet hall 6. room with hypocaust in the banqueting hall consolidations - phase II

GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. I. The plan of the first chapel and of the cult complex of Bel at Porolissum (original drawing, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ). 120 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. II. The Corinthian capital from the temple of Bel at Porolissum (lapidarium of the County’s History and Art Museum Zalău; photos, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ); broken fleuron (a); top view (b); side view (c); another abacus flower (d); antropomorphic image on the abacus (e). The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 121

Pl. III. Anthropomorphic image of the capital (lapidarium of the County’s History and Art Museum Zalău; photos, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ); side view (a); downward looking figure (b); face details (c); top view

GSPublisherEngine(d). 0.0.100.100 122 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

GSPublisherEnginePl. IV. 0.0.100.100 Faces from Near East monuments; funerary portraits from The Archaeological Museum of Palmyra (a) (after SOKOLOWSKI 2017, Fig. 8); funerary portraits from The Archaeological Museum of Damascus (b) (after SOKOLOWSKI 2017, Fig. 9); Nabataean „eye-idol”(c) (after ACCETTOLA 2012, Fig. 6.1); Nabataean head from Meda’in Salih (d) (after CALLAHAN 2014, Fig. 35). The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 123

Pl. V. Capitals with human heads from the Near East; capital in the portico from the temple of Baalshamîn in Palmyra (after COLLART/VICARI 1969; photograph archive of the excavations of P. Collart, University of Lausanne IAS-COL 55229503) (a); corinthian capital with boss headed from the temple of Zeus at Jerash

GSPublisherEngine(after 0.0.100.100 CALLAHAN 2014) (b); 124 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. VI. Oriental merlons with carved palmettes; corner merlon from the temple of Bel at Palmyra (a) (credit Judith McKenzie / Manar al-Athar); merlons from the temple of Allat / Baalshamîn in Palmyra (b; c) (after COLLART/VICARI 1969, Pl. XCII, nr. 3; photograph archive of the excavations of P. Collart, University of Lausanne IAS-COL 55228180; GAWLICOWSKI 2008); limestone merlon found at Porolissum (d; e) (lapidarium of the County’s History and Art Museum Zalău; photos, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ) The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 125

GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. VII. Use of merlons in Syria; reconstruction of the 1st shrine of Allat at Palmyra (a) (after GAWLIKOWSKI 2008); reconstruction for the temple in Isryie (b) (after GOGRÄFE 1997); votive altar of P. Aelius Iacubus from Porolissum (c) (after ZĂGREANU 2016); Quasr al Farid tomb facade with crowsteps motif from Meda'in Salih (d) (by Richard Hargas own work CC BY SA 4.0 ). 126 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

b. c.

GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. VIII. Votive altars decorated with crowstep motifs from Porolissum (after ZĂGREANU 2016). The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 127

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Pl. IX. Temple at Musmyieh: plan and reconstruction (after SEGAL 2008, Pl. XXVIII, drawings by Eran Ben-Dov, A. Seagal's collection). 128 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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Pl. X. Temple at Tel Kadesh: plan view (after FISCHER/OVADIAH/ROLL 1984, Fig. 3).

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Pl. XI. Synagogue at Kfar Bar’am; plan view (a); facade reconstruction (b); perspective view of reconstructed synagogue (c) (after KOHL/WATZINGER 1916); images taken from The Bornblum Eretz Israel Synagogues Website, https://synagogues.kinneret.ac.il. 130 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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Pl. XII. Height for the proposed porticus of the temple of Bel at Porolissum (a); front view (b); capital and proportionate reconstructed column (c) (original drawing, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ); front view (after GHERGARIU 1980) The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 131

GSPublisherEnginePl. XIII. 0.0.100.100 Engaged column from Bel temple at Porolissum; side view (a); back view (b) (lapidarium of the County’s History and Art Museum Zalău; photos, architect FLAMINIU TALOȘ); front view (c) (after GHERGARIU 1980). 132 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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Pl. XIV. Proposed reconstruction for the temple of Bel at Porolissum (after DIACONESCU 2011). The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 133

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Pl. XV. Temple’s height porticus (© Ars Longa ) (a); perspective view along the banqueting hall (b); aerial view- tight closeness between temple and banqueting hall (c); the Bel cultic complex’s buildings. 134 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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Pl. XVI. Lower height porticus (© Ars Longa) (a); perspective view from the road, from the east (b); porticus under the eaves of the banqueting hall; aerial view of the complex (c). The Cult Complex of Bel at Porolissum. A Historical and Architectural Perspective 135

©Ars Longa

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Pl. XVII. Lower height porticus (© Ars Longa) (a); perspective view over the ritual pit (b); height relations between buildings; porticus and gable facing east and altar (c). 136 Coriolan Horațiu Opreanu, Flaminiu Taloș

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GSPublisherEngine 0.0.100.100 Pl. XVIII. Comparative plans of studied temples; idealized plan version for the Bel temple at Porolissum (a); temple of Zeus at Kanawat (b) (after SEGAL 2008), Pl. XXIII; temple at Musmyieh (c) (after SEGAL 2008); synagogue at Kfar Bar’am (d) (after KOHL/WATZINGER 1916); image taken from The Bornblum Eretz Israel Synagogues Website, https://synagogues.kinneret.ac.il.